part I

think he has faith; I have seen strong indications of it; but as it is a faith born of fear and slavishness, and as, moreover, he is enchained by a multitude of bad habits, he has great difficulty in abandoning the wicked liberty of the Savages [100] and submitting to the yoke of the law of God.

Le 21. de Mars, vn Sauuage mangeant chez nous à terre, selon leur coustume, s'arresta tout court, disant qu'il ne mangeroit pas dauantage, autrement qu'il mourroit: Ie luy demanday pourquoy, il me dit qu'il auoit veu vne lumiere brillãte tourner tout à l'entour du plat: ie voulus mettre la main sur le plat, il s'escria, K_higa nipin_, K_higa nipin_, tu mourras, tu mourras: Or comme ie commence à cognoistre leurs fantaisies, pour luy faire voir sa simplicité: ie prends vne cuillerée ou deux de ce qu'il mãgeoit, & en mangeay moy-mesme, il commence à me regarder comme tout estonné, & voyant que ie n'auois point de mal; i'en mãgeray aussi, fit-il, puis que tu en as mangé.

On the 21st of March, a Savage who was eating at our house, upon the ground, according to their custom, stopped suddenly, saying that he would eat no more,--if he did, he would die. I asked him why, and he told me that he has seen a bright light revolve around his plate. I was about to put my hand upon the plate, and he cried out, _Khiga nipin, Khiga nipin_, "Thou wilt die, thou wilt die." Now as I am becoming familiar with their fancies, to make him understand his simplicity, I took a spoonful or two of what he was eating, and ate it myself. He looked at me with astonishment, and, seeing that I was not sick, "I will eat also," said he, "since thou hast eaten of it."

On dit que quelques Basques ou Anglois leurs ont baillé l'apprehension [101] que les François les vouloient empoisonner. C'est pourquoy plusieurs vous inuitent de gouster le premier de ce que vous leur presentez. En quoy il arriua vne chose agreable à vn Sauuage fort adonné a boire: le sieur du Plessis luy ayãt fait presenter vn verre de vin, ou de sidre; il se tourne, & le donne à vn François pour en taster: ce François le tasta si bien, qu'il n'y laissa rien. Le Sauuage qui le voyoit faire, crioit prou _egouspé, egouspé_, c'est assez, c'est assez: mais l'autre tira iusques au bout, puis presenta le verre tout vuide au Sauuage, pour l'apprendre vne autre fois à quitter ces deffiances.

It is said that some Basques or Englishmen have communicated to them the fear [101] that the French were seeking to poison them. That is why many of the Savages invite you to first taste whatever you give them. Apropos of this, a very amusing thing happened to a Savage who was much addicted to drink. Sieur du Plessis having presented him with a glass of wine, or of cider, he turned about, and gave it to a Frenchman to taste; this Frenchman tasted it so well, that there was none of it left. The Savage, who saw what he was doing, cried out, _egouspé, egouspé_, "It is enough, it is enough." But the other drank the last drop, giving the empty glass to the Savage, as a lesson that, another time, he must be less suspicious.

Le 22. nostre Pierre ayant pris vn Castor, vne Sauuage l'ayant écorché, nostre frere le prit & le laua: ceste femme voyant qu'il faisoit tomber à terre le sang de cét animal, s'écria, en verité cét homme n'a point [102] d'esprit, & se tournant vers Pierre, luy dit, tu ne prendras plus de Castors, on a respandu le sang du tien: c'est vne de leurs superstitions, qu'il ne faut point respandre à terre le sang pur du Castor, si on veut auoir bonne chasse, du moins Pierre nous le dit ainsi.

On the 22nd, our Pierre having caught a Beaver, a Savage skinned and our brother washed it. This woman, seeing that he let some of the blood of the animal fall to the ground, cried out: "In truth, this man has no [102] sense;" and turning to Pierre she said: "Thou wilt take no more Beavers, for the blood of thine has been spilled." It is one of their superstitions that you must not spill the pure blood of the Beaver upon the ground, if you wish to have good hunting, at least Pierre has told us so.

Le premier iour d'Auril le Capitaine des Algonquains nous vint voir, & nous apporta de la chair d'Elan, ses gens en auoient tué dix, quoy qu'vn Sauuage vous donne pour vn grand mercy, (c'est vn mot qu'ils ont appris des François) il leur faut rendre quelqu'autre chose pour vn autre grand'mercy, autrement vous serez tenu pour vn ingrat. Ils reçoiuent assez volontiers sans donner: mais ils ne sçauent que c'est de donner sans receuoir. Il est vray que si vous les voulez suiure dãs les bois, ils vous nourriront sans vous riẽ demander, [103] s'ils croient que vous n'ayez riē: Mais s'ils s'apperçoiuẽt que vous ayez quelque chose, & qu'ils en ayẽt enuie, ils ne cesseront de vous presser que vous ne leur ayez donné.

On the first day of April, the Captain of the Algonquains came to see us, and brought us some Elk meat, his people having killed ten of these animals. Although the Savages will give you something for a "thank you," (this is a word they have learned from the French), you must make them some return for another "thank you," otherwise you will be looked upon as ungrateful. They are willing enough to receive without giving; but they do not know what it is to give without receiving. It is true that, if you will follow them into the woods, they will feed you without asking anything of you, [103] if they think that you have nothing. But if they see that you have something, and they want it, they will not stop asking you for it until you have given it.

Pour retourner à ce Capitaine, ie luy demanday s'il auoit vn fils, & s'il ne vouloit point nous le dōner pour l'instruire; il me demanda combien ie voulois d'enfans, & que i'en auois desia deux: ie luy dis qu'auec le tẽps peutestre i'en nourrirois vingt, il s'étonna: Habilleras-tu bien, me dit-il, tant de mõde? Ie respondis que nous ne les prendrions pas que nous n'eussions le moyen de les habiller, il repart qu'il seroit bien content de nous donner le sien, mais que sa fẽme ne le voudroit pas. Les femmes ont icy vn grand pouuoir: qu'vn hõme vous promette quelque chose, s'il ne tient pas sa promesse, il pense s'estre bien excusé, quand il vous a [104] dit que sa femme ne l'a pas voulu: ie luy dis donc qu'il estoit le maistre, & qu'en France les femmes ne commandoient point à leurs maris: cela est bien, dit-il, mais pour mon fils ie suis assez sçauant pour l'instruire, ie luy apprẽdray à haranguer: instruits premierement les Montagnaits, si cela reüssit bien, nous te donnerons nos enfans.

To return to this Captain; I asked him if he had a son, and if he would not give him to us to be educated. He asked me how many children I wanted, and [said] that I already had two. I told him that in time I should perhaps feed twenty. He was astonished. "Wilt thou clothe so many as well?" asked he. I answered him that we would not take them until we had the means to clothe them. He replied that he would be very glad to give us his son, but that his wife did not wish to do so. The women have great power here. A man may promise you something, and, if he does not keep his promise, he thinks he is sufficiently excused when he tells you [104] that his wife did not wish to do it. I told him then that he was the master, and that in France women do not rule their husbands. "That is very well," said he, "but I know enough to instruct my son; I shall teach him to make speeches. Instruct the Montagnaits first; if thou succeedest well, then we will give thee our children."

Ie luy parlay de Dieu, il m'escoutoit fort attentiuement: Ie luy enseignay quelque petite priere en langage Montagnaits qu'il entend fort bien; il les prononçoit en sa langue, & me promit qu'il les diroit souuẽt. Or cõme le tẽps me pressoit d'aller reciter mon office, ie luy dis que i'allois prier Dieu: il me suiuit, entra dãs ma chambrette, & s'y tint iusques à ce que i'eusse acheué, me faisãt aprés plusieurs interrogations; bref il ne s'en retourna qu'à la nuict.

I talked to him about God, and he listened very attentively. I taught him a little prayer in the Montagnaits language which he understands very well. He repeated it in his tongue, and promised me that he would say it often. Then, as the time had come for me to go and recite my office, I told him that I was going to pray to God. He followed me, entered my little room, and remained there until I had finished, asking me a number of questions afterward. In short, he did not go away until night.

[105] Le 18. & le 20. d'Auril, il tonna fort & ferme auec de grands éclairs, & cependant la riuiere estoit encor glacée, & la terre couuerte de neige; ce qui fait voir qu'il y a de la chaleur en l'air, & que ces neiges & froids sont accidentels, & contre la nature du climat: noꝰ sommes parallelles à la Rochelle, cõme i'ay desia dit. Tous les François pourront tesmoigner qu'ils n'ont point veu dans le cœur de la France mois de May si chaud, que celuy qu'ils ont esprouué à Kebec.

[105] On the 18th and 20th of April, it thundered loudly and violently, with sharp flashes of lightning, and yet the river was still frozen, and the ground white with snow; this showed us that there was heat in the air, and these snows and this cold were accidental and contrary to the nature of the climate. We are on a parallel with la Rochelle, as I have already said. All the Frenchmen can testify that they have never seen in the heart of France so warm a month of May as they have experienced in Kebec.

La chaleur est icy grande & brûlante; & cependant i'ay remarqué depuis que ie suis icy qu'il a gelé tous les mois de l'année. Ie ne m'estonne point de ces gelées: nous auons du costé du Nord vne chaisne de montagnes peut-estre de cent ou deux cens lieues d'estendue. Nous ne sommes pas éloignez de six lieuës de ces [106] monts prodigieux, & peutestre tousiours couuerts de neiges: Ie vous laisse à penser si les vents qui passent par là nous peuuent apporter beaucoup de chaleur. De plus nous sommes dans les bois de 800 ou mille lieuës. Nous habitons les bords de deux fleuues, dont l'vn engloutiroit les quatre beaux fleuues de France sans regorger. Voila les vrayes causes & alimens du froid. Si le pays estoit découuert iusques à ces montagnes; nous aurions peutestre l'vne des plus fœcondes vallées qui soient en l'vniuers: L'expérience nous fait voir que les bois engendrent les frimas & les gelées. Les terres de ceste famille qui est icy estant plus découuertes que les nostres, sont plustost déchargées de neiges, & moins sujettes à ces froids du matin. Les nostres aussi ne sentent point ces rigueurs si souuent, que celles de la [107] maison des RR. Peres Recolets qui sont plus referrez dans les bois.

The heat here is intense and burning, and yet I have observed since I have been here that there has been frost every month of the year. I am not surprised at these frosts. We have on the North of us a chain of mountains, probably one or two hundred leagues in extent. We are not distant six leagues from these [106] stupendous mountains, probably always covered with snow.[42] I leave you to decide whether the wind coming from that direction can bring much heat. Besides, we are in a forest covering from 800 to a thousand leagues. We live upon the banks of two rivers, one of which would swallow up the four great rivers of France without overflowing. Behold herein the real cause and source of the cold. If the country were cleared as far as the mountains, we should probably have one of the most fruitful valleys in the universe. Experience teaches us that the woods engender cold and frosts. The lands owned by the family living here, having been cleared more than ours, are sooner freed from snow, and less subject to cold in the morning. Neither do we feel these rigors so often as do those who live in the [107] house of the Reverend Recolet Fathers, who are farther in the woods.

Il y a quantitè de iours en hyuer dont l'ardeur du Soleil se fait bien plus fortement ressentir qu'en France. Le premier iour que ie vey nostre riuiere prise, ie m'estonnay, car le temps estoit fort doux; & cherchant la raison de cela, celle-cy me vint en pensée. La riuiere se glace tousiours sur les bords, & quand la marée viẽt à monter, elle dètache ces glaces, & les ameine en haut. Or est-il que nõ pas loin de nous il y a vn fault, ou des rochers qui empeschent les glaces a la marée de passer plus outre. Ces glaces estant donc ramassées & pressées sur cette riuiere, qui est au milieu d'vn si grand bois, où le froid & la neige se conseruent aisément: elles se lient ensemble, & ainsi de mille & mille glaces il s'en fait vne qui se va grossissant tous les iours, & [108] qui fait vn grand pont sur toute la riuiere. La Lombardie n'est pas loin des Alpes dont le sommet est tousiours blanc de neige, & neantmoins ie ne sçay si l'Europe a quelque vallée plus agréable & plus fertile que cette contrée: i'en dy le mesme du lieu que nous habitons s'il estoit deserté & cultiue. Voila ma pensée touchant le pays: si ie me trompe ce n'est pas merueille, cela m'arriue assez souuent, tout gist à le deserter: mais ô mõ Dieu, que de peine à purger vne forest embarassee d'arbres tombez! ie dirois volontiers depuis le deluge.

There are many days in the winter when the heat of the Sun makes itself felt a great deal more than it does in France. The first day that I saw our river frozen, I was astonished, because it was very mild weather; and, in seeking a reason for it, this came to my mind. A river always freezes first along its banks; and, when the tide rises, it loosens this ice and carries it higher up. Now, not far from us there is a waterfall or some rocks, which prevent the tidal ice from passing beyond them. This ice being thus massed and pressed together in the river, which is in the midst of so great a wood that the snow and cold are easily preserved, it becomes consolidated; and thousands and thousands of blocks of ice are frozen into one mass which goes on increasing every day, [108] making a great bridge over the whole river. Lombardy is not far from the Alps, the summits of which are always white with snow, and yet I do not know that Europe has a more agreeable and more fertile valley than that country. I would say the same of the place in which we live, if it were cleared and cultivated. This is my opinion touching this country; if I am mistaken, it is not strange, as that happens to me often; everything depends upon clearing the land. But oh, my God! What labor there will be in clearing a forest encumbered with fallen trees, I might well say, since the deluge.

Le 23. du mesme mois d'Auril, nous veismes partir les glaces, cela est effroyable: on m'a dit qu'on en auoit veu passer devãt le fort lõgues d'vne demie lieuë; ce sont des ances d'eau glacée que la marée de la grãde riuiere va détachant. Sur nostre [109] petite riuiere les glaces n'y sõt pas si affreuses, & neantmoins ie leur ay veu emporter de gros morceaux de terre, arracher des souches, briser quelques arbres qu'elles entouroiẽt. On en voit marcher de tous droits dessus ces glaces au beau milieu de la riuiere, qui en vne seule marée paroist aussi belle & aussi claire, comme si elle n'auoit point esté glacée.

On the 23rd of the same month of April we saw the ice float away; it is a frightful spectacle. I was told that pieces half a league long were seen passing before the fort. These are the banks of frozen water which the current of the great river goes on loosening. Upon our [109] little river the ice is not so alarming; nevertheless I have seen it carry away large pieces of earth, tear up stumps, and crush the trees which it had enclosed. You can see them [the trees] moving erect on these pieces of ice, in the very middle of the river, which in a single tide appears as beautiful and as clear as if it had never been frozen.

Le 7. de May, vn Sauuage estant venu voir la Nasse nostre voisin: cõme ie vey qu'il se portoit mal, ie l'aborday, & luy parlay de Dieu, l'exhortant à auoir recours à luy: il me respondit, Toy, tu cognois Iesus, prie le pour moy, car moy ie ne le cognois point, ie ne cognois que nostre Manitou. Ie luy dis qu'il prononçast souuẽt de cœur ces paroles, O Iesus qui estes bon, ayez pitié de moy, il mourut quelque temps apres.

On the 7th of May a Savage called to see la Nasse, our neighbor; as I saw that he was not well, I addressed him, speaking to him of God and exhorting him to have recourse to him. He answered me: "Thou knowest Jesus, pray to him for me, for I do not know him; I know only our Manitou." I told him to say these words often from his heart: "Oh Jesus, who art good, have pity on me." He died a short time afterward.

Les Montagnaits le tenoient pour [110] l'vn de leurs grands sorciers, ou consulteurs de Manitou: ie sçauray quelque iour si vrayement il y a de la diablerie en leur fait: pour le present ie ne puis dire autre chose que les vns disent que ouy, les autres que non: c'est à dire qu'il n'y a rien d'asseuré.

The Montagnaits held him as [110] one of their great sorcerers or consulters of Manitou.[43] I shall know for certain, some day, whether there is any jugglery in their doings or not. At present, I can only say that some of them say "yes" and others "no." That is to say that there is nothing sure.

I'estois l'an passé maistre de deux escoliers, ie suis deuenu riche, i'en ay maintenant plus de vingt. Aprés le depart de mon maistre, i'ay recueilly & mis en ordre vne partie de ce qu'il m'auoit enseigné, & que i'auois escrit çà & là, m'accommodant à son humeur, qui souuent ne me dictoit que ce qui luy venoit en fantaisie. Ayant donc rallié la pluspart de mes richesses, ie me suis mis à composer quelque chose sur le Catechisme, ou sur les principes de la foy; & prenant mon papier en main, i'ay commencé à appeller quelques enfans auec vne petite clochette. La premiere [111] fois i'en auois six, puis douze, puis quinze, puis vingt; & dauantage ie leur fais dire le _Pater_, _Aue_, & _Credo_, en leur langue: ie leur explique grossierement le mystere de la Sainte Trinité, & de l'Incarnation; & à tous bouts de champ ie leur demande si ie dis bien, s'ils entendent bien, ils me respondent tous, _eoco, eoco, ninisitoutenan_: ouy, ouy, nous entendons. Ie les interroge par apres s'il y a plusieurs Dieu, & laquelle des trois personnes s'est fait homme: ie forge des mots approchans de leur lãgue, que ie leur fais entendre. Nous commẽçons le Catechisme par ceste priere, apres auoir fait le signe de la Croix; _Noukhimami Iesus, ïagoua_ K_histinohimaonitou_ K_hi_K _hitouina caié_ K_hiteritamouïn. Ca cataouachichien Maria ouccaonia Iesu, cacataouachichien Ioseph aïamihitouinan_. Mõ Seigneur ou Capitaine Iesus; enseignez moy vos paroles & vostre volonté! [112] ô bonne Marie Mere de Dieu! ô bon Ioseph priez pour nous.

Last year I was master of two pupils; I have become rich, for I now have more than twenty. After the departure of my teacher, I gathered up and arranged in order a part of what he taught me, and what I had written here and there, accommodating myself to his humor, he often dictating only what happened to suit his fancy. Having thus brought together the greater part of my riches, I began to compose something in the way of a Catechism, or on the principles of the faith. Taking my paper in hand, I began to call a few children by ringing a little bell. At first [111] I had six, then twelve, then fifteen, then twenty, and more. I have them say the _Pater_, the _Ave_, and the _Credo_, in their language. I explain to them, very crudely, the mysteries of the Holy Trinity and of the Incarnation, and at every few words I ask them if I speak well, if they can understand perfectly; they all answer me: _eoco, eoco, ninisitoutenan_, "yes, yes, we understand." Afterwards I ask them whether there are several Gods, and which of the three persons became man. I coin words approximating to their language, which I make them understand. We begin the Catechism by this prayer, after having made the sign of the Cross: _Noukhimami Jesus, ïagoua Khistinohimaonitou Khik hitouina caié Khiteritamouïn. Ca cataouachichien Maria ouccaonia Jesu, cacataouachichien Joseph aïamihitouinan_. "My Lord, or Captain, Jesus, teach me your words and your will! [112] Oh, good Mary, Mother of God! Oh, good Joseph, pray for us!"

Nous finissons par le _Pater noster_ que i'ay composé, quasi en rimes en leur langue, que ie leur fais chanter: & pour derniere conclusion, ie leur fais donner chacun vne escuellée de pois qu'ils mangent de bon appetit: quand ils sont beaucoup, i'en donne seulement à ceux qui ont bien respondu. C'est vn plaisir de les entendre chanter dans les bois ce qu'ils ont appris: les femmes mesme le chantent, & me viennent par fois escouter par la fenestre de ma classe, qui nous sert aussi de refectoir, de despense, de tout. I'estois prest d'aller par les cabanes assembler tous les enfans, mais la venuë de mõsieur Champlain qui nous a amené du monde, m'occuppe pour quelque temps: si tost que ie me seray dégagé de la plus grande presse, ie commenceray [113] cét exercice, ie prie Dieu, pour lequel ie l'entreprens, de le benir.

We finish with a _Pater noster_ that I have composed almost in rhyme, in their language, which I have them sing; and, in conclusion, I have each one of them given a bowlful of peas, which they enjoy very much. When there are many of them, I give only to those who have answered well. It is a pleasure to hear them sing in the woods what they have learned. The women sing also, and come occasionally to listen at the windows of my class room, which serves also as a refectory, pantry, and everything else. I was ready to go to the cabins, to gather in all the children; but the arrival of monsieur Champlain, who brought us some visitors, occupied me for some time. As soon as I am freed from the more pressing duties, I shall again take up [113] this work, praying God, for whom I do it, to bless what I am about to undertake.

Mes escoliers me viennent trouuer d'vne demie lieuë loing pour apprendre ce qui leur est nouueau: il y en a desia quelques-vns qui scauent fort bien qu'il n'y a qu'vn Dieu, que Dieu a tout faict, qu'il s'est faict hõme pour nous, qu'il luy faut obeïr, & que ceux qui ne croiront pas en luy iront dans les feux, & ceux qui luy obeïront iront dans le ciel.

My pupils come to me from a distance of half a league to learn what is so new to them. A number of them know already that there is but one God, that God made all; that he made himself man for us; that we must obey him; and that those who do not believe in him will go into the fire, and that those who obey him will go to heaven.

Quand ie leur parle du Fils de Dieu, ils me demandent si Dieu est marié, puis qu'il a vn fils; ce sont les hommes qui font ceste question. Ils s'estonnent quand ie leur dis que Dieu n'est ny homme ny femme: ils demandent comme il est donc fait: ie responds qu'il n'a ny chair, ny os, qu'il ressemble à l'ame. Il y en eut vn qui me fit rire, car il repartit; il est [114] vray, l'ame n'a point d'os, ny de chair, l'ay veu la mienne, elle n'en auoit point; ie voulus l'instruire là dessus, mais ils n'ont point de paroles pour signifier vne chose puremẽt spirituelle, ou s'ils en ont ie ne les scay pas. Ie ne vay encore qu'à tastõs, & ce qui me donne plus de regret ne les pouuant entendre, c'est que ie preuoy bien que mon ignorance sera de longue durée, tãt pour ce qu'ils n'arrestẽt point en vn lieu, que pour-autant que mes soings vont estre plus partagez qu'ils n'estoient. Dieu pouruoira à tout, il est plus grand que nostre cœur.

When I talk to them about the son of God, they ask me if God is married, as he has a son. It is the men that ask that question. They are astonished when I tell them that God is neither a man nor a woman, they ask how he is made then; I answer that he has neither flesh nor bones, and that he is like the soul. One of them made me laugh, for he replied: "It is [114] true the soul has neither bones nor flesh, I saw mine, and it had neither." I wished to instruct him thereupon; but they have no words to express the purely spiritual ideas, or, if they have, I do not know them. Thus far, I am only feeling my way; and what causes me the most regret is that, not being able to understand them, I perceive that my ignorance will be of long duration, inasmuch as they do not remain long in one locality, and because my cares are going to be more numerous than they have been. God will provide for all; he is greater than our courage.

Au reste le fruict qu'on peut recueillir de ceste mission sera grand, s'il plaist à Dieu: Si les Peres qui sont destinez pour les Hurons, natiõ stable, peuuent entrer dans le pays; & que les guerres ne troublent point ces peuples: il est croyable que dans [115] vne couple d'années, on verra qu'il n'y a nation si barbare qui ne soit capable de recognoistre & honorer son Dieu. On s'estonne que depuis tant d'années qu'on viẽt en la Nouuelle France, on n'entend rien dire de la conuersion des Sauuages, il faut défricher, labourer, & semer, deuant que de receuillir. Qui des Religieux qui ont esté icy a iamais sçeu parfaitement la langue d'aucune nation de ces contrées? _fides ex auditu_, la foy entre par l'aureille. Comment peut vn muet prescher l'Euangile? Au temps que le Pere Brebeuf commençoit à se faire entendre, la venuë des Anglois le contraint de quitter ces pauures peuples, que luy dirent à son depart: Escoute, Tu nous as dit que tu auois vn Pere au Ciel qui auoit tout fait, & que celuy qui ne luy obeïssoit pas, estoit ietté dans des feux. Nous t'auons demandé d'estre instruicts: [116] & tu t'en vais, que ferons nous? Vn Capitaine l'abordant luy dit _Eschom_, ie ne suis pas baptisé, & tu t'en vais, mon ame sera donc perduë, que feray-ie à cela? Tu dis que tu reuiendras; va-t'en donc, & prends courage, reuiens deuant que ie meure. Vn vieillard d'vn autre village que celuy où habitoit le Pere l'entendant parler des choses dernieres, de la recompense des bons, & du chastimẽt des meschans, luy dit, _eschom_, les gens de ton village ne vallent rien; voila de meschans hommes, ils ne nous communiquent point ce que tu leur dis: & cependant cela est si important, qu'il en faut parler au Conseil de tout le pays. Sont-ce pas là des indices d'vne heureuse moisson? Le Diable preuoit bien ce fruict, car de l'heure que ie parle, il fait ce qu'il peut pour empescher la venuë des Hurons; & par consequent pour fermer [117] la porte à l'Euangile, & à ceux qui l'annoncent.

However, the fruit which may be gathered from this mission will be great, if it please God. If the Fathers who are assigned to go to the Hurons, a stationary tribe, are able to enter the country, and if war does not trouble these people, probably in [115] two years it will be seen that there is not a nation so barbarous as not to recognize and honor God. Some are astonished that they hear nothing about the conversion of Savages during the many years that we have been in New France. It is necessary to clear, till, and sow, before harvesting. Who of the Religious who have been here have ever known perfectly the language of any tribe in these countries? _Fides ex auditu_, faith enters by the ear. How can a mute preach the Gospel? When Father Brebeuf was beginning to make himself understood, the arrival of the English compelled him to leave these poor people, who said to him, at his departure: "Listen, thou hast told us that thou hast a Father in Heaven who made all, and that he who did not obey him was cast into the flames. We have asked thee to instruct us; [116] when thou goest away, what shall we do?" A Captain, approaching, said to him: "_Eschom_,[44] I am not baptized and thou art going away; my soul will be lost. What can I do for it? Thou sayest thou wilt return. Go then, and have courage; return before I die." An old man, in a village other than that where the Father lived, hearing him speak of the end of all things, of the reward of the good, and of the punishment of the wicked, said to him: "_eschom_, the people of thy village are worthless; they are wicked men; they do not tell us what you tell them, and, nevertheless, it is so important that we ought to talk of it at the Council of the whole land." Are not these indications of a very gratifying harvest? The Devil foresees this harvest; for, while I am speaking, he is doing all in his power to prevent the Hurons from coming and consequently to shut [117] them out from the Gospel and from those who bring it to them.

Pour ces peuples errants & vagabonds, parmy lesquels Dieu m'a dõné mon departement, quoy que mes souhaits me fissent pancher du costé des nations stables & permanentes, le fruict sera plus tardif, il viendra neantmoins en son temps, i'y voy de bonnes dispositions. Premierement la crainte qu'ont les Algonquains de leurs ennemis les Hiroquois, leur fait abandonner leur pays: & comme ils l'aiment naturellement, ils demandent instãment qu'on aille faire vne habitation parmy eux, ayãs dessein de fermer vn bourg à l'entour du fort qu'on dressera là, & de se ramasser là dedans: ce que Messieurs de la Compagnie de ceste Nouuelle France auront bien agreable. Secondement qui scauroit parfaitement leur langue, il seroit tout-puissant [118] parmy eux, ayant tant soit peu d'eloquence. Il n'y a lieu au monde où la Rhetorique soit plus puissante qu'en Canadas: & neantmoins elle n'a point d'autre habit que celuy que la nature luy a baillé: elle est toute nuë & toute simple, & cependant elle gouuerne tous ces peuples, car leur Capitaine n'est esleu que pour sa langue: & il est autant bien obey, qu'il l'a bien penduë, ils n'ont point d'autres loix que sa parole. Il me semble que Ciceron dit qu'autrefois toutes les nations ont esté vagabondes, & que l'eloquence les a rassemblées: qu'elle a basti des villes & des citez. Si la voix des hommes a tant de pouuoir, la voix de l'esprit de Dieu sera-elle impuissante? Les Sauuages se rendent aisément à la raison, ce n'est pas qu'ils la suiuent tousiours, mais ordinairement ils ne repartent rien contre vne raison qui [119] leur conuainc l'esprit.

For these wandering and vagabond people, among whom God has given me my work, although my wishes cause me to prefer the stable and permanent tribes, the harvest will be later, but it will come in its own time; I see favorable indications of it. In the first place, the fear that the Algonquains have of their enemies, the Hiroquois, makes them abandon their country; and, as they naturally love it, they are earnestly requesting that some of us settle among them, having planned to enclose a village around the fort which they will build there, and to gather all of their forces therein, which the Gentlemen of the Company of New France will consider with favor. Secondly, he who knew their language well would be all-powerful [118] among them, however little eloquence he might have. There is no place in the world where Rhetoric is more powerful than in Canada, and, nevertheless, it has no other garb than what nature has given it; it is entirely simple and without disguise; and yet it controls all these tribes, as the Captain is elected for his eloquence alone, and is obeyed in proportion to his use of it, for they have no other law than his word. I think it is Cicero who says that all nations were once vagabond, and that eloquence has brought them together; that it has built villages and cities. If the voice of men has so much power, will the voice of the Spirit of God be powerless? The Savages listen to reason readily,--not that they always follow it, but generally they urge nothing against a reason which [119] carries conviction to their minds.

Vn Capitaine demandant secours à l'Anglois qui estoit icy pour aller en leurs guerres, l'Anglois voulant esquiuer, le payoit de raisons apparentes: sçauoir est qu'il auoit des malades, que ses gens ne s'accommoderoient pas bien auec les Sauuages. Et ce Capitaine refuta si pertinemment toutes ces defaites, que l'Anglois fut contraint de luy dire; iay besoin de mes gens, ie crains que les François ne nous viennent assaillir. Alors le Sauuage luy dit, Tu parle maintenant, nous t'entendons bien iusques icy, tu n'as riẽ dit: ils acquiescerent à cette raison, quand on leur fera voir la conformité de la loy de Dieu, auec la raison, ie ne croy pas qu'on trouue grande resistance en leur entendement: leur volonté qui est extrémement volage & changeante, appriuoisee par les graces de [120] celuy qui les appellera, se rengera en fin à son deuoir. En troisiesme lieu, ce peuple peut estre conuerty par des seminaires: mais voicy comment il faut esleuer à Kebec les enfans des Sauuages, qui seront plus haut en ceste autre habitation. On les aura à la fin, ils les donneront s'ils voyent qu'on ne les enuoye point en France. Pour les enfans de ce païs-cy il les faudra enuoyer là haut: La raison est que les Sauuages empeschent leur instruction, ils ne sçauroient supporter qu'on chastie vn enfant, quoy qu'il fasse, ils n'ont qu'vne simple reprehension: de plus c'est qu'ils pensent tellement vous obliger en vous donnant leurs enfans pour les instruire, nourrir, & habiller: qu'en outre ils vous demanderont plusieurs choses, & vous seront extrémement importuns, vous menaçant de retirer leur enfant si [121] vous ne leur accordez leur demande.

A Captain once asked the Englishman who was here to help them in their wars; the Englishman, wishing to evade him, answered with superficial reasons: to wit, that some of his men were sick, and that his people would not get along well with the Savages. And this Captain so pertinently refuted all his objections that the Englishman was compelled to say: "I need my men, I am afraid the French will come and attack us." Then the Savage said: "Now thou art talking, we understand thee well; thus far, thou hadst said nothing." They acquiesced in this reason. When they are made to see the conformity of the law of God with reason, I do not think that much opposition will be found in their minds. Their will, which is extremely volatile and changeable, when enlightened by the grace of [120] him who will call them, will at last be brought into the line of duty. In the third place, these people may be converted by means of seminaries; and how necessary it is to educate at Kebec the children of the Savages, who belong to settlements farther up the river. We shall have them [the children] at last; for they will give them, if they see that we do not send them to France. As to the children of this section, they must be sent up there. The reason is, that the Savages prevent their instruction; they will not tolerate the chastisement of their children, whatever they may do; they permit only a simple reprimand. Moreover, they think they are doing you some great favor in giving you their children to instruct, to feed, and to dress. Besides, they will ask a great many things in return, and will be very importunate in threatening to withdraw their children, if [121] you do not accede to their demands.

Le 14. de May, ie baptisay le petit Negre, duquel ie fis mention l'an passé: quelques Anglois l'ont amené de l'isle de Madagascar, autrement de Sainct Laurens, qui n'est pas loin du Cap de Bonne Esperance, tirant à l'Orient, c'est son païs bien plus chaud que celuy où il est maintenant. Ces Anglois le donnerent au Kers, qui ont tenu Kebec, & l'vn des Kers le vendit cinquante escus à ce qu'on m'a dit, à vn nommé le Bailly, qui en a fait present à ceste honneste famille qui est icy. Cet enfant est si content que rien plus, il m'a encor bien recreé en l'instruisant: car voulant recognoistre si les habitans de son païs estoient Mahometans, ou Payens; ie luy demandois s'il n'y auoit point de maison en son païs où on priast Dieu, s'il n'y auoit point de Mosquées, si on n'y parloit point [121 i.e., 122] de Mahomet. Il y a, dit-il, des Mosquées en nostre païs: Sont-elles grandes? luy repartis-ie, elles sont, répond-il, comme celles de ce païs-cy. Et luy disant qu'il n'y en auoit point en Frãce, ny en Canada. I'en ay veu, dit-il, entre les mains des François & des Anglois qui en ont porté en nostre païs, & maintenant on s'en sert pour tirer. Ie recognus qu'il vouloit dire des mousquets, & non des Mosquées; ie me sousris & luy aussi: il est grandement naïf, & fort attentif à la Messe & au Sermon. C'est le quatriesme que i'ay baptisé depuis mon arriuée; car Dieu ayant donné à Madame Coullart vn petit enfãt, ie luy ay administré ce Sacremẽt, ce que i'auois desia fait à 2 petits Sauuages.

On the 14th of May, I baptized the little Negro of whom I spoke last year. He was brought here by Englishmen from the island of Madagascar, otherwise Saint Lawrence, which is not far from the Cape of Good Hope, toward the East. It is a great deal warmer in his country than here. These Englishmen gave him to the Kers, who held Kebec; and one of the Kers sold him for fifty écus, I am told, to a person named le Bailly, who presented him to this estimable family that is settled here.[45] This child could not be more contented than he is, and it has been a recreation for me to teach him. Wishing to know whether the inhabitants of his country were Mahometans or Pagans, I asked him if there were no houses there in which they prayed to God, if there were no Mosques, if they did not talk there [121 i.e., 122] of Mahomet. "There are," said he, "Mosques in our country." "Are they large?" I asked him. "They are," he answered, "like those of this country." On telling him that there were none in France nor in Canada, "I have seen some," said he, "in the hands of the French and English who brought them into our country, and now they use them to shoot with." I perceived that he meant to say muskets, and not Mosques; I smiled, and so did he. He is most ingenuous, and very attentive to Mass and to the Sermon. He is the fourth that I have baptized since my arrival; for, God having given a little child to Madame Coullart, I administered this Sacrament to him, as I had done before to 2 little Savages.

Le 19. on nous vint apporter nouuelle qu'vn vaisseau Anglois estoit entré à Tadoussac depuis quelques iours: Nous ne sçauions si c'étoit [123] vn courreur, ou s'il y auoit quelque trouble entre la France & l'Angleterre; chacun bastissoit sur ses cõiectures, & tout le monde se tenoit sur ses gardes. Le Dimanche suiuãt, iour de la Saincte Trinité, estant allé dire la Sainte Messe au fort, on me dit que si nous entendions tirer deux coups de canon, que nous nous retirassions promptement auec nos François dans la forteresse.

On the 19th, news was brought that an English vessel had entered Tadoussac a few days before; we did not know whether it was [123] a trading vessel, or whether there was some trouble between France and England. Each one formed his own conjectures, and every one was upon his guard. The following Sunday, day of Holy Trinity, having gone to say Holy Mass at the fort, I was told that, if we heard two cannon shots, we should promptly withdraw with our French people into the fortress.

Le lendemain 22. du mesme mois de May, nous oüysmes ioüer le canon de bon matin, sur l'incertitude de ce que ce pourroit estre.

The next day, on the 22nd of the same month of May, we heard the sound of the cannon very early in the morning.

Le Pere de Nouë prend nostre Sauuage, & s'en va à Kebec: & sans y tarder, nous rapporte nouuelle que le sieur de Champlain estoit arriué: que le Pere Brebeuf s'en venoit incontinent en nostre petite maison. Nous allasmes remercier nostre Seigneur. Cependant voicy le Pere [124] Brebeuf qui entre, Dieu scait si nous le receusmes & embrassasmes de bõ cœur. Quelques Sauuages estãs chez nous, & voyãs nostre ioye à cét heureux rencontre, s'écrierent selõ leur coustume quand ils admirent quelque chose: _chteé! chteé!_ se resiouïssans auec nous de l'arriuée du Pere, lequel apres auoir salué nostre Seigneur en nostre petite chapelle, nous dit que le pere Masse estoit à Tadousac, que le Pere Daniel, & le Pere Dauost nous venoient voir du grand Chibou. Il m'apporta si grande quantité de lettres, que ie fus confus voyãt le souuenir & tesmoignage d'affection de tant d'honnestes personnes: _Quid retribuam Domino pro omnibus quæ retribuit mihi_: Qu'il soit beny pour vn iamais s'il veut, en recõnoissance de ses bien-faits: que nous beuuions son calice: _fiat, fiat_, ce nous sera trop d'honneur. Mais ie le prie d'appliquer [225 i.e., 125] en particulier vne seule goutte de celuy qu'il a beu pour ceux qui nous obligent tãt, pour les associez de la Compagnie de cette Nouuelle France, desquels Dieu se veut seruir pour sa gloire, pour V. R. pour toute sa Prouince, & pour tous ceux qui cooperent au salut de tant de pauures ames esgarées: Vne petite gouttelette de ce diuin calice nous enrichira tous: & puis que mes prieres sont trop foibles pour obtenir vn si grand bien, ie supplie V. R. d'interposer les siennes, & celles encore de tant d'ames sainctes qui sont dessous sa charge: Mais passons outre.

In the uncertainty as to what was going on, Father de Nouë took our Savage and started for Kebec; and he brought back without delay the news that sieur de Champlain had arrived, and that Father Brebeuf was coming as fast as possible to our little house. We hastened to thank our Lord. In the meantime, behold, Father [124] Brebeuf enters. God knows whether we received and embraced him with glad hearts. Several Savages were with us, and, seeing our joy at this happy meeting, cried out, according to their custom when they are pleased, _chteé! chteé!_ rejoicing with us over the arrival of the Father, who, after having honored our Lord in our little chapel, told us that father Masse was at Tadoussac and that Father Daniel and Father Davost were also coming to see us from the grand Chibou.[46] He brought me such a quantity of letters that I was overcome upon seeing the souvenirs and testimonials of affection of so many estimable people. _Quid retribuam Domino pro omnibus quæ retribuit mihi_: Blessed be he forevermore, if it be his will that in return for these benefits we should drink of his cup; _fiat, fiat_, that would be too great honor for us. But I entreat him [225 i.e., 125] to apply one single drop of what he drank, especially to those who have helped us so much, to the associates of the Company of New France, of whom God wishes to make use for his glory,[47] to Your Reverence, to all your Province, and to all those who coöperate in the salvation of so many poor lost souls; a little drop of this divine cup will enrich us all; and as my prayers are too weak to obtain so great a blessing, I beg Your Reverence to interpose yours, and those also of so many saintly souls who are under your charge. But let us pass on.

Ayant sçeu l'arriuée de Monsieur de Champlain, ie l'allay salüer. Arriuant au fort, ie veis vne escoüade de soldats François armez de piques & de mousquets qui s'ẽ approchoiẽt tambour battant: si tost qu'ils y furent entrez, Monsieur de Caën remit [226 i.e., 126] les clefs du fort entre les mains de Monsieur du Plessis Bochard, qui les remit le lendemain entre celles de Monsieur de Champlain, pour entrer dans la conduite des vaisseaux, selon l'ordonnance de Monseigneur le Cardinal.

Having learned of the arrival of Monsieur de Champlain, I went to greet him. Arriving at the fort, I saw a squad of French soldiers, armed with pikes and muskets, who approached, beating their drums. As soon as they had entered, Monsieur de Caën gave [226 i.e., 126] the keys of the fort to Monsieur du Plessis Bochard,[34] who delivered them the next day to Monsieur de Champlain, to take command of the ships according to the decree of Monseigneur the Cardinal.

Ie remerciay le mieux qu'il me fut possible Mõsieur de Champlain de la charité qu'il auoit exercée enuers nos Peres qui a esté très-grande, cõme me témoignoit le Pere Brebeuf.

I thanked Monsieur de Champlain, as well as I could, for the kindness shown by him to our Fathers, for it was very great, as Father Brebeuf has testified to me.[48]

Le 24. de May, dixhuict canots de Sauuages estans descendus à Kebec, le sieur de Champlain se doutãt qu'ils pourroient passer iusques aux Anglois, qui auoient trois vaisseaux à Tadoussac, & vne barque biẽ haut dans la riuiere, s'en alla dans les Cabanes de ces Sauuages, & leur fit parler fort à propos par le sieur Oliuier, truchement, honneste homme, & bien propre pour ce [227 i.e., 127] pays-cy. Il leur dit donc par la bouche de cét interprete, que les François les auoient tousiours aimez & defendus, que luy les auoit secourus en personne dans leurs guerres: qu'il auoit grandement chery le Pere du Capitaine auquel il parloit; lequel fut tué à ses costez en vn combat où luy-mesme fut blessé d'vn coup de fleche, qu'il estoit homme de parole; que nonobstant les incommoditez des mers, il les estoit reuenu voir cõme ses freres: qu'eux ayant desiré & demandé qu'on fit vne habitation de François en leur pays pour les defendre contres les incursions de leurs ennemis, qu'il auoit eu dessein de leur accorder, & que cela seroit desia mis en execution sans le détourbier des Anglois: qu'au reste il estoit pour le present occupé à la reparation des ruines qu'auoient fait ces mauuais hostes: qu'il ne manquera pas de leur [228 i.e., 128] donner contentement si tost qu'il aura pourueu aux affaires plus pressantes; que les Peres (parlant de nous autres) demeureroient parmy eux, & les instruiroient, cõme aussi leurs enfans. Cependant, nonobstant les grandes obligations qu'ils auoient aux François, ils estoient descendus en intentiõ d'aller voir des voleurs qui venoient pour dérober les François, qu'ils auisassent bien à ce qu'ils feroient, que ces voleurs estoient passagers, & que les François demeuroient au pays comme leur appartenant. Voila vne partie du discours que leur fit tenir le sieur de Champlain, autant que i'ay peu sçauoir, par le rapport qui m'en a esté fait par ceux qui estoient presents.

On the 24th of May, eighteen canoes of Savages having descended to Kebec, sieur de Champlain, suspecting that they might go on to the English, who had three vessels at Tadoussac and a bark far up the river, went into the Cabins of these Savages, and made to them a very suitable address through sieur Olivier the interpreter,[49] who is an excellent man and well fitted for this [227 i.e., 127] country. He said to them through the lips of this interpreter that the French had always loved and defended them, that he had assisted them in person in their wars; that he had greatly cherished the Father of the Captain to whom he was talking, who was killed at his side in a battle where he himself was wounded by an arrow;[50] that he was a man of his word, and that, notwithstanding the discomforts of the sea voyage, he had returned to see them again, as if they were his brothers; as they had expressed a wish that a French settlement should be made in their country, to defend them against the incursions of their enemies, he contemplated granting this desire, and it would already have been granted but for the obstacles created by the English; he was, moreover, then engaged in repairing the ruins that these wicked guests had left behind them; that he would not fail to satisfy them [228 i.e., 128] all as soon as he attended to the more urgent affairs; that the Fathers (speaking of us), would remain among them and would instruct them as well as their children. Yet, notwithstanding the great obligations that they [the Savages] were under to the French, they had descended the river with the intention of going to see the thieves who came to pillage the French. He said they should consider well what they were doing; that these robbers were only birds of passage, while the French would remain in the country as it belonged to them. This is a part of the discourse that sieur de Champlain delivered to them, as far as I have been able to learn, from the report made to me by those present.

Pendant cette harangue, le Capitaine & ses gens escoutoient fort attentiuement, luy entr'autres paroissoit profondement pensif, tirant [229 i.e., 129] de son estomach cette aspiration de temps en temps, pendant qu'on luy parloit, _hám! hám! hám!_ comme approuuant le discours du truchement: lequel estant acheué, ce Capitaine prend la parole pour respōdre, mais auec vne rhetorique aussi fine & deliée, qu'il en scauroit sortir de l'escolle d'Aristote, ou de Ciceron. Il gagna au commencemẽt de son discours la bienueillance de tous les François par vne profonde humilité, qui paroissoit auec bonne grace dans ses gestes & dans ses paroles.

During this speech, the Captain and his men listened very attentively. He, among others, appeared to be in deep thought, drawing [229 i.e., 129] from his stomach from time to time this aspiration, while they were speaking to him, _hám! hám! hám!_ as if approving the speech of the interpreter, which, when finished, this Captain arose to answer, but with a keenness and delicacy of rhetoric that might have come out of the schools of Aristotle or Cicero. He won, in the beginning of his discourse, the good will of all of the French by his profound humility, which appeared with exceeding grace in his gestures and in his language.

Ie ne suis, disoit-il, qu'vn pauure petit animal qui va rampant sur la terre: Vous autres François vous estes les grands du monde, qui faites tout trembler. Ie ne scay comme i'ose parler deuant de si grands Capitaines: si i'auois quelqu'vn derriere moy qui me suggerast ce que ie dois dire, ie parlerois plus hardimẽt. [230 i.e., 130] Ie me trouue estonné, ie n'ay iamais eu d'instruction, mon pere m'a laissé fort ieune, si ie dis quelque chose ie le vais recueillant çà & là à l'aduanture, c'est ce qui me fait trembler.

"I am," said he, "only a poor little animal, crawling about on the ground; you Frenchmen are the great of the earth, who make all tremble. I do not know how I dare to talk before such great Captains. If I had some one behind me who would suggest what I ought to say, I would speak more boldly. [230 i.e., 130] I am bewildered; I have never had any instruction; my father left me very young; if I say anything, I go seeking it here and there, at hazard, and it is that which makes me tremble.

Tu nous dis que les François nous ont tousiours aimez, nous le sçauons bien, & nous mentirions si nous disions le contraire. Tu dis que tu as tousiours esté veritable, aussi t'auõs-nous tousiours creu. Tu nous as assisté en nos guerres, nous t'en aimons tous dauantage, que veux-tu qu'on responde? tout ce que tu dis est vray.

"Thou tellest us that the French have always loved us; we know it well, and we would lie if we said the contrary. Thou sayest that thou hast always been true, and we have always believed thee. Thou hast assisted us in our wars, we love thee all the more for it; what dost thou wish that we should answer? All that thou sayest is true.

Tu dis que les François sont venus habiter à Kebec pour nous defẽdre, & que tu viendras en nostre pays pour nos proteger. Ie me souuiens bien d'auoir ouy dire à nos peres que quand vous estiez là bas à Tadoussac, les Montagnaits vous allerent voir, & vous inuiterent à nostre deceu de monter çà haut, où nos peres [231 i.e., 131] vous ayant veu, vous aimerent, & vous prierent d'y faire vostre demeure.

"Thou sayest that the French have come to live at Kebec to defend us, and that thou wilt come into our country to protect us. I remember well to have heard our fathers say that, when you were below at Tadoussac, the Montagnaits went to see you and invited you, unknown to us, to ascend [the river] above here, where our fathers, [231 i.e., 131] having seen you, loved you, and prayed you to make your home there.

Pour l'habitation que tu dis que nous auons demandé aux trois riuieres, ie ne suis qu'vn enfant, ie n'ay point de memoire, ie ne sçay si ie l'ay demandée: vous autres vous auez vostre Massinahigan, (c'est à dire, vous auez cognoissance de l'escriture,) qui vous fait souuenir de tout: mais quoy que c'en foit, tu seras tousiours le bien venu. Remarquez la prudence de cét homme, à faire voir que non seulemẽt les Sauuages, mais encor que les François desirent cette habitatiõ; il poursuiuit son discours, disant: Quand tu viendras là haut auec nous, tu trouueras la terre meilleure qu'icy: tu feras au commencement vne maison cõme cela pour te loger (il designoit vne petite espace de la main:) c'est à dire tu feras vne [232 i.e., 132] forteresse, puis tu feras vne autre maison comme cela, designant vn grand lieu, & alors nous ne serons plus des chiens qui couchẽt dehors: nous entrerons dans cette maison, il entendoit vn bourg fermé: En ce temps-là on ne nous soupçonnera plus d'aller voir ceux qui ne vous aiment pas: tu semeras des bleds, nous ferons comme toy, & nous n'irons plus chercher nostre vie dãs les bois nous ne serons plus errans & vagabonds.

"As to the settlement thou sayest we have asked for at the three rivers, I am only a child; I have no recollection, I do not know that I have asked for it! You, you have your Massinahigan; (that is to say, you have a knowledge of writing), which makes you remember everything. But, however that may be, thou wilt always be welcome." Note the discretion of this man, to make it plain that not only the Savages, but the French, desire this settlement. He continued his discourse, saying, "When thou shalt come up there with us thou wilt find a land better than this; thou wilt make, to begin with, a house like this to live in" (he indicated a little space with his hand); "that is to say, thou wilt make a [232 i.e., 132] fortress. Then thou wilt make another house like that," designating a large space, "and then we shall no longer be dogs who sleep outside, we shall go into that house." He meant to say an enclosed village. "Then we shall no longer be suspected of going to see those who do not love you. Thou wilt sow wheat; we shall do as thou dost, and we shall no longer go to seek our living in the woods; we shall no longer be wanderers and vagabonds.

Voila le sieur de Caën qui a creu que i'auois enuoyé des Castors vers les estrangers; i'ay enuoyé vers ce quartier là quelques peaux d'Orignac, non pour traitter, mais pour coupper les bras à nos ennemis. Tu scais que les Hiroquois ont de grãds bras, si ie ne leur couppois, il y a longtemps que nous seriõs tous pris: i'enuoye des presents aux nations qui [233 i.e., 133] leur sont voisines, afin qu'elles ne se ioignent pas auec eux; ce n'est pas pour offenser les François, mais pour nous conseruer.

"It was sieur de Caën, who believed that I had sent Beavers to the foreigners; I sent to those quarters a few Moose skins, not in trade, but to cut off the arms of our enemies. Thou knowest that the Hiroquois have long arms; if I had not cut them, we should have been taken by them long ago. I send presents to tribes who [233 i.e., 133] are their neighbors, to the end that they should not unite with them; it is not to offend the French, but to preserve ourselves.

Tu dis que nous voulons aller à l'Anglois, ie m'en vay dire à mes gẽs qu'on n'y aille point: ie te promets que ny moy, ny ceux qui ont de l'esprit n'iront pas: que s'il y a quelque ieune homme qui fasse vn sault iusques là sans estre veu, ie n'y sçaurois que faire, tu scais bien qu'on ne peut pas tenir la ieunesse. Ie le difendray à tous, si quelqu'vn y va, il n'a point d'esprit: tu peux tout, mets des chalouppes aux auenuës, & prends les Castors de ceux qui iront.

"Thou sayest that we wish to go to the English; I will tell my men that they should not go there. I promise thee that neither I myself, nor they who have any sense, will do that; but if there is some young man who jumps over there without being seen, I shall not know what to do; thou knowest well that youth cannot be restrained. I shall forbid every one from going there. Any one who does so has no sense. Thou canst do everything, place thy boats in the way and capture the Beavers of those who attempt to go.

Tu nous dis que les Peres viuront parmy nous, & nous instruiront, ce bon-heur sera pour nos enfans, nous qui sommes desia vieux, nous mourrons ignorans, ce bien n'arriuera pas sitost que nous voudrions.

"Thou sayest that the Fathers will live among us, and will teach us. This good fortune will be for our children; we, who are already old, shall die ignorant. This blessing will not come as soon as we should like to have it.

[234 i.e., 134] Tu dis que nous prenions garde à ce que nous ferons, tu nous pinse au bras, & nous fremissons: tu nous pinse puis apres au cœur, et tout le corps nous tremble. Nous ne voulõs point aller aux Anglois, leur Capitaine a voulu faire alliance auec moy, & me tenir pour son frere & ie n'ay pas voulu, ie me suis retiré disant, qu'il estoit trop grand Capitaine. Ie me souuenois bien d'vne parole que tu nous auois dit, que tu retournerois: ie t'attendois tousiours, tu as esté veritable, tu le seras encore en nous venant voir en nostre pays: ie n'ay qu'vne crainte, c'est qu'en ce commerce des François auec nos gens, il n'y ait quelqu'vn de tué, & alors nous seriõs perdus: mais tu scais que tout le monde n'est pas sage, les plus aduisez se tiendront tousiours dans leur deuoir.

[234 i.e., 134] "Thou sayest that we must be careful what we do; grasp us by the arm, and we shudder; grasp us afterward by the heart, and the whole body trembles. We do not want to go to the English; their Captain wanted to make an alliance with me and take me for his brother, and I did not desire it; I withdrew, saying that he was too great a Captain. I bethought myself well of a word that thou hadst said to us, that thou wouldst return; therefore I always awaited thee. Thou hast been truthful, thou wilt still be so in coming to see us in our country. I have but one fear; it is that in the association of the French with our people, some one may be killed, then we would be lost; thou knowest all are not prudent, but that the wiser ones will always do their duty.

[235 i.e., 135] Voila à peu pres la response de ce Sauuage qui estonna nos François, lesquels m'ont tesmoigné qu'il releuoit sa voix selon les suiets qu'il traitoit, puis la rabbaissoit auec tant d'humilité, & vne posture ou action si soubmise, qu'il gagnoit l'affection de tous ceux qui le regardoient sans l'entendre.

[235 i.e., 135] This is about the answer of this Savage, who astonished our French people. They told me how he raised his voice according to the subjects he treated, then lowered it with so much humility, and with such an attitude of submission, that he won the hearts of all who looked at him, though they did not understand him.

La conclusion fut que le sieur de Champlain leur dit, quãd cette grãde maison sera faite, alors nos garçõs se marieront à vos filles, & nous ne serons plus qu'vn peuple: ils se mirẽt à rire; repartans: Tu nous dis tousiours quelque chose de gaillard pour nous resiouyr, si cela arriuoit nous serions bien-heureux. Ceux qui croient que les Sauuages ont vn esprit de plomb & de terre, cognoistront par ce discours qu'ils ne sont pas si massifs qu'on les pourroit depeindre.

The conclusion was that sieur de Champlain said to them: "When that great house shall be built, then our young men will marry your daughters, and we shall be one people." They began to laugh, answering: "Thou always sayest something cheering to rejoice us. If that should happen, we would be very happy." Those who think that the Savages have dull and heavy intellects will recognize by this speech that they are not so stupid as they may have been painted.

[236 i.e., 136] Ce Capitaine nous vint voir quelques iours apres en nostre maison, mais ie n'eus pas le loisir de l'entretenir cõmme ie desirois.

[236 i.e., 136] This Captain came to see us a few days later in our house, but I did not have leisure to entertain him as I desired.

Le 29. le sieur de Champlain vint entendre la Messe en nostre petite chapelle, nous le retinsmes à disner: de bonne fortune nostre Sauuage nous auoit apporté vn petit morceau d'Ours, nous luy en presentasmes; en ayant gousté il se mit à rire, & me dit si on sçauoit en Frãce que nous mãgeons des Ours, on detourneroit la face de nostre haleine, & cependant vous voyez combien la chair en est bonne et delicate.

On the 29th, sieur de Champlain came to hear Mass in our little chapel and we kept him for dinner. As good luck had it, our Savage had brought us a small piece of Bear, which we presented to him. Having tasted it, he began to laugh, and said to me: "If they knew in France that we were eating Bears, they would turn their faces away from our breath, and yet you see how good and delicate the meat is."

Apres le disner, i'allay salüer le Capitaine de Nesle dãs son vaisseau, quantité de petits Sauuages me suiuoient. I'en pris seulement six ou sept auec moy, ie les fis chanter leur _Pater_ en Sauuage dans le Nauire: nos François y prenoient grand plaisir. [237 i.e., 137] Le bon pour eux fut que le Capitaine de Nesle leur fit donner du Cascaracona, & du toutouch pimi; c'est ainsi qu'ils appellent le biscuit & le formage. Au depart comme le Capitaine eut fait tirer vn coup de canon par honneur, ces enfans regardoient auec estonnement, & se monstroient si constans, que si on leur vouloit payer leur chanson en mesme monnoye, ils voudroient gagner leur vie en chantant.

After dinner, I went to greet Captain de Nesle in his ship, a number of little Savages following me. I took but six or seven with me, and had them sing their _Pater_ in the Savage Tongue aboard the Ship. Our Frenchmen enjoyed it greatly. [237 i.e., 137] The best of all for them [the little savages] was that Captain de Nesle gave them some "Cascaracona," and some "toutouch pimi;" it is thus they call biscuits and cheese. Upon our departure, as the Captain had the cannon fired in our honor, the children looked on with amazement, and showed themselves so happy that, if one would pay for their songs in that way, they would like to gain their livelihood by singing.

Le dernier iour de May, la Nasse nostre Sauuage nous vint dire qu'vn de leurs gens auoit songé qu'il y auroit des François tuez. Or soit que le Diable leur ait donné ce sentimẽt, soit que de plusieurs songes il s'en rencontre quelqu'vn de veritable par cas fortuit. Quoy que c'en soit, le 2 iour de Iuin les Hiroquois tuerent deux de nos Frãçois, & en blesserent quatre autres, dont l'vn mourut [238 i.e., 138] bien-tost apres: voicy comme arriua ce malheur. Vne barque & vne chalouppe montoient dans le grand fleuue de S. Laurens, la chalouppe passa deuant; & pour aller plus viste, quelques mattelots mirent pied à terre pour la tirer, auec des amares ou des cordes: comme ils vindrent à doubler vne pointe de terre, trente ou 40. Hiroquois qui estoiẽt en embuscade viennent fondre dessus eux, auec des cris espouuẽtables: ils tuënt d'abbord les deux premiers qu'ils ont à la rencõtre à coups de haches: ils decochent vne gresle de fleches auec vne telle vistesse & promptitude, que nos François ne sçauoient de quel costé se tourner, n'ayans pas preueu ce coup là. Ils eurent bien la hardiesse de vouloir aborder la chalouppe auec leur canots, & n'eust esté qu'vn François les coucha en iouë auec son harquebuse, & que la [239 i.e., 139] barque qui n'estoit pas loin, équippa viste vne chalouppe pour venir au secours, ayãt entẽdu les cris du combat, il est croyable que pas vn n'en fut échappé. Les Hiroquois voyant cette harquebuse, & ceste autre chalouppe qui venoit au secours, s'enfuirent, écorchant au preallable les testes de ceux qu'ils auoient tuez, & remportans ces peaux par brauade.

On the last day of May, la Nasse, our Savage, came to tell us that one of their men had dreamed that some Frenchmen would be killed. Now, either because the Devil had given them this sentiment, or that among all their dreams there is now and then one that happens perchance to be true, however that may be, on the 2nd day of June the Hiroquois killed two of our Frenchmen and wounded four others, one of whom died [238 i.e., 138] shortly afterward. This catastrophe happened in this way: A bark and shallop were ascending the great river St. Lawrence; the latter went ahead, and, to hasten its speed, sailors went ashore to tow it with lines or cords. As they came to double a point of land, thirty or 40 Hiroquois, who were in ambush, fell upon them with horrible cries; they killed the two men first encountered, with blows from their hatchets, then discharged a storm of arrows so suddenly and unexpectedly that our Frenchmen did not know which way to turn, not having foreseen the attack. They even dared to try to board the shallop in their canoes; and, had it not been that a Frenchman took aim at them with his arquebus, and that the [239 i.e., 139] bark, which was not far away, speedily equipped a boat to come to the rescue, having heard the cries of the combat, it is probable that not one of them would have escaped. The Hiroquois, seeing the arquebus, and the other boat coming to their help, fled, first skinning the heads of those whom they had killed and bearing away the scalps by way of bravado.

Le 8. de Iuin, le Pere Masse arriua de Tadoussac, il réueilla nostre ioye, voyant qu'apres auoir esté si long temps malade sur la mer il se portoit bien. Il nous dit que Pierre Pastedechouan estoit plus meschant que iamais. Que les Anglois qui estoient à Tadoussac l'auoient perdu par l'yurognerie: O que celuy-là sera coupable deuant Dieu, qui a introduict l'heresie en ces contrées! Si ce Sauuage auoit de l'esprit, estant comme il est corrompu par ces miserables [240 i.e., 140] heretiques, il seroit vn puissant obstacle à la publication de la foy, encore n'y apportera-il que trop d'empeschement, si Dieu ne luy touche le cœur. Il fait paroistre par ses deportemens qu'il nous estoit donné pour tirer de luy les principes de sa lãgue, & non pas pour le bien de son ame, puis qu'il se bande contre son Dieu & contre la verité.

On the 8th of June, Father Masse arrived from Tadoussac, and caused us great joy, as he had been so long sick upon the sea, and is now well. He told us that Pierre Pastedechouan[33] was more wicked than ever; that the English who were at Tadoussac had ruined him by drunkenness. Oh, how guilty before God will he be who has introduced heresy into this country! If this Savage were intelligent, corrupted as he is by these miserable [240 i.e., 140] heretics, he would be a powerful obstacle to the spread of the faith; even now, he will cause only too much injury to it, if God does not touch his heart. To judge from his conduct, it would seem that he was given to us to draw from him the principles of his language, and not for the welfare of his soul, as he now leagues against his God and against the truth.

Il fait icy des chaleurs si violentes en ce mois de Iuin, & vne si grãde seicheresse, que ie n'ay rien veu ny senty de semblable en France, tout brusle sur la terre, rien n'aduance par ce temps-là; & neantmoins il a gelé à glace en vn matin en la maison des Peres Recolets. La nuict fortifiant la fraicheur des bois, cause de ces gelées du matin; nous sommes voisins de cette maison, & cependant cela n'est point arriué chez nous, pource que nous auons vn plus grand air.

I have never experienced in France anything like the heat and the drought which we have had here during this month of June. Everything on the earth burns, and nothing prospers in such weather; and yet it froze one morning in the house of the Recolet Fathers. The night so intensifies the coolness of the woods as to cause these morning frosts. We are near that house, and yet it did not happen with us, because we are more exposed to the air.

[241 i.e., 141] Le 16 du mesme mois de Iuin, nous auons rendu l'vn de nos petits enfans à sa mere, vostre Reuerence nous ayant mandé qu'il n'y auoit pas encore dequoy establir vn seminaire: & par consequent n'ayant enuoyé ceux qu'elle destine pour auoir soin d'instruire les enfans que nous aurions peu auoir, craignant d'ailleurs que ceste femme ne retirast son fils en cachette, & s'enfuit dans les bois de peur qu'on ne fist passer en France: i'ay mieux aimé luy rendre franchement, afin de luy donner à cognoistre que si nous tenons des enfans, ce n'est point pour les dérober à leurs parẽts, ains pour leur propre bien: afin aussi qu'elle dise aux autres Sauuages qu'ils sont bien nourris auec nous, pour les induire à nous donner les leurs quand on aura moyen de les nourrir. Cette pauure femme me demanda pourquoy ie [242 i.e., 142] luy rendois son fils? & quand elle le rameneroit? Ie luy respondis que depuis la venuë des vaisseaux, ie l'auois tousiours veu en crainte qu'on ne l'enuoyast en France, nonobstāt les asseurances que ie luy auois baillé qu'il n'iroit point: & pour luy monstrer que nous estions veritables, cōme aussi pour luy oster toute crainte que nous luy remettions entre les mains: qu'aussi-tost que ie sçaurois la langue, & que nous seriōs bastis, que nous le reprendrions auec plusieurs autres. Au bout du compte la principale raison qui m'a induit à luy rendre, est que i'apprehendois qu'elle ne l'emmenast à nostre desceu: car alors elle eut forgé mille menteries parmy les Sauuages pour se couurir: & comme ie ne scay pas bien la langue, ie n'eusse peu nous iustifier: ce qui auroit induit les Sauuages à nous refuser leurs enfans quand il sera temps [243 i.e., 143] de les demander: ô que c'est vn grãd mal de ne pouuoir produire ses raisons! de ne parler qu'en begayant, & par signes!

[241 i.e., 141] On the 16th of the same month of June, we restored one of our little children to its mother, your Reverence having informed us that you did not yet have the means to establish a seminary here, and consequently had not sent those who had been appointed to look after the instruction of these children. Apprehending, moreover, that this woman might take away her child secretly, and fly with it to the woods, for fear that we might send it to France, I preferred to restore it to her freely, that she might understand that, if we kept children, it was not to hold them by force from their parents, but for their own good; also that she might say to the other Savages that the children were well fed with us, and so lead them to let us have theirs, when we have the means to care for them. This poor woman asked me why I [242 i.e., 142] gave up her child, and when she should bring it back. I answered that, since the arrival of the ships, I had always noticed that she was afraid we would send it to France, notwithstanding the assurances I had given her to the contrary. [We did this] to prove to her that we were true to our word, and also in order to relieve her of all apprehension that we might not restore it to her hands; that, as soon as I knew their language, and after we had built, we would take it again with many others. But, in fact, the principal reason which induced me to restore it to her is that I feared she might take it unknown to us; and then she would have forged a thousand lies among the Savages to excuse herself, and, as I do not know their language well, I should not have been able to justify ourselves! This would have caused the Savages to refuse their children to us when the time comes [243 i.e., 143] to ask them. Oh, what a great misfortune it is not to be able to give one's reasons, to speak only stammeringly and by signs.

Le 23. du mesme mois, le sieur du Plessis nous enuoya dire que douze ou quatorze canots de la nation des sorciers estoient descendus iusques à Saincte Croix, quinze lieuës ou enuiron au dessus de Kebec, quelques iours auparavant nous en auions veu descendre vne douzaine d'vne autre nation nommée la nation d'Iroquet, du nom de leur Capitaine; Dieu soit beny, puis que la crainte des Hiroquois ne les a point empesché de venir. Ces sorciers, c'est ainsi que les François appellent ceste natiõ, pource qu'elle fait vne particuliere profession de consulter leur Manitou, ou parler au diable. Ces sorciers, dis-ie, sont venus iusques à Kebec; l'vn deux regardant fort attentiuement [244 i.e., 144] vn petit François qui battoit vn tambour, & s'approchant fort prés pour le mieux considerer, ce petit garçon luy donna vn coup de l'vn de ses bastõs, & le fit saigner par la teste à bon escient; aussi-tost tous ceux de sa nation qui regardoient ce tambour, voyant ce coup, s'offencerent: ils s'en vont trouuer le truchement François, & luy disent: voila l'vn de tes gens qui a blessé l'vn des nostres, tu scais bien nostre coustume, fais nous des presens pour cette blessure. Cõme il n'y a point de police parmy les Sauuages, si l'vn d'eux en tuë ou blesse vn autre, s'il peut euader, il en est quitte pour quelques presẽs qu'il fait aux amis du defunct, ou de l'offensé. Nostre truchement luy repartit; toy-mesme tu sçais bien nos façons de faire, quãd quelqu'vn de nous fait mal, on le chastie: Cét enfant a blessé l'vn de vos gens, il sera [245 i.e., 145] tout maintenant foüetté en ta presence. On fait venir le petit garçon; quand les Sauuages veirent que c'estoit tout de bon qu'on despoüilloit ce petit batteur de Sauuages & de tambour, & que les verges estoient toutes prestes, ils commencerẽt à prier qu'on luy pardonnast, alleguans que c'estoit vn enfant, qu'il n'auoit point d'esprit, qu'il ne scauoit pas encor ce qu'il faisoit; mais comme on le vouloit chastier à toute force, l'vn d'eux se met tout nud, iette sa robe sur l'enfant, s'écriant à celuy qui le vouloit frapper; touche sur moy, si tu veux, mais tu ne le frapperas point: voila comme le pauure petit euada. Toutes les nations Sauuages de ces quartiers, & du Brasil, à ce qu'on nous témoigne, ne scauroient chastier ny voir chastier vn enfant: que cela nous donnera de peine dans le dessein que nous [246 i.e., 146] auons d'instruire la ieunesse!

On the 23rd of the same month, sieur du Plessis sent word to us that twelve or fourteen canoes of the tribe of sorcerers had gone down as far as Sainte Croix, fifteen leagues or thereabouts above Kebec.[51] A few days before, we had seen a dozen belonging to another tribe called Iroquet, from the name of their Captain,[52] also going down. God be blessed, since the fear of the Hiroquois did not prevent their coming. These sorcerers,--it is thus that the French call that tribe, because they make a special profession of consulting their Manitou, or talking to the devil,[43]--these sorcerers, I say, came as far as Kebec. One of them was looking very attentively [244 i.e., 144] at a little French boy who was beating a drum; and, going near to him so as to see him better, the little boy struck him a blow with one of his drumsticks, and made his head bleed badly. Immediately all the people of his tribe who were looking at the drummer, seeing this blow given, took offense at it. They went and found the French interpreter, and said to him: "Behold, one of thy people has wounded one of ours; thou knowest our custom well; give us presents for this wound." As there is no government among the Savages, if one among them kills or wounds another, he is, providing he can escape, released from all punishment by making a few presents to the friends of the deceased or the wounded one. Our interpreter said: "Thou knowest our custom; when any of our number does wrong we punish him. This child has wounded one of your people; he shall be [245 i.e., 145] whipped at once in thy presence." The little boy was brought in; and when they saw that we were really in earnest, that we were stripping this little pounder of Savages and drums, and that the switches were all ready, they immediately began to pray for his pardon, alleging that it was only a child, that he had no mind, that he did not know what he was doing; but, as our people were nevertheless going to punish him, one of the Savages stripped himself entirely, threw his blanket over the child, and cried out to him who was going to do the whipping: "Strike me, if thou wilt, but thou shalt not strike him;" and thus the little one escaped. All the Savage tribes of these quarters, and of Brazil, as we are assured, cannot chastise a child, nor see one chastised. How much trouble this will give us in carrying out our plans [246 i.e., 146] of teaching the young!

Le 24. du mesme mois, le Pere Daniel arriuant, nous apporta nouuelle de la venuë du Capitaine Morieult, dans le vaisseau duquel il auoit laissé le Pere Dauost à Tadoussac: ayant pris le deuant par le moyen d'vne barque qui montoit a Kebec.

On the 24th of the same month, Father Daniel,[53] arriving, brought us news of the coming of Captain Morieult in the ship in which he had left Father Davost[54] at Tadoussac; he having come up ahead, by means of a bark which was going on to Kebec.

Le dernier iour de Iuin, le Truchement François qui a demeuré long-temps parmy ces sorciers, & qui en est reuenu nouuellemẽt, nous vint voir auec trois Sauuages ses hostes, nous leur donnasmes à mãger: Ils recognurent fort bien le Pere Brebeuf, ayant hyuerné auec luy aux Hurons: Nous les menasmes en nostre petite Chappelle, qui a commẽcé ceste année à s'embellir. L'an passé pour tableau de l'Autel c'estoit vn meschãt linceul, & deux petites images de carton: en vn mot il n'y auoit purement que ce qu'il falloit pour [247 i.e., 147] celebrer la Saincte Messe. Or comme on nous a enuoyé ceste année quelques petits ornemens, nous l'auons embellie le mieux que nous auons peu: ils regardoient tous fort attentiuement: iettans les yeux sur le ciel de l'Autel, ils veirẽt vn S. Esprit figuré par vne colombe, entourée de rayons: ils demanderent si cét oiseau n'estoit point le tonnerre, car ils croyent, comme ie remarquay l'an passé, que le tonnerre est vn oiseau; & quand ils voyent quelque beau panache ils demandent si ce ne sont point des plumes du tonnerre.

On the last day of June, the French Interpreter, who had been a long time among these sorcerers, and who but recently came from them, came to see us with three Savages who were his guests; we gave them something to eat; they recognized Father Brebeuf at once, having passed the winter with him among the Hurons.[55] We took them into our little Chapel, which we have this year begun to decorate. Last year, for Altar-piece, we had nothing but an old sheet with two little card pictures upon it. In a word we had only what was absolutely necessary for the [247 i.e., 147] celebration of the Holy Mass. Now, as they have sent us this year a few little ornaments, we have decorated it as best we could. The Savages gazed at it with fixed attention; raising their eyes to the Altar ceiling, and seeing the Holy Spirit pictured as a dove, surrounded by rays of light, they asked if that bird was not the thunder; for they believe, as I wrote last year, that the thunder is a bird; and, when they see beautiful plumes, they ask if they are not the feathers of the thunder.

Ie leur fis demander s'ils seroient bien contens qu'on les allast instruire en leur pays, & qu'on leur donneroit l'explication des images que nous leur faisions voir; ils témoignerent qu'ils en seroient bien contens.

I asked if they would be glad to have some one go and teach them in their country, and give them an explanation of the pictures that we showed them. They said that they would be very glad.

Le second iour de Iuillet, vn de nos François fut assommé lauant la lessiue [248 i.e., 148] en vn ruisseau voisin du fort, on creut que c'estoit quelque Hiroquois; on court, on cherche, on ne trouue rien. Le Pere Brebeuf & le Pere de Nouë estoient proche de l'habitation, dans vne cabane de Hurons: ils accoururent au bruit, ils vont voir le pauure blessé, qui n'a point parlé, & n'a suruescu que deux iours depuis les coups receus: En fin deux Sauuages Montagnaits ont donné aduis aux François du meurtrier, qui a esté pris & cõduit au fort; où il a confessé qu'il auoit fait ce meurtre: c'est vn Sauuage de la petite nation. Voicy le suiect qui l'a porté à cette cruauté; Vn sien parent s'en allant à la guerre, luy recommanda de tuer vn certain Sauuage qu'il luy nommoit: ce miserable auoit souuẽt tasché de le surprẽdre, & de le massacrer: mais voyant qu'il n'en pouuoit venir à bout, l'autre se tenant tousiours [249 i.e., 149] sur ses gardes: il a deschargé sa cholere sur le premier François qu'il a trouué à l'escart.

On the second of July, one of our Frenchmen was struck down while washing some clothes [248 i.e., 148] in a brook near the fort. It was believed to have been the act of some Hiroquois; there was a great deal of running and searching, but nothing was found. Father Brebeuf and Father de Nouë were near the settlement in a cabin of the Hurons. On hearing the noise, they ran out and went to see the poor man who had been wounded; he was speechless and survived only two days after receiving the blows. Finally two Savages, Montagnaits, informed the French who the murderer was. He was seized and taken to the fort, where he confessed that he had committed the crime. He is a Savage of the petite nation.[56] This is what led him to the act of cruelty: One of his relatives, upon going to war, recommended him to kill a certain Savage whom he named. This wretch had often tried to surprise and kill him; but, seeing that he had not accomplished it, the other being always [249 i.e., 149] on the lookout, he vented his wrath upon the first Frenchman whom he found alone.

Voila comme nos vies sont peu asseurées parmy ces Barbares: mais nous trouuons là dedans vne puissante consolation, qui nous met hors de toute crainte, c'est que mourans de la main des Barbares en venant procurer leur salut, c'est imiter en quelque façon nostre bon Maistre, à qui ceux-là mesme donnerent la mort, ausquels il venoit apporter la vie.

This shows you how unsafe our lives are among these Barbarians; but we find therein exceeding consolation, which relieves us from all fear; it is that dying at the hands of these Barbarians, whose salvation we come to seek, is in some degree following the example of our good Master, who was put to death by those to whom he came to bring life.

Le 3. du mesme mois, le Pere Dauost arriua de Tadoussac, il fut contrainct de se faire apporter dans vn canot par des Sauuages, voyant que le vaisseau auquel il estoit ne pouuoit monter faute de vent, craignãt d'ailleurs que les Hurons ne descendissent, & ne s'en retournassent sans luy en leur pays. Dieu soit glorifié [250 i.e., 150] pour iamais, qui nous a rassemblez tous en nostre petite maisonette, auec vne grande ioye & vn grãd desir de luy offrir nos vies pour son seruice.

On the 3rd of the same month Father Davost arrived from Tadoussac. He was forced to have himself brought down in a canoe by some Savages, as his vessel could not come up the river, because there was no wind; he also feared that the Hurons might come down, and return to their country without him. May God be forever [250 i.e., 150] praised, who has brought us together in our own little cottage, in great joy, and with a strong desire to give our lives to his service.

Le 4. Louys Amantacha Hurõ qui a esté baptisé en France, & instruit par nos Peres, & qui auroit fait merueille en son pays s'il n'eut esté pris des Anglois, se vint confesser & communier en nostre petite Chapelle. Il y auoit deux iours qu'il estoit descendu à Kebec, nous venant visiter dés le commencement de son arriuée, ie l'inuitay à penser vn petit à sa conscience, il me promit qu'il le feroit, aussi n'y a-il pas manqué.

On the 4th, Louys Amantacha,[21] a Huron who was baptized in France, and taught by our Fathers, and who would have done wonders in his country if he had not been captured by the English, came to confession and communion at our little Chapel. Two days before, he had arrived at Kebec, coming to see us immediately. I asked him to think about his conscience a little; he promised me that he would, and he has kept his word.

Le 5. trois Capitaines de diuerses nations nous vindrent voir, nous leur mõstrasmes quelques tableaux, taschant de leur faire entendre ce qu'ils representoient, nous les fismes manger, puis ie leur fis present à [251 i.e., 151] chacun d'vn chappelet de rassade, ils estoient les plus contens du monde; ie leurs fis le meilleur accueil qui me fut possible scachant que nos Peres qui vont aux Hurons, deuoient passer par leur pays.

On the 5th, three Captains of different tribes came to see us. We showed them several pictures, trying to make them understand what they represented. We gave them something to eat and then I made each one [251 i.e., 151] a present of a rosary of glass beads. They were the happiest men in the world. I gave them as warm a reception as I could, knowing that our Fathers who were going to the Hurons would pass through their country.

Le 10. on nous donna aduis sur le soir qu'vn petit Sauuage estoit malade à la mort, il y auoit vne bonne demie lieuë de chemin à faire depuis nostre maison iusques à sa cabane. La nuict approchoit, la mort du dernier François a ietté quelque défiance dans l'esprit des autres, si bien qu'on se tient vn peu sur ses gardes: nonobstant cela, ie ne pouuois permettre que ce pauure petit fut abandonné: i'auois desir de l'aller baptiser moy-mesme, mais ayant esté indisposé, & ressenty quelques accés de fiéure depuis quelque tẽps: nos Peres trouuerent plus à propos que le Pere Brebeuf y allast. Il part [252 i.e., 152] donc auec le Pere de Nouë dans vn canot, ils rencontrerent vn François aupres des Cabanes, qui leur dit que ces Sauuages ne vouloient point monstrer leur enfant aux François, cela ne les arreste point, ils entrent dans la Cabane, & le Pere Brebeuf qui iargonne aussi bien que moy en Sauuage, leur fit entendre le mieux qu'il pût la cause de sa venuë: le Pere de Nouë courut incontinent vers le Truchement, pour le supplier de venir faire vn tour vers ce malade. Cõme il est fort honneste homme & bien vertueux, il quitte son soupper, & s'en vient trouuer les Peres, qui le supplient de declarer aux Sauuage pourquoy ils venoiẽt si tard: scauoir est qu'ils aimoient ce petit enfant, & que s'il mouroit sans baptesme, qu'il n'iroit point au Ciel: au contraire si on le baptisoit, qu'il seroit tousiours bien-heureux. Ils demandent en [253 i.e., 153] outre si ses parens ne seroient pas biẽ contens qu'on le baptisast: la mere respond que pour elle qu'elle en estoit tres-contente, que son mary estoit yure, & qu'il dormoit dans vne autre Cabane. Le Pere passe outre, & demande si au cas qu'il mourut, ils ne voudroiẽt pas bien l'apporter en nostre maison, pour l'enterrer en nostre Cimetiere: & s'il retournoit en santé, si elle ne voudroit pas bien nous le dõner pour l'instruire: elle respond que son fils estoit mort, & que s'il rechappoit, qu'aussi-tost qu'il pourroit marcher (car il n'a enuiron que six mois) qu'elle nous l'ameneroit. Vn Sauuage entẽdāt cela, courut voir le pere de l'enfant; & l'éueilla; luy ayant rapporté tout ce qu'auoient dit les Peres, il respōdit; encore que ie sois yure, i'entend biẽ tout ce que tu dis: va t'en, & dis à ces Peres qu'ils baptisent mõ fils? ie scay [254 i.e., 154] bien qu'ils ne luy feront point de mal; s'il meurt, c'est qu'il est mortel; s'il réchappe, ie leur donneray pour l'instruire. Le Messager rapporta la nouuelle, & le Pere Brebeuf enuoye querir de l'eau à la riuiere, cependant le Pere de Nouë & le Truchement se mettent à genoux, recitent l'Hymne _Veni Creator_; & le Pere Brebeuf baptise ce pauure petit, luy donnant le nom de François, en l'honeur de S. François Xauier: disant aux parens que d'oresnauant il le falloit nommer François, & que s'il mourroit, qu'il iroit tout droit au Ciel, où il seroit à iamais bien-heureux. Ces pauures gens témoignerent vn tres-grand contentement, reïterans souuent ce nom François, François: & faisans voir qu'ils auoiẽt pris vn singulier plaisir en cette action. L'vn des Sauuages de la Cabane se mit à dire que si le Sauuage qui a tué le [255 i.e., 155] François dernier mort estoit de leur nation qu'il auroyent prié le Capitaine des François de le faire mourir voulãt dõner vne preuue de l'amour qu'il portoit à tous les Frãçois. Enfin les Peres retournerent à dix heures du soir bien ioyeux, & comme ie demandois au Pere Brebeuf s'il n'estoit pas bien content d'auoir si bien conclud la iournée: helas! dit-il, ie viendrois tout exprés de France, & trauerserois tout l'Ocean pour gagner vne petite ame à N. Seigneur.

On the 10th, toward evening, we received news that a little Savage was sick unto death. It was a good half league from our house to his cabin. Night was approaching; the death of the last Frenchman had caused some fear in the minds of the others, so much so that we were on our guard. Notwithstanding that, I could not suffer this poor little one to be abandoned. I wished to go and baptize it myself; but, being indisposed, and having felt for some time a slight attack of fever, our Fathers thought it best that Father Brebeuf should go. So he started [252 i.e., 152] off with Father de Nouë in a canoe. They encountered a Frenchman near the Cabins, who said that these Savages did not want to show their child to the French. That did not stop them. They entered the Cabin, and Father Brebeuf, who can jargon as well as I can in Savage, made them understand as best he could the cause of his visit. Father de Nouë ran hurriedly to the Interpreter, to beg him to come and do a service for the sick. As he was a very honest and worthy man, he left his supper and joined the Fathers, who besought him to inform the Savages why they had come so late; that it was because they loved that little child, and that if it died without baptism it would not go to Heaven; on the contrary, if it were baptized it would be forever happy. They asked [253 i.e., 153] also if its parents would not be very glad to have it baptized. The mother answered that for her part she would be very well pleased, but that her husband was drunk, and asleep in another Cabin. The Father continued, and asked, if the child should die, if they would not bring it to our house and bury it in our Cemetery; and, if it were restored to health, if they would not give it to us to be educated. She answered that her son was dead; but that if he revived, as soon as he should be able to walk (for he was only about six months old) she would bring him to us. A Savage, who heard this, ran to the father of the child and aroused him; having reported to him all that the Fathers had said, he answered: "Though I am drunk, I understand very well all that thou sayest; go and bid those Fathers baptize my son; I know [254 i.e., 154] very well that they will do him no harm; if he dies, it is because he is mortal; if he recovers, I shall give him to them to be educated." The Messenger brought the news, and Father Brebeuf sent to the river for water, while Father de Nouë and the Interpreter knelt down, reciting the hymn _Veni Creator_; and Father Brebeuf baptized this poor little one, giving him the name of François, in honor of St. François Xavier, telling the parents that they must hereafter call him François, and that if he died he would go straight to Heaven, where he would be forever blest. These poor people gave evidence of their great happiness, often repeating the name "François, François," and showing that they had taken a great deal of pleasure in what we had done. One of the Savages in the Cabin said that if the Savage who had recently killed [255 i.e., 155] the Frenchman belonged to his tribe, he would have prayed the Captain of the French to kill him, wishing to give a proof of the love that they bore to all Frenchmen. In short, the Fathers returned home at ten o'clock at night very happy; and when I asked Father Brebeuf if he were not glad to have ended the day so well: "Ah!" said he, "I would come expressly from France, and cross the great Ocean, to reclaim one little soul for Our Lord."

Il m'adiousta que le Pere de l'enfant s'appelloit la Grenouille, alors ie le cognus fort bien, c'est vn Capitaine des Algonquains; il nous est venu voir, ie luy ay quelquefois parlé de Dieu, i'en fais mentiõ cy-dessus: c'est luy qui me demandoit combien ie voulois d'enfans, & qui s'estonna quand ie luy repartis que nous en voulions vingt, & bien dauantage [256 i.e., 156] quand nous les pourrions nourrir.

He added that the Father of the child was called "la Grenouille" [the Frog]. Then I knew him very well, as a Captain of the Algonquains. He had been to see us, and I had spoken to him sometimes of God. I have mentioned him above. It was he who asked me how many children I wanted, and who was astonished when I replied that we wanted twenty, and many more [256 i.e., 156] when we should be able to feed them.

Au reste, c'est chose estrange combien les Sauuages sont addonnés à l'yurongnerie, nonobstãt les defenses du sieur de Champlain, il y a tousiours quelqu'vn qui leur traite, ou vend quelque bouteille en cachette: si bien qu'on ne voit qu'yurongnes hurler parmy eux, se battre & se quereler. Le Truchement m'a dit que les Sauuages de la nation de celuy qui est prisonnier au fort pour auoir tué ce François, luy reprochoiẽt que c'estoit l'eau de vie, & non ce Sauuage, qui auoit cõmis ce meurtre; voulant dire qu'il estoit yure quand il fit ce coup: Tiens ton vin & ton eau de vie en prison, disent-ils, ce sont tes boissons qui font tout le mal, & non pas nous autres. Ils pensent s'estre bien excusez du mal qu'ils ont fait, quand ils disent qu'ils estoient yures: ie ne voudrois pas les croire aisément [257 i.e., 157] en ce poinct, car ils feignent fort bien cette manie quand ils veulent couurir leur malice.

Further, it is very strange how these Savages are given to drunkenness. In spite of the prohibition of sieur de Champlain, there is always some one who trades with them, or who will sell them a bottle now and then in secret. So that drunkards are continually seen among them, shouting, fighting, and quarreling. The Interpreter told me that the Savages of the tribe to which the prisoner in the fort belonged who had killed the Frenchman, told him reproachfully that it was brandy and not that Savage who had committed this murder, meaning to say that he was drunk when he struck the blow. "Put thy wine and thy brandy in prison," they say: "It is thy drinks that do all the evil, and not we." They believe themselves to be entirely excused from the crimes they commit, when they say that they were drunk. I do not readily believe [257 i.e., 157] in this, because they feign this madness very well when they wish to hide their malice.

Pour retourner à cét enfant nouuellement baptisé, il mourut le lendemain au soir: & le iour suiuant le Pere Brebeuf allant au fort, veit les Sauuages qui trauersoient le grand fleuue S. Laurens, pour le porter en terre à l'autre port. Ie croy qu'ils ne l'apporterent pas chez nous pour auoir plus de liberté de faire festin sur sa fosse, selõ leur coustume. Quasi à mesme temps vn ieune garçon huguenot qui a passé dans les vaisseaux, & qui deuoit retourner auec eux, s'est noyé tout deuant le fort, estrange effect de la prouidence & predestination du bon Dieu! _vnus assumetur, alter relinquetur_.

To return to this newly baptized child: it died the next evening; and on the following day Father Brebeuf, going to the fort, saw the Savages crossing the great St. Lawrence river, to bury it on the other side. I believe they did not bring it to us, because they wanted to enjoy more liberty in feasting over the grave, according to their custom. About the same time, a young huguenot boy who came over in the ship, and who was to return with them, was drowned right in front of the fort. Strange effect of the providence and the predestination of the good God! _Unus assumetur, alter relinquetur._

Le Pere Brebeuf ne laissa point d'entrer dans la Cabane d'où on auoit tiré cét enfant mort. Il y en [258 i.e., 158] trouua encor vn autre malade: il parla de le baptiser, sa grand'mere respondit; ie suis contente que tu le baptise, pourueu que tu le guerisse. Le Truchement des Algonquains qui se fait bien entendre des Montagnaits se trouuant là, le Pere leur fit vn petit discours du Baptesme, & de ses effects: Vous ne recherchez, leur disoit-il, que le corps, & nous recherchons l'ame, qui est purifiée par ce Sacrement, faisant approprier leurs paroles le mieux qu'il pouuoit à nos mysteres. Le Baptesme guarit tousiours l'ame, ne fait point de mal au corps: ains au contraire luy rend souuent la santé. Ils demanderent combien il falloit d'eau pour baptiser: Le Pere respond qu'on n'auoit point d'esgard à la quantité. La conclusion fut que les parẽs prirent eux-mesmes l'enfant, & le disposerent pour receuoir cette benediction: [259 i.e., 159] mais le Pere iugeant qu'il n'estoit pas en dãger de mort, ne se voulut point haster.

Father Brebeuf lost no time in going to the Cabin from which they had taken the dead child. Here he [258 i.e., 158] found another sick child; he spoke of baptizing him, when the grandmother answered: "I shall be satisfied to have thee baptize him, provided that thou canst cure him." The Interpreter of the Algonquains, who makes himself readily understood by the Montagnaits, being present, the Father gave them a little talk upon Baptism and its effects. "You care only for the body," said he, "we care for the soul, which is purified by this Sacrament," adapting their words as best he could to our mysteries. "Baptism always cures the soul, and does no harm to the body, but on the contrary often restores it to health." They asked how much water it took for baptism. The Father answered that no attention was paid to the quantity. The result was that the parents themselves took the child, and prepared it to receive this blessing. [259 i.e., 159] But the Father, thinking that it was not in danger of death, did not wish to hasten matters.

Le lendemain noꝰ l'allasmes voir le Pere de Nouë & moy, la crainte que nous auiõs qu'il ne mourut sans estre baptisé, nous fit partir par vn temps tout à fait violent: les vents & la pluye sembloient vouloir tout rompre, & tout noyer. Ie voulois aussi aller entendre de confession vn Bengalois qui auoit esté blessé, & qui me demandoit: c'eft vn ieune homme amené des Indes Orientales, & fait Chrestien en Frāce, qui a hyuerné icy auec nous. Ie le veis, & le cõsolay le mieux que ie pûs. Pour le petit Sauuage m'estant presenté à l'vne des portes de sa Cabane, on me dit _aouesse_, retire toy: mais ayans ouy ma voix, ils me dirent que ie passasse par l'autre porte: i'entre donc pendant que le Pere de Nouë cherchoit le [260 i.e., 160] Truchement. Vne femme m'arresta au premier pas, me disant, _appitou_, sieds toy là. Ie luy responds, ouy, ie veux voir l'enfant. attend, attend, me dit-elle, tu le verras. Le plus grãd sorcier d'entr'eux, à ce que me dit le Truchement, qui arriua bien-tost apres, chantoit & souffloit cét enfant pour le guerir. Ils auoient fait vn petit retrenchement où estoit l'enfāt, i'en voulus deux ou trois fois approcher, mais on ne me le voulut pas permettre. Les Sauuages m'arrestoient à tous coups. Attendant que ce beau medecin eut traité son malade, l'enfant estoit nud comme la main, couché dans vn petit berceau d'écorce, sur de la poudre de bois pourry. Il auoit vne grosse fiévre qui le brusloit, & ce charlatan pour le guerir battoit & tournoit vn instrument remply de petites pierres, fait iustement comme vn tambour de [261 i.e., 161] Basque. Il chantoit auec cela à gorge desployée: en vn mot luy & sõ cõpagnon pour oster la fieure a ce petit garçon faisoient vn bruit capable de la donner à vn hõme biẽ sain. Le sorcier s'approchoit du malade, le souffloit par tout le corps, à ce que ie pouuois coniecturer, car ie ne le voiois pas, mais i'entendois son souffle tiré du profond de l'estomach: il battoit ce tambour à ses oreilles, cependant il y auoit vn grand silence parmy les autres Sauuages qui estoient dans la mesme cabane. Sa medecine donnée il m'appelle, & me dit que ie visse l'enfant, & que ie luy en disse mon aduis: pour luy qu'il croioit qu'il avoit ie ne sçay quoy de noir dans le corps, & que c'estoit cela qui le faisoit malade, voila le resultat de ce grãd bruit. Ie m'approche, ie touche le poulx de l'enfant, ie luy trouue vne grosse fieure, & leurs dy qu'il auoit vne maladie [262 i.e., 162] que nous appellions la fieure, & qu'il le falloit laisser reposer, & non pas le tuer auec ce grand bruit qui augmentoit sa maladie, & qui depuis peu i'auois eu quelques accés de fiéure, & que le repos m'auoit guery. Le sorcier me repart, cela est bon pour vous autres, mais pour nous c'est ainsi que nous guerissons les malades. Helas que les hommes qui ne cognoissent pas Dieu sont ignorans, voire mesme dans les choses naturelles! Pour cōclure ce point, nous nous en retournasmes par eau comme nous estions venus, sans baptiser l'enfant, ne iugeant pas sa maladie mortelle, la fiebure quoy que bien grande estãt intermittente.

The next day Father de Nouë and I went to see the child. Our fear lest he should die without being baptized made us set out in the midst of very stormy weather; the wind and rain seemed bent on breaking and drowning everything. I also wanted to go and hear the confession of a Bengalese, who had been wounded, and had sent for me. He is a young man brought from the East Indies, who had been converted to Christianity in France, and has been passing the winter here with us. I saw him, and consoled him as best I possibly could. As to the little Savage, having presented myself at one of the doors of the Cabin, they said to me: _aouesse_, "go away." But, having heard my voice, they told me to come in by the other door; I went in, while Father de Nouë was seeking the [260 i.e., 160] Interpreter. A woman stopped me at the first step, saying, _appitou_, "sit thee down there." I answered her, "yes, I want to see the child." "Wait, wait," said she to me, "thou shalt see him." The greatest sorcerer they have among them, according to the Interpreter, who arrived shortly afterward, sang and blew upon the child to cure him. They had made a little retreat where the child was. Two or three times I tried to get near it, but was not permitted. The Savages stopped me every time. I waited until this fine doctor had treated his patient; the child, naked as one's hand, lay in a cradle of bark, upon pulverized rotten wood. He was burning with a high fever; and this charlatan, to cure him, was beating upon and whirling around an instrument full of little stones, made exactly like a [261 i.e., 161] tambourine. With all this he howled immoderately. In a word, he and his companion, in order to cure this little boy of a fever, made enough noise to give one to a healthy man. The sorcerer approached the patient, and blew all over the body, as I conjectured, for I could not see what he was doing, but I heard his breath drawn from the depths of his stomach. He beat the tambourine in the child's ears, during which there was great silence among the other Savages who were in the same cabin. His medicine having been given, he called me and told me I might then see the child, and that I should give him my opinion; as to him, he believed that the child had something or other black in his body, and it was that which made him sick. Behold the result of this great noise. I approach, I feel the pulse of the child, I discover a raging fever; and I tell him that he has a sickness [262 i.e., 162] which we call fever, that he must be left to rest, and not be killed by this great noise which makes him worse; that recently I had an attack of fever, and that rest had cured me. The sorcerer replied: "That is very good for you people; but, for us, it is thus that we cure our sick." Alas! how ignorant are they who do not know God, indeed even in natural things! To end this story, we returned by water as we came, without baptizing the child, believing that the disease was not mortal; the fever, although very high, being intermittent.

A quelques iours de là ie le retournay voir, ses parents nous ayans signifié qu'ils estoient bien aises que nous y allassions, i'y rencontray encor vn sorcier qui le souffloit, mais [263 i.e., 163] celuy cy n'entendoit pas si bien son mestier que l'autre, aussi est il plus ieune, il me laissa voir ses beaux mysteres, il battoit son tambour aux oreilles de ce pauure petit qui s'égorgeoit de pleurer, il luy souffloit sur la teste auec vn sifflement qu'il faisoit bruire entre ses dents: il tournoit son tambour deçà delà à ses costés, derrière son dos, puis le ramenoit sur l'enfant; En vn mot il se tuoit de bien faire, & ne faisoit rien qui vaille. Il n'entendoit rien à faire le iongleur à comparaison de l'autre. C'est chose estrãge que les Sauuages aient tãt de creance à ces charlatans! ie ne sçay comme le mensonge est plus adoré que la verité! Bref ce petit enfant se guerissant, son pere & sa mere nous sont venus voir, & l'õt apporté auec eux, nous remercians par cette visite de la peine que nous auions pris pour luy.

After a few days I returned to see him, his parents having made known to us that they would be very glad if we should come. Again I met a sorcerer who was blowing upon the body, but [263 i.e., 163] this one did not understand his trade so well as the other; he was also younger, and allowed me to see his beautiful mysteries. He beat his tambourine in the ears of this poor little child, who was almost choking with tears. He blew upon his head, with a whistling sound made between his teeth; he turned his tambourine on this side and that side of his ribs, behind his back, and then brought it again over the child. In a word, he nearly killed himself with exertion, but accomplished nothing of any account. He knew nothing at all about playing the juggler, compared with the other. Strange that the Savages have so much faith in these charlatans! I do not know why falsehood is worshipped more than truth. In short, this little child being cured, its father and mother came to see us and brought it with them, thanking us by this visit for the trouble we had taken for it.

[264 i.e., 164] I'en ay esté voir d'autres de puis au delà du grand fleuue Sainct Laurens, où vne partie des Sauuages s'estoient cabanés. Si ie continuë cet exercice les meres me tiendront biẽ tost pour medecin des petits enfans, car elles me disent desia leurs maladies, mais nous sommes appointés bien contraires: ils pensent seulement aux corps, & nous à l'ame.

[264 i.e., 164] Since then, I have been to see others beyond the great Saint Lawrence river, where a company of Savages were encamped. If I continue this business, the mothers will soon regard me as the little children's physician, for they already come to me with their ailments, but we have a much higher calling; they think only of the body, and we of the soul.

Le 27 de Iuillet Louys de Saincte Foy surnommé des Sauuages Amantacha, duquel i'ay parlé cy dessus, retourna vers le sieur de Champlain qui l'auoit enuoié au deuãt de la grosse trouppe de Hurons qu'on attendoit de iour en iour: il en estoit desia venu quelques canots en diuers iours tantost sept ou huit, & tantost dix ou douze à la fois, mais en fin le 28. de Iuillet il en est arriué cent quarãte ou enuiron tout à la fois qui portoient biẽ cinq cens Hurons, d'autres disent [265 i.e., 165] 700 auec leurs marchãdises. Les Sauvages de l'Isle & les Algõquains, qui sont deux nations qu'on rencontre venant des Hurons à Kebec, les auoient voulu dissuader de venir iusques aux François, disans qu'on leur iouëroit vn mauuais party à cause de la mort d'un nommé Bruslé qu'ils auoient tué, & qu'vn Algonquain de la petite nation aiant tué vn François, on l'auoit pris prisonnier, & que c'estoit fait de sa vie, qu'on en feroit autant à quelque Huron. Leur dessein estoit de tirer toute la marchandise de ces Hurons à très-bas prix pour la venir par apres traiter eux mesmes soit aux François, soit aux Anglois. Louys Amantacha se rencontrant là dessus asseura ceux de sa nation de la bienueillance des Frãçois, protestant qu'il estoit content qu'on le mit a mort au cas que les François ne leurs fissent vn tres-bon [266 i.e., 166] accueil. Que pour Bruslé qui auoit esté massacré, on ne le tenoit point pour François, puis qu'il auoit quitté sa nation pour se mettre au seruice de l'Anglois. Enfin il a si bien fait que six ou sept cens Hurons sont venus iusques à Kebec; vn plus grand nombre s'estoit mis en chemin, mais les vns s'en sont retournés pour la peur qu'on leur donnoit, les autres pour auoir ioüé & perdu leurs marchandises, car les Sauuages sont grands ioueurs, & quelques-vns d'entre eux ne viennent à la traite auec les François que pour iouër, d'autres pour voir, quelques vns pour dérober, & les plus sages & les plus riches pour trafiquer. Ie ne croy pas qu'il y ait nation sous le ciel plus portée au larcin que la Huronne, il faut tousiours auoir les yeux sur leurs pieds & sur leurs mains quãd ils entrent en quelque endroit. On dit qu'ils dérobent [267 i.e., 167] des pieds aussi bien que des mains. I'en regardois vn chés nous qui auoit ietté les yeux sur vn des outils de la menuiserie de nostre frere, la pensée me venant qu'il s'en pourroit saisir, ie le veillay tant que ie peu, mais il fut plus adroit à prendre que moy à regarder. Il cache l'outil si dextrement que ie ne luy vy faire aucune action. Voiant neantmoins la place vuide ie me doubtay de ce qui estoit, i'en donnay aduis au Pere Brebeuf qui entend assés bien leur langue: il accoste mon homme qui voulut nier le fait au commencement, mais en fin il cõfesse la debte, rend son larcin en riant, tant il estoit contrit de son peché. Le Pere de Nouë en surprit vn autre qui enleuoit vn petit morceau de fer blanc qui seruoit d'aiguille à vn meschant quadran que i'ay tracé, vn autre déroba vne lettre par la fenestre de la chambre du Pere Masse. [268 i.e., 168] prendre & n'estre point decouuert estant vne marque d'esprit parmy eux. L'vtilité n'est pas tousiours le seul obiet de leur larcin. Vn François aiant ouy dire que les Sauuages de cette nation estoient grands larrons, se moqua de leur subtilité, disant qu'il leur donnoit tout ce qu'ils luy prendroient: quelques vns l'allerent voir, il leur presenta à boire, pour toutes actions de graces ils luy enleuerent sa tace, mais si finement qu'il ne s'en prit point garde qu'ils ne fussent partis.

On the 27th of July, Louys de Saincte Foy, surnamed by the Savages Amantacha,[21] of whom I have spoken above, came back to sieur de Champlain, who had sent him to meet a great crowd of Hurons who were expected from day to day. Already a few canoes had arrived on different days, sometimes seven or eight, sometimes ten or twelve at a time; but at last, on the 28th of July, there arrived about one hundred and forty all at once, carrying easily five hundred Hurons--or [265 i.e., 165] 700, as some say--with their merchandise. The Island Savages[57] and the Algonquains, two tribes on the route from the Hurons to Kebec, had tried to dissuade them from visiting the French, saying we would do them a bad turn on account of the death of one Bruslé,[58] whom they had killed; and that an Algonquain of the petite nation, having killed a Frenchman, had been taken prisoner, and had been condemned to death; also that the same would be done to some Huron. Their design was to get all the merchandise from these Hurons at a very low price, in order afterwards to come themselves and trade it, with either the French or the English. Louys Amantacha, meeting them above, assured those of his tribe of the good feeling of the French toward them, declaring that they might put him to death if the French did not give them a very warm [266 i.e., 166] welcome. As to Bruslé, who had been murdered, he was not looked upon as a Frenchman, because he had left his nation and gone over to the service of the English. In short, he convinced them so thoroughly, that six or seven hundred Hurons came to Kebec; a greater number were on the way, but some of them went back because they had become frightened, and others because they had lost their merchandise in gambling. For these Savages are great gamblers, and some of them come to trade with the French for this purpose alone; others come to look on, some to steal, and the wisest and the richest to trade. I do not believe that there is a people under heaven more given to stealing than the Hurons. It is necessary to have your eye both on their feet and on their hands, when they enter a place. It is said that they steal [267 i.e., 167] with their feet as well as with their hands. I saw one, at our house, casting his eyes on one of the carpenter's tools of our brother. Thinking he might take it, I watched him as well as I could, but he was more skillful in taking than I was in watching. He concealed the tool so adroitly that I did not see him make any movement. But seeing that the place was empty, I suspected what had happened. I told Father Brebeuf of it; and, as he understands their language tolerably well, he spoke to my man, who tried to deny the theft at first, but at last confessed and laughingly returned the property, showing how contrite he was over his sin. Father de Nouë detected another, who stole a little piece of tin which served as a needle to a poor quadrant that I had fashioned; another stole a letter through the window of Father Masse's room. [268 i.e., 168] To steal, and not to be discovered, is a sign of superior intelligence among them. Utility is not always the sole object of their thefts. A Frenchman, having heard that the Savages of this tribe [the Hurons] were great thieves, sneered at their boasted cunning, saying that he would give them all they could steal from him; some of them called upon him and he gave them something to drink; all their thanks was to steal his cup, and so shrewdly did they do it that he did not miss it until they were gone.

Ie ne scaurois dire comme cette nation porte les cheueux, chacũ suit sa fantaisie: les vns les ont longs & pendans d'vn costé comme les femmes, & courts & retroussez de l'autre, si bien qu'ils ont vne oreille cachée, & l'autre descouuerte. Quelques-vns sont iustement rasez à l'endroit où les autres portent vne longue [269 i.e., 169] moustache. I'en ay veu qui auoient vne grande raye toute rasée, qui leur trauersoit toute la teste passant par le sommet & venant rendre au milieu du front: d'autres portent au mesme endroit comme vne queuë de cheueux qui paroist releuée à cause qu'ils se rasent de part & d'autre de cette queuë. O que l'esprit des hommes est foible! Il y a plus de quatre mille ans qu'ils cherchent à s'embellir & à s'orner, & toutes les nations de la terre n'ont peu encore conuenir au point de la beauté & de l'ornement.

I could scarcely tell you how the people of this tribe wear their hair; each one follows his own fancy. Some wear it long and hanging over to one side like women, and short and tied up on the other, so skillfully that one ear is concealed and the other uncovered. Some of them are shaved just where the others wear a long [269 i.e., 169] moustache.[14] I have seen some who had a large strip, closely shaved, extending across the head, passing from the crown to the middle of the forehead. Others wear in the same place a sort of queue of hair, which stands out because they have shaved all around it. Oh, how weak is the spirit of man! For over four thousand years he has been seeking to ornament and beautify himself, and all the nations of the world have not yet been able to agree as to what is true beauty and adornment.

Le 29 du mesme mois de Iuillet ayant appris que les Hurons deuoyent tenir conseil où il se debuoit agir de nos Peres qui sont destinez pour leur pais, nous les allasmes voir le Pere Brebeuf & moy. Ie trouuay Louys Amantacha au fort, ie m'entretins auec luy de choses bonnes: & passant [270 i.e., 170] de discours en discours, il me témoigna qu'il estoit tres-contẽt de ce que nos Peres alloyent secourir sa natiõ. Il s'est employé pour trouuer qui les embarquast, ou plustôt pour les choisir; car vn grand nombre s'offroit au Pere Brebeuf, luy-mesme en vouloit prendre vn auec soy. Il nous promet merueille, & pour tesmoigner le sentiment qu'il a du secours que Vost. Reu. enuoye aux Hurons ses compatriotes, il luy rescrit de sa propre main, m'asseurãt qu'il retournera l'an qui vient à Kebec pour mener en son païs les autres Peres qu'õ y enuoyera. C'est trop peu (dit-il) de trois Religieux pour tant de milles ames qui se trouuent parmy nous. Il me demãdoit vn liuret d'images des mysteres de nostre Foy, pour les faire voir à ceux de sa nation, à fin de prendre de là occasion de les instruire: mais comme ie n'en auois point, il [271 i.e., 171] me dit qu'il en escriroit au sieur le Maistre. I'ay mis les lettres qu'il enuoye à V. R. auec celles-cy, ie prie Dieu qu'elle les reçoiue toutes. Ie croy que ce ieune homme luy est biẽ cogneu: il a esté conduit en France par nos Peres, baptise à Rouën par leur entremise: Monsieur le Duc de Longueuille fut son parain, & Madame de Villars sa maraine: il demeura entre les mains des Anglois par la prise qu'ils firent de la flotte Françoise & de tout ce païs cy: il estoit si bien instruit, que l'vn des Capitaines nommé Kers, peu affectionné à nostre Compagnie, comme estant heretique, témoigna publiquemẽt qu'il appartenoit aux Iesuistes de biẽ esleuer les enfans, voyant les deportemens de ce ieune Sauuage. Le sieur Oliuier Truchement des François m'a rapporté cecy cõme l'aiant ouy de la bouche mesme de ce Capitaine [272 i.e., 172] Huguenot. Depuis cette prise ce pauure ieune homme a esté quelque temps auec les Anglois, & puis auec les Sauuages de sa natiõ: Dieu vueille que la cognoissance de leur heresie & de leurs vices (car il auouë que les Anglois sont dissolus iusques au dernier point) n'empesche pas que la premiere semence qu'on a iettée dãs son ame ne produise les fruits que le Ciel attend, & que nous esperons. Mais venons au Conseil de sa natiõ. Estant assemblé, le sieur de Chãplain nous fit appeller. I'ay appris que Louïs XI. tint vn iour son conseil de guerre en la campagne, n'ayant pour throsne ou pour chaire qu'vne piece de bois, ou vn arbre abbattu qu'il rẽcontra par fortune au milieu d'vn champ. Voila le portraict du conseil des Hurons, excepté qu'ils sont assis encore vn peu plus bas, c'est à dire à platte terre, tous pesle-meslez sans [273 i.e., 173] aucun ordre, sinon que ceux d'vne nation ou village se mettent les vns pres des autres, pendant qu'on dispute en France de la preseance, & qu'õ s'amuse à presenter vne chaire à celuy qu'on iugeroit impertinent de l'accepter, on auroit acheué, & conclu trois cōseils parmy les Sauuages, qui au bout du conte ne laissent point d'estre fort graues, & serieux dans leurs harangues assez longues: ils estoient enuiron soixante hommes en leur assemblée sans conter la ieunesse qui estoit esparse çà & là. Chaqu'vn s'estant placé le mieux qu'il pût, vn Capitaine commença sa harangue, le sommaire estoit que la nation des Hurons, des Ours & autres estoient assemblées pour tenir cõseil auec les Frãcois. Sa harãgue finie tous les Sauuages pour approbation de ce discours tirerent du profond de l'estomach ceste aspiration, _ho, ho, ho_, releuant [374 i.e., 174] fort la derniere syllabe. Ceste harangue finie, & le conseil declaré legitimemẽt assemblé par cette belle approbation, le mesme Capitaine en recommença vne autre, qui ne vouloit dire autre chose sinon qu'ils estoyẽt venus voir leurs amis & leurs freres les François, & pour affermir ceste amitié & alliance, qu'ils offroient tous des presens à leur capitaine le Sieur de Champlain, & là dessus luy presenterent trois paquets de robbes de castor. La conclusion fut que tous les Sauuages approuuerent ceste harangue par leur aspiratiō de ho! ho! reïterée, & les François par l'acceptation des presens qu'on offroit. Le mesme capitaine poursuivãt son discours, disant que tous ces peuples se resiouïssoyent du retour du Sieur de Champlain, & qu'ils se venoyent tous chauffer à son feu: le bois qu'ils y mirent furent encore [275 i.e., 175] deux ou trois paquets de robbes de castor dont ils luy firent present. Sur l'heure mesme ce troisiesme discours fut approuué comme le second.

On the 29th of the same month of July, having learned that the Hurons were to hold a council, when they would take some action concerning our Fathers who were destined for their country, Father Brebeuf and I went to see them. I found Louys Amantacha in their midst. I had an interview with them about some serious matters; and, passing [270 i.e., 170] from one subject to another, he told me that he was highly pleased because our Fathers were going to the help of his tribe. He was trying to find some one who would take them, or rather to choose some one, for a great number had offered themselves to Father Brebeuf; he himself wanted to take one with him. He promised us wonders, and, as evidence of his appreciation of the assistance Your Reverence is sending to the Hurons, his countrymen, he writes to you with his own hand, also assuring me that he will return the coming year to Kebec, to take back to his country the other Fathers who will be sent there. "It is too few," said he, "only three Religious for so many thousand souls which make up our tribe." He asked me to give him a little book containing the pictures of the mysteries of our Faith, that he might show them to the people of his tribe, and thus take the opportunity to teach them. But as I did not have any he [271 i.e., 171] told me that he would write sieur le Maistre.[59] I have enclosed the letters he sends to Your Reverence with these; I pray God that you may receive them all. I believe that this young man is well known to you. He was taken to France by our Fathers, and baptized in Rouën through their agency; Monsieur the Duc de Longueville was his godfather, and Madame de Villars his godmother. He remained in the hands of the English, after they had taken the French fleet and all this country. He was so well taught that one of the Captains, named Kers,[45] who had but little liking for our Society, as he is a heretic, publicly confessed that the Jesuits know how to bring up children well, seeing the deportment of this young Savage. Sieur Olivier,[49] the French Interpreter, reported this to me as something which he had heard himself from the mouth of this Huguenot [272 i.e., 172] Captain. After this capture [of the French] this poor young man remained some time with the English, and then with the Savages of his tribe. May God grant that the knowledge of their heresy and of their vices (for he declares that the Englishmen are in the highest degree dissolute) may not prevent the first seed sown in his soul from bringing forth the fruit that Heaven awaits, and for which we hope. But let us speak of the Council of his tribe. After it had assembled, sieur de Champlain had us summoned. I have been told that Louïs XI. once held his council of war in the country, having for throne or chair only a piece of wood, or a fallen tree, that he happened to find in the midst of a field. This is the picture of the council of the Hurons, only they are seated a little lower still, that is to say, flat upon the ground, all pellmell without [273 i.e., 173] any order, unless it be that the people of one tribe or village are placed near those of another. While in France they are discussing precedence, and amusing themselves in offering a chair to one whom they would consider impertinent if he accepted it, here they will have held and concluded three councils among the Savages, who, upon the whole, do not cease to be very grave and serious in their rather long speeches. There were about sixty men in their assembly, without counting the young men who were scattered here and there. Each one getting the best place he could find, a Captain began his harangue, the substance of which was that the Huron tribe, the tribe of the Bear, and others, had met for the purpose of holding a council with the French. When this speech was finished, all the Savages, as a sign of their approval, drew from the depths of their stomachs this aspiration, _ho, ho, ho_, raising [374 i.e., 174] the last syllable very high. When this speech was finished, and the council had declared itself lawfully assembled by this fine method of assent, the same Captain began another speech, adding nothing to what he had said already, unless it were that they had come to see their friends and brothers, the Frenchmen, and, to strengthen this friendship and alliance, they all offered presents to their captain, Sieur de Champlain, and thereupon they presented to him three packages of beaver skins. The end was that the Savages expressed their approval of this harangue by reiterating their aspiration, ho! ho! and the Frenchmen by accepting the presents offered. The same captain, continuing his speech, said that all these people were rejoiced at the return of Sieur de Champlain, and that they all came to warm themselves at his fire. The fuel they brought to the fire was [275 i.e., 175] two or three more packages of beaver skins, which they gave him as a present. This third speech was immediately approved like the second.

Là dessus le sieur de Champlain prit la parolle, & leur fit dire qu'il les auoit tousiours aimés, qu'il desiroit grandement de les voir comme ses freres, & qu'aiant esté enuoié de la part de nostre grand Roy pour les proteger, qu'il le feroit très-volontiers: qu'il auoit enuoié au deuant d'eux vne barque & une chalouppe, & que les Hiroquois anoient tué trois de nos hõmes en trahison, que cela ne luy faisoit point perdre cœur, que les François ne craignoient rien, & qu'ils cherissoient grandement leurs amis: qu'ils ne creussent point ceux qui les voudroient diuertir de les venir voir, & que leur ayant donné leur parolle ils estoient veritables, ainsi qu'ils l'auoient [276 i.e., 176] peu remarquer par le passé qu'il recognoissoit encor les vieillards de leur nation pour auoir esté à la guerre auec eux: qu'il les remercioit de leurs presens, & qu'il sçauroit bien les recognoistre. Il adiousta que nos Peres les alloient voir en leur païs en témoignage de l'affectiō que nous leur portions, disant des merueilles en nostre faueur. Ce sont nos Peres, leur disoit-il, nous les aimons plus que nos enfans & que nous mesmes: on fait grand estat d'eux en France, ce n'est point la faim ny la disette qui les amene en ce païs cy: ils ne vous vont pas voir pour vos biens ny pour vos pelleteries. Voicy Louïs Amantacha de vostre nation, qui les cognoist, & qui sçait biẽ que ie dy vray: si vous aimez les François comme vous dites, aimez ces Peres, honorez les, il vous enseigneront le chemin du Ciel, c'est ce qui leur fait [177] quitter leur païs & leurs amis & leurs commodités pour vous instruire, & notamment pour enseigner à vos enfans vne si grande science & si necessaire.

Thereupon sieur de Champlain began to speak, and told them that he had always loved them, that he wished very much to have them as his brothers, and, having been sent in behalf of our great King to protect them, he would do it very willingly; that he had sent to meet them a bark and a shallop, and that the Hiroquois had treacherously killed three of our men; that he did not lose heart on that account, that the French feared nothing, and that they cherished their friends very dearly; that they must not believe those who would like to divert them from coming to see the French, and that, having given them their word, they would keep it, as they had been [276 i.e., 176] able to observe in the past; that he still recognized old men among their people, from having gone to war with them; that he thanked them for their presents, and would know very well how to requite them. He added that our Fathers were going to see them in their country, as a proof of the affection which we bore them, telling marvelous things in our favor. "These are our Fathers," said he, "we love them more than our children or ourselves; they are held in very high esteem in France; it is neither hunger nor want that brings them to this country; they do not come to see you for your property or your furs. Here is Louïs Amantacha, of your own tribe, who knows them, and who knows very well that I tell the truth. If you love the French people, as you say you do, then love these Fathers; honor them, and they will teach you the way to Heaven. This is what makes them [177] leave their country, their friends, and their comforts, to instruct you, and especially to teach your children a knowledge so great and so necessary.

Deux Capitaines haranguerent apres cela, ce fut à qui honoreroit le plus le sieur de Champlain & les François, & à qui nous tesmoigneroit de l'affection: l'vn d'eux disoit que les François n'estans plus icy, la terre n'estoit plus terre, la riuiere n'estoit plꝰ riuiere, le ciel n'estoit plꝰ ciel: mais qu'au retour du sieur de Champlain tout estoit retourné à son estre, la terre estoit deuenuë terre, la riuiere estoit deuenue riuiere, & le ciel auoit paru ciel. L'autre confessoit que les Sauuages estoyent tous craintifs & paoureux, mais que le sieur de Champlain estoit effroiable en ses regards; qu'estant en guerre il iettoit d'vne œillade la terreur dans le cœur de ses [178] ennemis; & apostrophant la ieunesse de son païs il luy disoit: Prenez garde maintenant, escoutez ce qu'on nous dit: ne dites pas qu'on n'a point parlé de tout cecy en plein conseil: ie vous aduertis, afin que par apres voꝰ obeyssiez.

Two Captains spoke after that. They vied with each other in trying to honor sieur de Champlain and the French, and in testifying their affection for us. One of them said that, when the French were absent, the earth was no longer the earth, the river was no longer the river, the sky was no longer the sky; but upon the return of sieur de Champlain everything was as before; the earth was again the earth, the river was again the river, and the sky was again the sky. The other confessed that the Savages were very timid and apprehensive, but that sieur de Champlain was frightful in his looks; that, when he was in battle, a glance from his eye struck terror into the hearts of his [178] enemies; and, apostrophizing the youth of his tribe, he said: "Be careful now, listen to what you are told; do not say we have not talked this all over in open council; I warn you now, in order that you shall obey later."

La conclusion du conseil fut que le Pere Brebeuf leur dit en leur langue, que nous allions auec eux pour y viure & mourir: qu'ils feroyent nos freres, que d'oresnauant nous serions de leur nation: & que si nos Peres ne demeuroyent point dans tous leurs villages, ce n'estoit point qu'ils n'aimassent toute la nation, mais qu'ils ne pouuoyent pas habiter en tant de lieux, estans vn si petit nombre, que le temps viendroit que nos freres nous viendroyẽt secourir, & que noꝰ seriõs en chacune de leurs demeures: que nous leur enseignerions le moyẽ d'estre à iamais bien-heureux. Louys [179] Amantacha confirma tout cecy, & tous les Sauuages à leurs accoustumées tesmoignerent leur contentement par leur profonde aspiration ho ho ho ho! Puis entourant le Pere Brebeuf, c'estoit à qui l'embarqueroit, les vns me venoient prendre & me toucher en la main, & se disoient l'vn l'autre, regarde comme ils se ressemblent, parlans du Pere & de moy, ce sont deux freres: bref les hõmes du village où auoient demeuré nos Peres s'addressans au Pere Brebeuf luy dirent, ouure nous tõ cœur, ne cache, rien ou veux tu demeurer en nostre païs? Veux tu estre dans nos Cabanes, ou en auoir vne à part? I'en veux auoir vne à part, dit le Pere. Hé bien, repartent ils, nous irons tous nous cabaner à l'entour de toy, nous nous sommes separés, & auons rompu nostre village à la mort du François qui a esté tué en nostre païs: [180] chacun s'en est allé qui deçà qui delà. Si tost que tu auras pris place, nous reuiendrons tous auec toy, & tu nous defendras; car que serions nous sans toy? Voila comme nos Peres estoiẽt aimez de ce pauure peuple. O que ie dirois volõtiers mes sentimens voiãt ces pauures barbares caresser auec tant d'amour ceux qu'ils ne cognoissent pas! O s'ils penetroyent dans les desseins que nous auōs! Que Dieu soit beny pour iamais, ie le supplie de leur ouurir le cœur: pour moy i'espere que si vn seul village se couuertit, le feu ne tardera point d'en brusler beaucoup d'autres, & que les nations voisines qui sont fort peuplées, se voudront chauffer aussi bien que les Hurons à ce diuin brasier.

The conclusion of the council was that Father Brebeuf told them, in their language, that we were going with them to live and to die in their country; that they would be our brothers, that hereafter we would be of their people; and, that if our Fathers did not live in each one of their villages, it would not be because they did not love the whole tribe, but because they could not live in so many places, being so few in number; that the time was not distant when our brothers would come to aid us, and then one of us would live in each one of their villages, and that we would teach them how to be forever happy. Louys [179] Amantacha confirmed all this; and all the Savages, according to their custom, evinced their satisfaction by their profound aspiration: ho, ho, ho, ho! Then they surrounded Father Brebeuf, each one wanting to carry him away in his boat. Some came to me and touched my hand, saying to each other: "See how much they look alike," speaking of the Father and of me, "they are two brothers." In short, the people of the village where our Fathers had lived, addressing Father Brebeuf, said to him: "Open thy heart to us, conceal nothing; where dost thou wish to live in our country? Dost thou wish to live in our Houses or have one apart?" "I wish to have a separate one," said the Father. "Very well," answered they, "we will all go and build our houses around thee; we separated, and broke up our villages on the death of the Frenchman who was killed in our country; [180] and every one went away, some here and some there. As soon as thou shalt have chosen thy place, we will return with thee, and thou wilt defend us; for what would we do without thee?" This shows how our Fathers were loved by these poor people. Oh, how I wish I could describe my feelings on seeing these poor barbarians so lovingly caress those whom they did not know! Oh, if they could only penetrate into our purposes! God be forever blessed! I beseech him to open their hearts. As for me, I hope that, if a single village is converted, the fire will not be long in spreading to a great many others; and that the neighboring tribes, which are very populous, will wish to warm themselves with the Hurons at this divine flame.

Le dernier de Iuillet iour de feste de nostre S. Pere Ignace, le Sieur de Champlain & les capitaines des vaisseaux qui estoyent icy, estans venus [181] gagner les Indulgences en nostre petite Chapelle, quantité de Hurons nous venans voir, nous fusmes contraints de fermer nostre porte, & de leur dire qu'on faisoit festin, afin de les empescher d'entrer. C'est vne maxime entr'eux qui'ils ne mettront iamais le pied dans la cabane de celuy qui fait festin: il n'y a que les conuiez à qui cela soit loisible. Or neãtmoins comme ils desiroient de voir, l'vn d'eux ayant mis la teste à vne fenestre appella ses compagnons, & le sieur de Champlain prenant plaisir à les voir admirer, donna à l'vn d'eux vn morceau d'écorce de citron, il en gouste, & commence à s'escrier, ô que cela est bon! Il en depart a ceux qui estoient auec luy, qui furent saisis de la mesme admiration: ils demanderent ce que c'estoit, le sieur de Champlain leur dit en riant, que c'estoit de l'écorce des citroüilles de [182] France, les voila bien estonnés, & cōmencēt à se dire les vns aux autres, que nos citroüilles estoient admirables: là dessus ceux qui n'en auoient point gousté se mettent à la fenestre, & demandent au sieur de Chāplain si toutes les citrouilles estoient mangées, & qu'ils voudroient bien en taster, pour en porter les nouuelles en leur païs. Ie vous laisse à penser si tous ceux qui estoient dans la chambre se mirent à rire. On les fit entrer apres les Vespres dans la Chappelle qui estoit gentiment ornée selon nos petites richesses, ce nous est vn contentement bien sensible de voir que nostre Seigneur ait vne petite maison au milieu des grands bois que nous habitons: c'est icy qu'ils furent estonnés tout à fait: nous auions mis les Images de S. Ignace, & de S. Xauier sur nostre autel, ils les regardoient auec estonnement: ils croyoient que [183] ce fussent personnes viuantes, ils demandoient si c'estoient des Ondaqui: le mot _Oqui_ & au plurier _Ondaqui_ signifie entre eux quelque diuinité, en vn mot ce qu'ils recognoissent par dessus la nature humaine: ils demandoient encor si le tabernacle estoit leur maison, & si ces _Ondaqui_ s'habilloient des ornemens qu'ils voyoient à l'ẽtour de l'Autel. Le Pere Brebeuf leur aiant expliqué ce que representoient ces Images, ils mettoient la main à la bouche, & se la frappoient en signe d'estonnement; Il y auoit trois Images de la Vierge, en diuers endroits: ils demanderent successiuement de l'vne apres l'autre qui c'estoit: le Pere leur disant à toutes que c'estoit la mere de celuy qui a tout fait, ils se mirent à rire, demandans comment cela se pouuoit faire qu'vne seule persõne eut trois meres: car ils prenoient ces trois figures [184] pour la representation de trois personnes differentes, on leur fit entendre que ces trois images figuraient la mesme persõne. ô qu'il seroit bon d'auoir tous les mysteres de nostre foy bien figures! ces images aident grandement, & parlent desia d'elles mesmes.

On the last of July, the fête day of our Holy Father Ignace, Sieur de Champlain and the captains of the vessels here, having come [181] to receive Indulgences in our little Chapel, so many Hurons came also that we were compelled to close our door, saying that we were having a feast, in order to prevent them from entering. It is a maxim among them that they will never put their feet in the cabin of any one who is having a feast. It is only to the invited that entrance is permitted. Now, notwithstanding this, as they were very curious to see, one of them put his head in at a window and called his comrades; sieur de Champlain, enjoying their wonder, gave a piece of lemon peel to one of them, who, on tasting it, cried out: "Oh, how good that is!" He divided it with those who were with him, who were all seized with the same admiration. They asked what it was; sieur de Champlain said to them, laughing, that it was the rind of a French [182] pumpkin. This astonished them very much, and they said to each other that our pumpkins were wonderful. Thereupon, those who had not tasted appeared at the window, and asked sieur de Champlain if all the pumpkins were eaten, saying that they would like to taste them, so as to tell about them in their country. You can judge for yourself how all in the room began to laugh! After Vespers, they were allowed to enter the Chapel, which was neatly decorated according to our limited means. It is a source of infinite satisfaction to us to see that our Lord has a little house in the midst of the great forests in which we live. It was here that they were completely astonished. We had placed Statues of St. Ignace and of St. Xavier upon our altar; they looked upon them with awe, believing [183] them to be living persons; they asked if they were Ondaqui. The word _Oqui_, and its plural _Ondaqui_, signifies among them some divinity; in a word, what they recognize as above human nature. They asked also if the tabernacle was their house, and if those _Ondaqui_ dressed themselves in the ornaments which they saw around the Altar. Father Brebeuf having explained to them what these Images represented, they put their hands on their mouths and struck them in sign of astonishment. There were three Images of the Virgin in different places. They asked successively about each one, who it was; the Father explaining to them, that it was the mother of him who had made everything. They began to laugh, asking how it could possibly be that a single person had three mothers; for they took the three figures [184] for the representation of three different persons. They were made to understand that these three images represented the same person. Oh, how fortunate it would be if all the mysteries of our faith could be well represented! These images help a great deal, and speak for themselves.

Sur le soir le Pere Brebeuf estant allé à Kebec ou au fort des François, où estoient les Hurons pour voir ceux auec lesquels nos Peres s'embarqueroient, le Capitaine de la Rochelle (c'est ainsi que nos François, ont appellé l'vn de leurs villages ou Bourgades) dõnans les noms des villes de France à ces pauures bicoques. Ce Capitaine donc aborde le Pere Brebeuf, & s'efforce de luy persuader qu'il aille demeurer en sa bourgade se presentant pour l'embarquer ou tout autre qu'il voudra, viẽs, disoit il, auec moy, tu seras assuré parmy nous, [185] on ne te dérobera point, ie soustiens tout le pays sur mes espaules, ie te protegeray, nous t'aimõs tous, tu ne manqueras de rien, nostre pays est le meilleur entre les Hurons. Le Pere s'arrestãt vn petit sãs respõdre. Ie voy bien, dit-il, que tu crains d'offenser ceux du village où tu as demeuré qui te veulent auoir, tu es maistre de tes actions, dy leur que tu veux venir auec nous, & ils ne te diront plus riẽ. Le pere prent delay pour y penser. Nous aiant communiqué cette emulation entre les villages qui vouloient tous auoir nos Peres, ie luy dy qu'il me sembloit qu'ils deuoient imiter S. Pierre & S. Paul, qui s'en allerent attaquer l'idolatrie dans la principale ville du monde, & ainsi que la Bourgade la plus renommée entre les Hurons deuoit estre le lieu de leur demeure: car celle-cy faisant ioug à la loy de Dieu, toutes les autres [186] s'y soubmettroient aisement. Le voila donc deliberé de demeurer dãs la Rochelle, cette bourgade estant l'vne des plus grandes, & des plus peuplées de cette nation, veu mesme que c'est là où les Conseils de tout le païs se concluent en dernier ressort: le mal estoit qu'il n'osoit declarer sa volõté, de peur d'ẽcourir la disgrace des autres Bourgades. Il s'aduisa de prier le sieur de Champlain de tesmoigner à tous les Capitaines que sa volonté estoit que tous les Francois allassent demeurer à la Rochelle, ce qu'il fit. ces Capitaines demanderent pourquoy les autres villages seroient priués de ce bien, & puis que six Frãçois alloient là, qu'il les falloit loger en six villages ou bourgades. Non pas, dit le sieur de Champlain, ie desire qu'ils soient tous ensemble, pour deux raisons (remarqués qu'il faut payer ces peuples de raison pour calmer [187] leur esprit) I'enuoye, ce dit-il, deux petits garçons & vn ieune hõme auec les Peres: s'ils sont separez, ils feront peut estre des querelles auec vos gens, car ils n'auront personne qui les gouuerne: de plus, si nos François sont dispersez, ils s'en iront où ils voudront, & si quelqu'vn des autres François ou de vous autres desire de luy parler, on ne sçaura où il est: mais s'ils demeurent tous ensemble, ceux qui demeureront à la maison scauront le lieu où se seront transportez ceux qui en sortiront. Ayez un peu de patience, & vous aurez tous des François en vos bourgades. Les voila donc tous contens, horsmis le capitaine du village où le Pere Brebeuf & le Pere de Nouë auoient demeuré; car il s'attendoit qu'on retourneroit là pour restablir ce village, qui s'est dispersé. Voila donc le lieu de la demeure de nos [188] Peres arrestée, reste à voir qui les embarquera. Pour euiter toute enuie, le Pere Brebeuf fit assembler les capitaines, & les plus âgez d'entr'eux en conseil. Ce capitaine mescontent ne s'y trouua point, ains reprocha au capitaine de la Rochelle qu'il estoit cause que les Frãçois n'alloyẽt point en son village. Celuy-cy se purge le mieux qu'il peut, disant que c'estoit le Sieur de Champlain qui auoit desiré cela: au reste, pour ne point choquer cet homme fasché, il s'excusa d'embarquer l'vn de nos Peres, disant qu'il n'auoit dans son canot que de la ieunesse qui n'estoit pas propre à ramer, mais que nous ne trouuerions que trop de personnes qui noꝰ porteroyent. Nos Peres auoyent bien desir d'estre embarquez dans les canots d'vn mesme village, mais il fut arresté dans leur conseil qu'il falloit donner ce contentement aux [189] autres villages, d'en passer quelqu'ũ iusques dans le pays & ainsi nos Peres deuoyent estre portez en diuers villages, pour se rassembler par apres dans la Rochelle.

Toward evening, Father Brebeuf having gone to Kebec, or to the French fort, where the Hurons were, to see those with whom our Fathers were to embark, the Captain of la Rochelle[60] (it is thus our French people have named one of the Huron villages or Settlements, having given the names of the French cities to these poor straggling villages) accosts Father Brebeuf and tries to persuade him to go and live in his village, offering to carry him and as many more as he wished to have go. "Come with me," said he, "thou wilt be safe with our people, [185] no one will steal from thee; I hold the whole country upon my shoulders; I shall protect thee; we all love thee, thou wilt want for nothing; our country is the best among the Hurons." The Father, pausing a little before answering, "I see clearly," continues he, "that thou hast fear of offending those of the village where thou hast lived, and who wish to have thee. Thou art master of thy actions, tell them that thou wishest to come with us, and they will say nothing more to thee." The father took time to think it over. Having told us of this rivalry among the villages, each desiring to have our Fathers, I said to him that it seemed to me they ought to imitate St. Peter and St. Paul, who went forth to attack idolatry in the principal city of the world, and in like manner the most renowned Village of the Hurons ought to be their dwelling place; for, if that one came under the yoke of the law of God, all the others [186] would easily submit to it. So he decided to remain at la Rochelle, this place being one of the largest and the most populous of this tribe; and besides, it is there that all the Councils of this country are held for final action. The trouble was that he dared not declare his wish, for fear of offending the other Villages. He made up his mind to ask sieur de Champlain to notify all the Captains that it was his wish that all the French should go and live at la Rochelle, which he did. These Captains asked why all of the other villages should be deprived of this blessing, saying that, as six Frenchmen were going, they ought to be lodged in six villages or towns. "No," said sieur de Champlain, "I desire that they should all live together, for two reasons" (notice that reasons must be given to these people to pacify [187] them): "I send," said he, "two little boys and a young man with the Fathers. If they are separated, they will perhaps quarrel with your people, for they will have no one to govern them; besides, if our Frenchmen are separated, they will go where they please, and, if some of the other Frenchmen or your people wish to talk to one of them, they will not know where to find them. But, if they all live together, those who remain at home will know where the absent ones can be found. Have a little patience, and you will all have Frenchmen in your villages." They were all then satisfied, except the captain of the village where Father Brebeuf and Father de Nouë had lived, for he expected that they would return to rebuild the village which had been abandoned.[61] Thus, the place of habitation of our [188] Fathers being fixed, it remained to be seen with whom they would each embark. To avoid all jealousies, Father Brebeuf had all the captains and the oldest among them assemble in council. This discontented captain did not go there, but he reproached the captain of la Rochelle with having been the cause of the French not going to his village. The latter defended himself from the charge as best he could, saying that such was the wish of Sieur de Champlain. Finally, lest he should offend this angry man, he excused himself from furnishing passage for one of the Fathers, saying that his canoe was manned only by young people who were not fit to paddle, and that we would find only too many other persons who would be glad to convey us. Our Fathers were very anxious to embark together in the canoes of one village, but it was decided in the council that it was necessary to satisfy the [189] other villages by allowing them to carry some of the Fathers up into the country. And so it was that our Fathers were to be taken to different villages, to meet afterward at la Rochelle.

Le premier iour d'Aoust les Hurõs venoyent voir nostre Chapelle en ayant ouy parler à ceux qui l'auoient veuë, & ie croy que s'ils faisoyẽt quelque seiour à Kebec qu'il n'y en a pas vn qui ne la vint visiter. Leur foire est bien tost faicte. Le premier iour qu'ils arriuent ils font leur cabane, le second ils tiennent leurs conseils, & font leurs presents; le troisiesme & quatriesme ils traittent, ils vendent, ils acheptent, ils troquent leurs pelleteries & leur petun contre des couuertures, des haches, des chaudieres, des capots, des fers de flêches, des petits canons de verre, des chemises, & choses semblables, C'est vn plaisir de les voir pẽdant cette traitte, laquelle [190] estant finie ils prennent encore vn iour pour leur dernier conseil, pour le festin qu'on leur fait ordinairemẽt, & pour danser, & puis le lendemain de grand matin ils passent comme vne volée d'oiseaux. Or ceux qui auoient debité leur marchandise de bonne heure venoyent voir nostre maison allechez par le recit qu'on leur faisoit de la beauté de nostre Chappelle. Le Pere Brebeuf les entretenoit: & comme il eut parlé du Paradis & de l'Enfer à l'vne de leurs bandes, l'vn d'eux l'arreste, & luy dict: Et que ferons nous, _Eschom_, (c'est le nom qu'ils donnẽt au Pere) afin que nous n'allions point dans ces grands tourmens? Le Pere leur ayant dit ce qu'il falloit faire; ils tesmoignerent qu'ils estoyent prests d'obeir. Il leur dit que cette Chapelle estoit le lieu où nous prions le grãd Dieu du ciel, & qu'ils se missent tous à genoux, & [191] qu'ils luy fissent leurs prieres en leur cœur. Ie les vey tous s'y mettre les vns apres les autres, ou plustost s'accroupir deuant l'Autel, car ils ne sçauent que c'est de s'agenouiller, ce n'est point l'vne de leurs postures. Leur oraison faicte, qui ne fut pas longue, le Pere demanda à l'vn d'eux ce qu'il auoit dit à ce grand Dieu: Il repart: Ie luy ay dict, Prens courage à nous aider & à nous secourir, & à nous donner vn bō voyage: Voila la priere de ce pauure barbare. Pendant que l'vn d'eux prioit, vn autre luy dit: Regarde bien en ton cœur ce que tu diras à ce grand Maistre. O que ne sçauons nous les langues de ces pauures Sauuages! Ce sera quand il plaira à Nostre Seigneur; Que son sainct nom soit beny pour vn iamais.

On the first day of August, the Hurons came to see our Chapel, having heard it spoken of by those who had seen it; and I believe that, if they had made a longer stay at Kebec, there would not have been one who did not visit it. Their fair is soon over. The day of their arrival they erect their huts; the second, they hold their councils and make their presents; the third and fourth, they trade, sell, buy, barter their furs and their tobacco for blankets, hatchets, kettles, capes, iron arrow-points, little glass beads, shirts, and many similar things. It is a pleasure to watch them during this trading. When it [190] is over they take one day more for their last council, for the feast which is generally made for them, and the dance; and early the next morning they disappear like a flock of birds. Now those who had sold their goods early came to see our home, attracted thither by the description they had heard of the beauty of our Chapel. Father Brebeuf entertained them; and, after he had discoursed upon Paradise and Hell to one of their companies, a man interrupted him, asking: "And what shall we do, _Eschom_" (that is the name they give to the Father), "that we may escape these great torments?" When the Father told them what they must do, they assured him that they were ready to obey. He said that this Chapel was the place in which we offered prayers to the great God of the sky, that they must kneel down, and [191] that they should pray to him in their hearts. I saw them all get on their knees one beside the other, before the Altar, or rather they squatted down, for they do not know what kneeling is, as it is not one of their postures. Their prayer, which was not long, having been made, the Father asked one of them what he had said to the great God. He replied: "I said to him, 'Have courage to aid and succor us, and to give us a good voyage.'" That was the prayer of this poor barbarian. While one was praying, another said to him: "Look well into thy heart for what thou wilt say to this great Master." Oh, if we only knew the language of these poor Savages! That will come when it pleases Our Lord. May his holy name be forever blessed!

Le 3. du mesme mois d'Aoust le Sieur de Champlain festina tous les [192] Hurons. Les mets du festin furent de la sagamité cõposée de pois, de pain esmié ou de galette puluerisée, & de pruneaux, tout cela bouilly dans vne grande chaudiere dont on se sert pour faire de la biere, auec de l'eau sās sel, leur a semblé tres-excellente. Ie ne declareray point les particularitez de ce banquet, ny de leur chant & de leur danse: ce sera pour vn autre fois.

(_Continued in Vol. vi._)

On the 3rd of the same month of August, Sieur de Champlain made a feast for all the [192] Hurons. The dishes of this feast were sagamité, composed of peas, of bread-crumbs or powdered sea biscuit, and of prunes; all this was boiled together in a great kettle which is used for making beer, with water and no salt, and they thought it very good indeed. I shall not go into details about this banquet, nor about their songs and their dances. That will be for another time.

(_Continued in Vol. vi._)

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA: VOL. V

XX

In reprinting Le Jeune's _Brief Relation_ (1632), commonly classed as the first _Relation_ of the regular series, we follow the original Cramoisy in Lenox Library. This is the copy marked "GB" in Winsor's list; it was formerly in the Bancroft collection, which was absorbed by the Lenox, being considered the chief jewel therein. Other copies are known to be in Brown Library, Providence; British Museum; and Bibliothèque Nationale and Bibliothèque de l'Arsenal, Paris. Winsor mentions a copy in the Murphy collection, but it was not included in the sale catalogue; the Kalbfleisch collection mentioned by Winsor had a copy, but that library is now dispersed.

Extracts from this _Relation_, for which "privilege" was issued Nov., 1632, appear in _Mercure François_, vol. xviii., pp. 56-72; the date of the "privilege" for this volume of _Mercure_ is March, 1633. The _Relation_ given in the Quebec Reprint (1858), is after the copy in the Bibliothèque Nationale.

Further references are in Sabin, vol. x., no. 39946, and vol. xvi., under caption "Relations;" Carayon, no. 1260; Winsor, p. 301; Brown, vol. ii., no. 381; Lenox, p. 4; and Harrisse, no. 49. Harrisse, in describing the title-page, misspells Barthelemy Iacquinot, "Bartelemy Iacquinet,"--an error in which Lenox and Sabin follow him; the Brown Catalogue gives the name correctly, and has a facsimile of the page.

_Title-page._ We present a photographic facsimile of the original at Lenox.

_Collation._ Title, 1 p.; blank, 1 p.; text, pp. 3-68; privilege, dated Nov., 1632, 1 unnumbered p.; blank, 1 p.

XXI

In our reissue of Le Jeune's _Relation_ of 1633 (No. 2 of the Cramoisy series), we follow the original in the Brown Library, at Providence, R. I. Harvard College Library possesses a copy which is evidently, in the main, from the same setting of type as the Brown copy, but with variations. It is apparently the Harvard copy which is described in Harrisse's _Notes_, no. 55, although, in the catalogues of these respective libraries, each example is entered as "H. 55." We shall for convenience designate them as "Brown H. 55," and "Harvard H. 55," respectively.

A word-for-word collation of these two examples of H. 55 convinces us that the original issue of the press is the one at Brown, making this, so far as we are aware, a unique copy. As the working of the edition progressed, some occasion arose for changing the phraseology of the text upon pp. 225, 226 (i.e., 125, 126, correct pagination) in signature H, these two pages being in part reset. The following sentences, which appear on p. 225 (i.e., 125) of the Brown copy, were expunged from the sheet, and do not appear in the Harvard and other examples of this _Relation_:

pour toute sa Prouince, & pour tous ceux qui cooperent au salut de tant de pauures ames esgarées: Vne petite gouttelette de ce diuin calice nous enrichira tous: & puis que mes prieres sont trop foibles pour obtenir vn si grand bien, ie supplie V. R. d'interposer les siennes, & celles encore de tant d'ames sainctes qui sont dessous sa charge: Mais passons outre.

There was also expunged from pp. 225, 226 (i.e., 125, 126) the following paragraph, which appears only in the Brown copy:

Ie remerciay le mieux qu'il me fut possible Mõsieur de Champlain de la charité qu'il auoit exercée enuers nos Peres qui a esté tres-grande, cõme me témoignoit le Pere Brebeuf.

To occupy the space, the following fifteen lines were substituted on pp. 225, 226 (i.e., 125, 126), and these appear in the Harvard and later issues of the document, but not in the Brown copy:

Il me vient quelquefois en pensée, que ce Grand Homme, qui par son admirable sagesse, & non-pareille conduite ez affaires s'est tant acquis de renommée sur la terre, se prepare vne couronne de gloire tres- esclatante dans le Ciel, pour le soing qu'il tesmoigne auoir en la conuersion de tant d'ames que l'infidelité perd en ces pays sauuages: I'en prie tous les iours affectueusement pour luy, & nostre compagnie ayant par son moyen occasion de glorifier Dieu en cette si noble entreprise, luy en aura vne obligation eternelle.

While form H was off the press, and the above alteration of text taking place, certain types appear to have dropped out or been moved in other pages of the same form, making a half-dozen verbal errors on pp. 115, 119. The form, with the text thus altered, was again sent to press, and apparently Harvard H. 55 is the result. Another peculiarity in the Harvard copy is,--and this is noted by Harrisse,--that the letter P in the word "Par," on the title-page, has been partially dropped: the Brown copy is perfect, in this respect.

In due course, a second issue of the _Relation_ became necessary,--but in what year it is now impossible to say; for, after the custom of Cramoisy, the dates of the original title-page and Privilege were reproduced in the new edition, which is the one known to bibliographers as "H. 56," having been described by Harrisse in his _Notes_, no. 56. This edition--we describe the example in Lenox Library--was printed from an entire resetting of type, the altered text of Harvard H. 55 having been selected for "copy," although the orthography was occasionally modernized. Harrisse, in giving the title-page of H. 56, accidentally omits two line-ending indicators; with these exceptions, his description applies to the copy of H. 56 in Lenox. But he errs in saying that H. 56 does not differ from H. 55 (he describes the Harvard copy), save in the arrangement of the title with its repetition of "de," in the substitution of a ram's head for a cupid in the vignette of p. 1, and a few errors in pagination. The differences are more numerous: in page-numberings, are many discrepancies; in the contents of lines, on several of the pages of each, there is considerable variance,--although both continue to end their pages uniformly, save that H. 56 is on p. 57 a line short; there are also frequent variations in spelling and capitalization.

An abridgment of the _Relation_ appears in _Mercure François_, vol. xix., pp. 771-802. The Privilege for this volume, which covers events in 1633, bears date March, 1636.

The Quebec reprint (1858) follows H. 56.

See further references in Carayon, no. 1261; Sabin, vol. x., nos. 39,947, 39,948. and vol. xvi., p. 536 (this bibliographer strictly follows Harrisse); Brown Catalogue, vol ii., nos. 118, 417; Pilling's _Bibliography of the Algonquian Languages_ (Washington, 1891), p. 307; O'Callaghan Sale Catalogue, no. 1212 (wherein the description follows Lenox H. 56); Barlow's _Rough List_ (N. Y., 1885), no. 338, p. 77; Barlow Sale Catalogue, no. 1273 (the copy therein mentioned sold for $120); Græsse, tome iv., livr. i., p. 154; Murphy Sale Catalogue, no. 1344; O'Callaghan's _Bibliography_ (1850), p. 36; Sommervogel, tome iv., p. 795, no. 2; Winsor, p. 301 (the Bancroft copy referred to is now in Lenox); and Dodd, Mead & Co.'s _Trade Catalogue_ (April, 1896), wherein a copy, with "the date cut from title," is priced at $200.

Examples of the _Relation_ of 1633 may be found in the following libraries: Harvard (H. 55), Brown (H. 55 and 56), Lenox (H. 56, two copies), and British Museum (ed. not specified).

_Title-page._ Given in photographic facsimile, from the copy of H. 55, in Brown Library, Providence.

_Collation of Brown H. 55._ Title, 1 p.; blank at back of title, 1 p.; text, pp. 3-216; Privilege, in small type, on p. 216.

NOTES TO VOL. V

(_Figures in parentheses, following number of note, refer to pages of English text_.)

1 (p. 11).--Paul le Jeune was born in July, 1591, at Chalons-sur-Marne, France. His parents were Huguenots; but, upon attaining his majority, he became a Catholic, and entered the Jesuit novitiate, at Rouen, Sept. 22, 1613. Pursuing his studies at La Flèche and Clermont, he became an instructor at Rennes and Bourges, and, later, professor of rhetoric at Nevers (1626-28) and at Caen (1629-30). He then spent two years as a preacher at Dieppe, and two years more as superior of the residence there. On the return of the French to Quebec, he came there with De Caen, as superior of the Canadian mission. His first year was spent in the French settlements; in the second, he wintered among the Montagnais, in order to learn their language. When the settlement of Three Rivers was founded (1634; see vol. iv., _note_ 24), he went there with Buteux, returning to Quebec before the death of Champlain, whose funeral sermon he preached. Le Jeune remained superior of the mission until 1639, and continued his labors in Canada during ten years more. In 1649, he returned to France, where he became procuror of foreign missions; and died there Aug. 7, 1664. Besides his _Relations_ of the missions, he wrote several religious works; one of these, _A Ten Days' Retreat_, was reprinted at Rennes in 1843. Rochemonteix says of Le Jeune: "He carried a will of steel in a heart of fire." Suite thus characterizes him: "He was a typical missionary--fervent, devoted, asking only to be directed towards sacrifice."

2 (p. 11).--This document is given in Martin's _Bressani_, pp. 295, 296. It states that Richelieu had already offered the Canadian mission to the Capuchins, but that they had declined to enter the field formerly occupied by the Jesuits.

3 (p. 11).--The order of Ursulines was founded Nov. 25, 1535, at Brescia, by, Angela Merici. To the three vows of Augustine, it added a fourth, requiring the instruction of girls. It became established in France by the end of the sixteenth century, thence spreading to Germany. The first Ursuline convent in America was established at Quebec, in 1639, by the efforts of Madame de la Peltrie.

4 (p. 11).--_Low Sunday_: the first Sunday after Easter, so called because Easter is High Sunday. It is also called White Sunday, because on that day the neophytes wear their white robes to the church; and Quasimodo Sunday, because the introit for this day begins with the words, "Quasi modo geniti infantes."

5 (p. 19).--See vol. i., _note_ 69.

6 (p. 19).--Cartier (_Brief Récit_, fol. 12) describes "a sort of fish as large as porpoises, but not like them; their bodies well-shaped, and heads like that of the greyhound; as white as snow, without any spot; in that river [Saguenay] there are a great number of them, living between the sea and the fresh water. The people of that country call them Adhothuys; and we were told that they are very good to eat." Packard, in _Labrador Coast_ (N. Y., 1891), p. 443, mentions the white whale (_Delplanapterus Catodon_, Linn.) as "not uncommonly seen passing in schools along the [Labrador] coast, in the summer time."

7 (p. 19).--_Gaspay bay_: on the coast of Gaspé, (see vol. iii., _note_ 45), south of Cape Rosière. This bay appears on De Fer's map (1705), as G. de Gas; its present name is Gaspé.

8 (p. 35).--_But one wife_: Cf. the accounts of Membertou's unique monogamy, given by Lescarbot and Biard,--vol. i., p. 215; and vol. ii., pp. 23, 227, 229.

9 (p. 35).--_Basque scaffold_: a point two leagues above Tadoussac; mentioned by Champlain, and shown on a map by Lotter (n. d.), as Cape Chafaut aux Basques; Bellin (1744) names it Echafaut aux Basques; obviously a place used by the Basque fishermen for drying fish.

Margry says (_Navig. Fr._, pp. 113, 114): "The Basques made their way at first to the ports on the eastern shore of the island [Newfoundland]. There they invented the process of drying codfish, that they might carry a greater quantity on their ships. This was done on scaffolds, which they called _pignalac_; and the "shipowners of St. Jean de Luz and Siboure sent out vessels expressly for this catching and drying fish, independently of those sent for the whale fishery."

10 (p. 37).--_St. Lawrence Island_: evidently another name for the Isle of Orleans.

11 (p. 41).--These were the sons of Gervase (or Jervis) Kirk (see vol. iv., _note_ 46), who was born in 1566, in Derbyshire, England, the eldest son of a gentleman's family; later, he became a merchant in London. In 1596, he married Elizabeth Gondon, of Dieppe, France, by whom he had seven children. His sons David, Lewis, and Thomas, were aged respectively 32, 30 and 26 years, at the time Quebec was taken. They were all prominent members of the Merchant Adventurers to Canada. Gervase died Dec. 17, 1629. David was knighted by Charles I., in 1633, as a reward for his services in taking Quebec; but (according to H. Kirke) neither he nor his heirs ever received any pecuniary recompense for the heavy losses he incurred in that enterprise, although, in the negotiations for the restitution of Canada, the French King had agreed to pay the sum of 82,700 livres to Kirk. Brymner (_Can. Archives_, 1894, pp. viii.-x.) gives a document (probably 1683) detailing the claims of the Kirks to the territories of Nova Scotia and Quebec.

A colony had been established in Newfoundland, in 1621, by George, Lord Baltimore, who received from James I. a large tract of land in the southeastern part, extending westward to Placentia Bay, which he named Avalon; but he abandoned it in 1629. A grant of the whole island was made by Charles I., Nov. 13, 1637, to the Duke of Hamilton, Sir David Kirk, and others; and Kirk, who after a few years became the sole owner of Newfoundland, continued as its ruler until his death (about 1653). He did much to develop the resources of the island,--encouraging immigration, opening the fisheries to other nations as well as to the English, and protecting the industry from pirates. As the Kirk family were devoted loyalists, they suffered many losses under the Commonwealth, and Sir David's property was for some time sequestrated as that of a malignant. Finally, in 1660, his heirs were obliged to yield possession of Newfoundland to Cecil, Lord Baltimore, who claimed it under the grant made to his father.--See Henry Kirke's _First English Conquest of Canada_ (London, 1871); Prowse's _Hist. N. F._, pp. 138-157; and Kingsford's _Canada_, vol. i., pp. 142, 143.

The name is also variously spelled Ker, Kerk, Kertk, Kirke, Kirtk, Kyrck, Quer, Querch, and Quercq.

A daughter of David Kirk became the second wife of Pierre Radisson, the Hudson Bay explorer.

12 (p. 41).--Laverdière gives (at end of _Champlain_, "Pièces justificatives," pp. 25, 26) the letters from Charles "to ye Canadian marchants and ye com̃anders under them for rendring Kebeck." The merchants claimed to have spent £60,000 in their Canadian expedition; and they were greatly incensed at the restitution of Canada to France, ignoring as it did the rights granted them by the crown. Their letter to Isaac Wake, the representative of England in the treaty of St. Germain, is also given by Laverdière (_ut supra_, pp. 27-31); they complain that the interests of English subjects were neglected in the treaty.

13 (p. 41).--The widow of Louis Hébert (see vol. ii., _note_ 80). Her name was Marie Rollet; her second husband was Guillaume Hubou, whom she married May 16, 1629; she died May 27, 1649, at Quebec.

14 (p. 53).--_Moustache_: a name applied, in olden times, to a long lock of hair hanging from one side of the head.

15 (p. 67).--Raymond de la Ralde has been already mentioned as De Caen's successor (see vol. iv., _note_ 27); he was a Catholic, but was unfriendly to the Jesuits, who complained of him as leagued with De Caen against them. He attacked the English fishing vessels in Newfoundland, in the summer of 1628, capturing several of them, but on one occasion losing 67 of his men as prisoners; an account of this affair is given in letters from Lord Baltimore to Charles I. and the Duke of Buckingham.--English _Colonial Papers_, vol. iv., nos. 56, 57.

16 (p. 69).--The phrase in the original is _trois brasses_; the brasse was a linear measure, of five old-French feet, or 1.62 metres, equivalent to 5.318 English feet.

17 (p. 71).--_Nation of the Bear_ (Attignaouantans).--The territory of this nation, the most westerly of the Huron confederacy, was sharply defined on all four sides. Portions of Georgian Bay formed two of these,--Nottawasaga Bay, on the west, and Matchedash Bay, on the north. Along their eastern side, the river Wye separated them from the other Huron tribes. Another natural boundary afforded them a partial protection on the south; this was Cranberry Lake and marsh, which extended up the Wye River to Orr Lake, twelve miles farther east, forming a wide, impassable marshy tract, which protected all of the Huron tribes along their southern frontier. This important water system is indicated by the name of Lake Anaouites on Ducreux's map. The country of the Bear clan nearly coincided with the boundaries of the present township of Tiny, in which have been found, up to the present year (1897), the remains of about thirty-five village sites and twenty ossuaries. The surface of Tiny is undulating, nowhere exceeding 500 feet above the level of Georgian Bay. At the north, the ground rises as it recedes from the shore, around which there still remains a fringe of the original forest. Along the southern half, there is a long reach of shore, with bleak sand-dunes, where a stunted vegetation barely exists,--a feature common to the southeastern shores of all the great lakes. Behind these, the soil of the interior is now occupied by agricultural settlers. It was also on the higher ground of these interior parts that the Attignaouantans, as their remains show, had their habitations when the Jesuits were among them. It should be observed that Champlain used the name Attignaouantans (Ochatequins; see vol. ii. of this series, _note_ 58) for the entire Huron confederacy. The generic name, Ouendat (Wyandot), including the Attignaouantans as one of the confederates, appears to have been brought into use at a later date (Lalemant's _Relation_, 1639). If the others were in the district at the time of Lalemant's visit, he overlooked their differences, as he makes so distinction in the case of the inhabitants of even the most easterly town of the district, Cahiagua. Yet we know that Arendarrhonons were at Cahiagua in his time, as these were said to cherish his memory twenty-two years afterward (Lalemant's _Relation_, 1640).--A. F. HUNTER.

18 (p. 71).--_Tobacco Nation_ (Khionontaterrhonons; also called, by the French, Nation de Petun).--The territory of this tribe coincided closely with the present township of Nottawasaga, Simcoe county, their villages having been situated on rising spurs along the eastern side of the Blue Mountains. This country is now covered by well-cultivated farms. Remains of the aborigines are abundant there, as many as thirty-two village sites and forty ossuaries having been found at various times. David Boyle, of the Provincial Archæological Museum, has devoted much time to a minute examination of several of these, and the museum contains many relics from this locality. Most frequently found, has been the tobacco-pipe, especially the trumpet-mouthed variety, which is found in great abundance and diversity of pattern, and of which many specimens are contained in the museum. This is a natural result of their extensive raising and marketing of tobacco, from which their name was derived. In a scholarly paper, "Historical Sketch of the Tionontates, or Dinondadies, now called Wyandots," (_Hist. Mag._, vol. v., p. 262), J. G. Shea traces the wanderings of the remnant of this tribe, after it was almost annihilated by the Iroquois in 1649-50, down to their settlement on the reserve in Anderdon township, near Amherstburg, Ont., where their descendants may be found to this day. James H. Coyne, B. A., of St. Thomas, Ont., points out, in a recent pamphlet, _The Country of the Neutrals_ (St. Thomas, 1895), p. 19, that some of the survivors of the Neutrals had united with this remnant of the Tobacco Nation while they were at Mackinac.--A. F. HUNTER.

19 (p. 71).--_Nation of the Sorcerers_ (Aoueatsionaenrrhonons; also named "Gens puants").--This was an Algonkin tribe of Nipissings, at the lake of that name. They were also called Bissiriniens; and their Huron name was sometimes spelled Askicouaneronons. Like other Northern Algonkin nations, they rendezvoused at the lake only in the winter season (Lalemant's _Relation_, 1641, chap. vii.). During the later wars between the Hurons and Iroquois, they withdrew toward Hudson Bay, to avoid the fury of the latter, and there mingled with other nations. In recent years, graves, and other remains of this tribe, have been found on Biscuiting Island, and at other points about Lake Nipissing.--A. F. HUNTER.

20 (p. 73).--_Fire Nation_: so named by the French--a translation of Assistaeronnons, the name applied to the tribe by the Hurons; also known as Mascoutins (with numerous variants in spelling). This was an Algonkin tribe, located in Southern Michigan, Northern Indiana and Illinois, and Central and Southeastern Wisconsin. Nicolet visited them (1634) on the upper Fox River of Wisconsin, probably near Berlin. Champlain mentions them as enemies of the Ottawas and Neutrals; they were probably driven by those tribes westward from the vicinity of Detroit. Shea thinks the Mascoutins "were probably at last confounded with the Kickapoos," of Western and Southwestern Wisconsin.

21 (p. 73).--_Amantacha_: also known among the French as Louis de Sainte-Foi; the Huron lad mentioned by Lalemant (vol. iv. of this series, p. 225), who in 1626 was sent to France by the missionaries, and baptized. Having been instructed there by the Jesuits, he returned to Canada before the capture of Quebec, after which event he entered into the service of the English; but, after the return of the French, he was very useful to the missionaries in their intercourse with the natives.

22 (p. 75).--Sebastien Cramoisy, a well-known publisher, was born at Paris in 1585, and died there in January, 1669. The Imprimerie Royale was established in 1640, by Louis XIII., who placed it in charge of Cramoisy. His brother Gabriel was his partner during 1644-58, and, beginning with 1663, Sebastien Mabre-Cramoisy (according to Harrisse, a son of another brother, Claude; but, according to Baillet, Sebastien's grandson). Upon Sebastien's death, he was succeeded by Mabre-Cramoisy, who retained the title of Printer to the King, until 1687. This family became widely known as the printers of the entire original series of the Jesuit _Relations_ (1632-73); but some of their other publications have been more famous as specimens of book-making,--for instance, their _Nicephori Callisti historiæ ecclesiasticæ_, lib. 18, etc. (1630).

Sebastien was an alderman, an administrator of the hospitals, and president of the Grande Navire, an association of the booksellers of Paris; his name also appears as a charter member of the Hundred Associates (1627).

23 (p. 83).--Otherwise known as the "Hundred Associates" (see vol. iv., _note_ 21).

24 (p. 87).--This "MS. dictionary" was probably the work of Massé or Brébeuf, while engaged upon the first Canadian mission (1625-29); some of their translations into Montagnais are mentioned in vol. iv., _note_ 30. In acquiring the native dialects, they were greatly aided by the Récollet missionaries. Le Clercq states that the latter had prepared Huron, Montagnais, and Algonkin dictionaries, and that he himself had seen fragments of these, in their hand-writing. He also says that copies of these dictionaries were presented to Louis XIII., in 1625; but Shea remarks that "no trace of these has ever been found."--Shea's _Le Clercq_, vol. i., pp. 248, 249.

Dictionaries and other MSS. in Algonkin, the work of Jesuit missionaries, are still extant, in the archives of the mission of Lac des Deux Montagnes (Oka), Quebec; one of these is dated 1661.--See Pilling's _Bibliog. Algon. Lang._, pp. 6, 7. Several MSS. of this character are also in the archives of St. Mary's College, Montreal.

25 (p. 87).--Hakluyt's account of Cartier's third voyage (1540) thus mentions the "diamonds" of this locality: "And vpon that high cliff wee found a faire fountaine very neere the sayd Fort: adioyning whereunto we found good store of stones, which we esteemed to be Diamants.... the most faire, pollished, and excellently cut that it is possible for a man to see, when the Sunne shineth vpon them, they glister as it were sparkles of fire." Afterwards, meeting Roberval at St. John's Bay, Cartier "tolde him that hee had brought certaine Diamonts, and a quantitie of Golde ore, which was found in the Countrey. Which ore the Sunday next ensuing was tryed in a Furnace, and found to be good."--Goldsmid's _Hakluyt_, vol. xiii., pp. 150, 151, 164. On p. 155 of the same volume is a letter from Jacques Noel, a grandnephew of Cartier, in which Noel declares that he has seen a map of Canada, drawn by his uncle, on which the latter had written these words: "By the people of Canada and Hochelaga it was said, That here is the land of Saguenay, which is rich and wealthy in precious stones."

Champlain says, in _Voyages_ (Prince ed.), vol. i., p. 253: "Along the shore of Quebec, there are diamonds in some slate rocks, which are better than those of Alençon." Kalm describes the black limeslate of this region, in his _Travels into North America_ (Forster's trans., London, 1772), vol. ii., p. 371, and adds: "The large cracks are almost filled up with transparent quartz crystals, of different sizes. One part of the mountain contains vast quantities of these crystals, from which the corner of the mountain which lies to the S. S. E. of the palace has got the name of Pointe de Diamante or Diamond Point."

26 (p. 93).--_La Nasse_: Champlain mentions this savage as warning the French of Kirk's approach to Quebec (1629). Le Jeune describes (_Relation_, 1634, _post_) the baptism of La Nasse, under the name of Joseph, and his pious death some months later.

27 (p. 95).--Cf. Jouvency's account of a similar occurrence (vol. i. of this series, p. 269).

28 (p. 97).--_Sagamité_: a word derived by Maurault (_Hist. Abenakis_, p. 13) from sôgmôipi, "the repast of chiefs." The most common form in which the Indians prepared maize as food; termed "samp," or "hominy," by the English. The corn, usually pounded into meal, was boiled in water, with the addition of meat, fish, or oil, when they had such, to enrich and flavor it. Various kinds of vegetables, in their season,--beans, peas, pumpkins,--were boiled with the corn, especially when the latter was still green: a survival of this usage remains in our modern "succotash," of corn and beans. Sagard describes, in _Grand Voyage_ (Tross ed., 1865), pp. 94-98, this and various other methods of cooking maize. Creuxius gives (_Hist. Canad._, p. 23), a picture of Indian women preparing corn; and Lafitau describes at length the cultivation of maize, its use as food, and the preparation of sagamite, in his _Mœurs des Sauvages Ameriquains_ (Paris, 1724), t. ii., pp. 63-89. Cf. Carr's _Food of Amer. Ind._, pp. 178-182.

29 (p. 103).--The bulbs were those of the yellow lily (_Lilium Canadense_), which have been, from the earliest historic times, used as food by the Indians.--Pickering's _Chronological History of Plants_ (Boston, 1879), p. 641; and Thoreau's _Maine Woods_, p. 194, 284, 326. Trumbull says (_Conn. Hist. Colls._, vol. ii., p. 26) that "_sheep'nak_ is the modern Abnaki name for the bulbous roots of the yellow lily,"--possibly the Micmac _sgabun_ or _shuben_ (see our vol. ii., _note_ 77). Cf. Josselyn's _New England's Rarities Discovered_ (London, 1672), reprinted, with introduction and valuable annotations by Tuckerman, in _Trans. Amer. Antiq. Soc._, vol. iv., (Boston, 1860), pp. 105-238; on p. 176, he says of the water lily (_Nuphar advena_): "The Indians eat the roots, which are long a-boiling. They tast like the liver of a sheep. The moose-deer feed much upon them; at which time the Indians kill them, when their heads are under water."

Cf. also Brunet's note on _Nelumbium luteum_, in Tailhan's ed. of Nicolas Perrot's _Memoire sur les Sauvages_ (Leipzig and Paris, 1864), p. 194. Nuttall says of the _Nelumbium_ (which he calls _Cyamus luteus_): "The Osages and other Western natives employ the roots of this plant for food, preparing them by boiling. When fully ripe, after a considerable boiling, they become as farinaceous, agreeable, and wholesome a diet as the potato. This species is everywhere made use of by the natives, who collect both the nuts and the roots."--"Flora of Arkansas Territory," in _Trans. of Am. Philos. Soc._, new series, vol. v. (Phila., 1837), p. 160.

30 (p. 103).--Cf. the legend of Gougon (vol. ii., _note_ 44).

31 (p. 105).--Cf. vol. i., p. 261; and Sagard's _Canada_, pp. 271-273, for descriptions of the vapor-bath as a therapeutic agent, among the North American aborigines.

32 (p. 105).--Maurault (_Hist. Abenakis_, p. 15) says that the Abenakis "were not wont to show their discontent or hatred by oaths or blasphemies. The same thing may still be noticed among them. They have the greatest horror of imprecations and blasphemies; and there are no words in their language to express these, so often uttered by Canadians." Cf. Schoolcraft (_Ind. Tribes_, vol. vi., p. 682): "The Algonquin language has no words for the expression of oaths; an Algonquin can neither swear nor blaspheme."

33 (p. 107).--Pierre Antoine, surnamed Pastedechouan (Patetchounon, or Atetkouanon); a young Montagnais or Canadian, who was taken to France (1620) by the Récollet missionaries, and there baptized and educated. Sagard says that "he became proficient in Latin and French; and, on his return to Quebec [1625], the missionaries were obliged to send him back to his relatives for a time, that he might regain his native language, which he had almost forgotten." Captured by Admiral Kirk in 1628, he refused to serve as an interpreter, and soon after escaped. See an account of this youth in Sagard's _Canada_, pp. 865, 936-938; cf. Creuxius's _Hist. Canad._, p. 110; Shea's _Le Clercq_, vol. i., pp. 235, 273, 294-296.

34 (p. 111).--Guillaume Guillemot, sieur Duplessis-Bochart (sometimes written Duplessis-Querbodo); the lieutenant of Emery de Caen, upon the latter's return in 1632, and afterwards admiral of the fleet, under Champlain. In 1634, he transported Robert Giffard's colony to Beauport; and, in the same year, he took an active part in the foundation of Three Rivers. He seems to have been a prominent and influential member of the Quebec colony, for nearly twenty years, though but few details of his life are known. In November, 1651, he was appointed governor of Three Rivers (his salary being 5,250 livres per annum), in which position he remained until Aug. 19, 1652, when he was slain by the Iroquois, while endeavoring to repel their attack upon his post. Charlevoix mentions him as "a good officer and a worthy man;" and Mother Mary of the Incarnation writes of him as "a very brave and honorable gentleman." See Sulte's account of him, _Chron. trifluv._, pp. 126, 136, 137; and _Can.-Français_, vol. ii., p. 45; also Ferland's _Cours d' Histoire_, vol. i., p. 406.

35 (p. 113).--Nicolas Marsolet (Marsollet), born at Rouen, 1587; he seems to have come to Canada with Champlain (about 1608, according to Sulte; but 1613, according to Tanguay), and was long an interpreter for the Montagnais and Algonkin tribes. Champlain says (Laverdière's ed., pp. 1229, 1249-1263) that, when Kirk captured Quebec, Marsolet, with several other Frenchmen, deserted to the English; and that it was through Marsolet's trickery that he himself was not allowed by Kirk to take with him to France the three Indian girls who had been presented to him some time before. Marsolet, however, afterwards asserted that the English forced him to remain with them. He married Marie La Barbide, probably about 1636; and their daughter Marie, born in the following year, is mentioned in the _Journal des Jésuites_, under date of 1647. In 1646-47, Marsolet figures as a leader of the _habitants_ in their quarrels with the Hundred Associates. April 16 of the latter year, he obtained from the company the fief of St. Aignan, with a half-league frontage on the St. Lawrence, and a depth of two leagues; but in 1669 he sold it to Michel Pelletier. In 1672, Marsolet obtained from Talon another grant, nearly as large as the former, on the Grande Rivière du Chêne, apparently in the present Lotbinière county; this fief was known as Prairies Marsolet. He died May 15, 1677.--Sulte's _Can.-Français_, vols. ii.-v.; and Ferland's _Cours d'Histoire_, vol. i., p. 234. Sulte calls him "the little king of Tadoussac;" during most of his life, he was engaged in trade at that port. Many of his descendants now live in the vicinity of Three Rivers.

36 (p. 115).--_Alien word_: Maurault, speaking of the alliance between the English and the Mohicans (1621), says of the latter that "many of them had learned to speak English passably." He adds: "All the savages of New England showed great aptitude for learning the English language, and gradually introduced many English words into their own. The Abenakis showed the same aptitude for that language. But it was not the same with the French; these savages knew only a few words of that language, which they pronounced almost unintelligibly, although a great many of them spoke English quite readily."--_Hist. Abenakis_, pp. vii.-ix., 39.

37 (p. 115).--_Sagamo_: cf. vol. i., _note_ 16. This word appears, in varying forms, in many Algonkin dialects. The Abenaki word, according to Kidder, is "s_o_gm_o_,"--_o_ being a nasal vowel; Vetromile writes it "saghem," or "sangman," and defines it as "over the whole world." Maillard gives the Micmac word as "cha_k_man." The Lenâpe word was "sakima;" the Algonkin is "okima," as given by Cuoq.

Schoolcraft relates (_Ind. Tribes_, vol. vi., p. 202) a legend current among the Ottawas, concerning "Sagima, a renowned personage, to whom they attribute the origin of their tribe."

38 (p. 117).--See Cuoq's "Grammaire de la langue algonquine," in _Canad. Roy. Soc. Proc._, vol. ix., sect. 1, p. 85; and vol. x., sect. 1, p. 41. Cf. Pilling's _Bibliog. Algon. Lang._, pp. 6-9.

39 (p. 127).--_Raquettes_: snowshoes. This word is very old; its earlier forms were _rachete_ or _rasquete_. It is derived by Littré (through Low Latin _racha_) from the Arabic _rāha_, "palm of the hand;" by Menage and others, from Latin _reticulata_, "netted." In either case, its present use is traceable to certain ball-games. The earliest of these was that called by the French "paume" (from Latin _palma_), in which the ball was struck with the palm of the hand; it was exceedingly popular in the countries of Western Europe, and was common at least as early as the thirteenth century, afterwards becoming known as "tennis" (a word of uncertain derivation). Of historic interest, in this connection, is the _serment du jeu paume_ (oath of the tennis court), a name given to that session of the Third Estate at Versailles, June 20, 1789, at which the deputies swore not to adjourn till they had given a constitution to France.

Heathcote, in _Tennis_ (London, 1890), says: "It is probable that the Italians, when playing _la paume_, found that a glove was a useful protection to the hand; and, when balls were made harder and heavier, that a thicker glove was required. The transition from the thick glove to a network of strings, and the adoption of the leverage afforded by the use of a handle, may have suggested to an ingenious inventor the prototype of the implement we now use." The racket was introduced into France, probably in the fourteenth century.

To apply the name of this instrument to the snowshoe, so similar in shape to the former, was an obvious and easy transition. The use of netted snowshoes was universal among the North American tribes, from whom it has been adopted by the white inhabitants of Canada and the mountainous regions of the United States. Lafitau describes snowshoes and their use, in his _Mœurs des Sauvages_, tome ii., pp. 220-223; as does Schoolcraft, in _Ind. Tribes_, vol. iii., p. 68,--several illustrations being given, of specimens from Minnesota, Utah, and Oregon. Among the different tribes, they are of various sizes and shapes; their length varies from fifteen inches to six feet, and the width from thirteen to twenty inches; those used by the Western tribes turn upward at the front end. The snowshoes worn by the women are shorter, often painted and otherwise ornamented.

40 (p. 133).--Concerning the division of labor between men and women, see vol. ii., _note_ 33. Cf. the references given by Carr, in _Mounds of Mississippi Valley_; this paper has also been published separately (Cincinnati, 1883); see pp. 7-35, in that edition. Cf. also Tailhan's _Perrot_, pp. 29, 30, 181.

41 (p. 157).--The aborigines of North America had but vague and uncertain ideas of a Supreme Being or Creator. They believed in certain supernatural Beings, called Manitous (Algonkin), or Okis (Huron-Iroquois), which they conceived under the forms of beasts, birds, or reptiles,--occasionally in human form, or even that of stones. Another class of beings embodied the polytheistic tendencies of the savage mind,--the manitous of the sun and the moon, of the water, of the winds, etc.; and the progenitors or "Kings" of various animals,--of which Michabou, Messou, or Manabozho ("the Great Hare") was the chief. The Huron deity Jouskeha and the Huron-Iroquois Areskoui are apparently personifications of the Sun. Sometimes, too, are found deifications of heroes, as the Iroquois Taounyawatha, or Hiawatha, the Northern counterpart of the Peruvian Viracocha, the Carib Tamu, or the Aztec Quetzalcoatl,--all suggestive, in personal characteristics, and in their influence upon their respective peoples, of the Greek Prometheus.

Charlevoix, in _Journal Historique_ (Paris, 1744), pp. 344-347, gives an account of Michabou, Areskoui, and other deities, and of the tutelary genius that each Indian adopts. Lafitau (_Mœurs des Sauvages_, tome i., pp. 126, 127, 145) says that Areskoui is the Supreme Being, in the belief of the Hurons; and he cites the saying of a Huron convert that Areskoui was such as the missionaries described their God to be. Lafitau tries to prove, by arguments more ingenious than convincing, that Areskoui was the same as the Ares (or Mars) of the Thracians. Perrot relates the legends of the Great Hare, in his _Mémoire_ (Tailhan's ed.), pp. 3-7. Many legends of Manabozho and Manitou are collected by Schoolcraft in his _Algic Researches_ (N. Y., 1839); cf. _Ind. Tribes_, vol. i, p. 317. Parkman (_Jesuits_, pp. lxxii.-lxxv.) outlines the whole subject as connectedly as is possible, giving many references to other authors. Brinton has just issued (1896) a third and revised edition of his _Myths of the New World_, which fully treats these legends; he regards Manabozho as an impersonation of Light, and belonging to the world-wide cycle of Sun-myths. Cf. A. F. Chamberlain's "Nanibozhu among the Algonkian Tribes," in _Jour. Am. Folk-Lore_, vol. iv. (1891), pp. 193-213.

42 (p. 183).--The mountains here referred to are the Laurentian; they extend along the north shore of the St. Lawrence from Belle Isle Straits to Quebec, and thence N. W. to the Arctic Ocean,--a distance of about 3,500 miles. They form the watershed between the St. Lawrence and Hudson Bay, and also between that bay and the region of the Mackenzie River. The general elevation of the Laurentian range is 1,500 to 2,000 feet, although some peaks in the neighborhood of the Saguenay reach a height of 4,000 feet. The valleys are often worn into deep pits, containing ponds and lakes; and some of the streams are formed by a succession of these lakes, united by short outlets. These mountains are generally thickly wooded; the rocks are eozoic; and the region is rich in minerals,--graphite, asbestos, phosphates, mica, iron, etc.--See _Annual Reports_ of Canadian Geological Survey.

43 (p. 187).--_Consulter of Manitou_; diviner or soothsayer, often called "sorcerer" by the French; the _aoutmoin_ or _pilotois_ described by Lescarbot (_Nouv. France_, pp. 678-681, 683), Biard (vol. ii., of our series, pp. 75, 77), and Champlain (Laverdière's ed.), pp. 335. 336--See _note_ 41, _ante_; cf. Rochemonteix's _Jésuites_, vol. i., pp. 110, 111.

44 (p. 193).--_Eschom_: more correctly written _Echon_, since, according to Brébeuf (_Relation_ 1636,