Part 6
These workmen, equipped "with all Materials and other provisions therunto belonging," were under the direction, care, and charge of a Captain Bluett (Blewet) with whom the Company had contracted. His death, along with that of the "principall officers and cheife men," created some confusion. Yeardley promised to do what he could with this company since he had found "an excellent water and good oare." The lack of "good understanding workers" was, however, serious. In June, 1620, John Pory reported on the "Iron workes" which were "so much affected by the Company." His logic seemed good when he deplored the lack of initial "deliberation there in England." A more careful survey in the Colony by a skilled leader would have been helpful, too, even though "abundant iron ... and fit places to make it in" had been partially scouted. This comment was made despite the 110 Warwickshire and Staffordshire and the forty Sussex workmen, described as "all framed to iron works," who had been contracted for the project.
It was reported a year later that "the iron workes goeth forward veary well." Another contemporary commented on the works and spoke of "having already receaved a good proofe thereof by iron sent from there." This might have been small comfort for the £4,000 which had been spent already.
In May, 1621, realizing that a replacement for Bluett was needed, the Company entered into an agreement with John Berkeley, "sometimes of Beverstone Castle in the County of Glocester (a gentleman of honourable familie)," as "Master & over-seer" of the works at the site "called The falling Creeke." He agreed to take himself, his son Maurice, three servants from his "private family" and twenty workmen. These would include eight for the furnace (two founders, two keepers, two filers and two carpenters) and twelve others (four finers, two servants, two "chaffery men," two "hammer men" and two servants). He would get £30 toward furnishing his personal group, plus their transportation, and £20 to cover the assembly of the workmen. The twenty workmen, to be bound for seven years of service to the Company, would be transported and "victualled as other tenantes for one whole yeare at the Companies charge."
Letters were dispatched to the Colony urging special care and attention for this new company made up of Berkeley and "his ging." Berkeley evidently felt that the Falling Creek site was ideal "for wood, water, mines and stone." His letters indicated that he expected to be producing good quantities of iron by the late spring of 1622. He envisioned much more for the now £5,000 investment than the disparagingly reported return of a "fire shovell and tonges and a little barre of iron made by a bloomery...." He, however, did not expect the massacre.
The Indians swept down on the ironworks community and left twenty-seven dead as well as considerable destruction to the works. The dead included John Berkeley, a mason, two wives, three children and "Joseph Fitch Apothecary to Doctor Pots." This was the end of the project although the Company demonstrated, for a time, its intention to resume this work which was considered basic for the Colony's welfare. The Virginia Governor and Council would have reinforced the survivors, they reported, if "soe many of the principall worke men had not beene slaine." It was the opinion of Maurice Berkeley, who succeeded his father in command, that "it was utterlie impossible to proceede in that Worke...." Even though, in 1623, it is recorded that the Company sent 9 more men there is nothing to indicate that production was resumed on the 100 acres along Falling Creek that John Blower had "Surrendred for the use of the Iron Works." Another industrial scheme had failed and the Company had taken yet another loss.
SHEFFIELD'S PLANTATION (16)
It appears that sometime prior to March, 1622, Thomas Sheffield obtained a patent for 150 acres located "some three miles from Falling Creeke" and about two miles above "Henrico Iland." He proceeded to establish a settlement here in the Corporation of Henrico. Seemingly all went well until the massacre when the Indians wiped out this advance post on the James. "Master Thomas Sheffeild and Rachel his wife" along with eleven others, including two boys, were slain. There is no mention of further activity at this date.
PROCTOR'S PLANTATION (17)
John Proctor was among those who came to Virginia under a Company Charter in the 1609-15 period. It would appear that he located a plantation well up the James River, on its south side, but below Falling Creek. The land list of 1625 specified that he had a 200 acre grant in this vicinity. Perhaps, he was established here well before the massacre. When the Indians descended on his place, he must have been away, for his wife stood her ground as she did later when the Colony officials sought to force her to vacate the now isolated post. It is reported that "Mistress Proctor, a proper, civill, modest gentlewoman ... ["fortified and lived in despite of the enemy"] till perforce the English officers forced her and all them with her to goe with them, or they would fire her house themselves, as the salvages did when they were gone...."
In 1624 Proctor and his wife were living "Over the River" from Jamestown and a year later he, his wife Alice and three servants were at Paces Paines. It is not known whether he returned to his plantation upriver from which he had been uprooted in 1622. He had, in 1623, received a patent to transport fifty persons to Virginia together with sufficient necessities and provisions for cultivating the land. The latter seemingly included "a wherry or small boate." There is evidence, too, that he could punish his servants if the occasion warranted even to the extent of using a "line or whip corde."
COXENDALE (18)
Sir Thomas Dale had a good eye for land and security. Consequently he viewed the ground across the James from, and to the west of, Henrico with considerable interest which he translated into action soon after getting his principal settlement underway in 1611. Here, for the enlargement of the town, some 12 acres were impaled "especially for our hoggs to feed in." He named this locality "Hope in faith, Coxen-dale" and proceeded to secure it with a series of forts which he named Charity, Elizabeth, Patience and Mount Malado. There was "a retreat or guest house" for sick people which was declared to be on "a high seat" with "wholesome air." It was in this area that the Rev. Alexander Whitaker chose his "Parsonage, or church land." This was "som[e] hundred acres impaled, and a faire framed parsonage house built thereupon, called Rocke Hall of this Towne." Capt. James Davis was made commander of the forts.
Coxendale continued to exist and grow, perhaps, despite the inadequacy of the records that relate the story. Rolfe, in 1616, did not list it, yet possibly he considered it to be a part of Henrico. It was listed as one of 9 forts, plantations and towns found in Virginia when Yeardley reached the colony in April, 1619. There is no special reference to it in the list of burgesses named in 1619. Here again it may have been included with Henrico in matters of representation. In matters of land grants, however, it had a separate identity. In the spring of 1619 a grant of 100 acres "Scituate in Coxendale over against the Iland of Henricus" was made to Thomas Read "under the Collonies seale." This was in reward for eight years of "good service in that country." Three years later Read made over this tract, a part of it called "Mount my Lady" to Edward Hurd, a "London cittizen and iron monger."
The massacre struck here, too, as it did elsewhere. The statistics would indicate that the slaughter in this general area was light compared with many other points. Perhaps the water barrier in the "curls" of the river plus the palisades and forts gave greater security. Despite this, when the massacre was over, these points were isolated and removal was ordered. Capt. Roger Smith, on April 20, 1622, was given "absolute power and command in matters of warr, over all the people both in Henerico Ileand and Coxendale ... uppon paine of death." He was "to use all care and vigilancie" in "the safe bringeing away of all the said people, and cattell, and goodes...."
This was but a temporary delay in settlement as the urge for land and property became greater. Just how soon there was a return here is unclear. In May, 1625, however, 8 patents were listed for Coxendale in the Corporation of Henrico. This was for a total of 802 acres ranging from a twelve acre grant to Lt. Edward Berkeley, to 200 acres to John Laydon. It may be significant that none were marked as "planted."
"BERMUDA CITTY" (CHARLES CITY) INCORPORATION (19)
In 1612 Marshal Thomas Dale drove the Indians from their habitation about the "curls" of the James and the Appomattox, the river that bears their name. Seeing it to be good ground, he determined to possess it and to establish a settlement here. As Ralph Hamor relates: "I proceed to our next and most hopefull habitation, whether we respect commodity, or security (which we principally aime at) against forraigne designes, and invasions, I meane the Bermuda Citty, begun about Christmas last [1613]...." The initial settlement was near the Appomattox, on its west side, some five miles from Henrico but 14 by the circuitous river route.
Dale was very hopeful of the "new Bermudas" and proceeded to annex "to the freedom, and corporation ... many miles of champion, and woodland, in several Hundreds" on both sides of the James. These Hamor enumerated as the "[1] Upper and [2] Nether Hundreds, [3] Rochdale Hundred [4] Wests Sherley Hundred, and [5] Diggs his Hundred." Evidently a settlement was begun in each of these areas all of which kept active till the massacre.
BERMUDA HUNDRED (19A)
It was in the Nether Hundred, which became Bermuda Hundred and later the "Neck-of-Land" in Charles City, that settlement was first initiated "for there [according to Hamor in 1614] lyeth the most convenient quantity of corne ground." With a "pale" from river to river but two miles in length it was possible to secure some eight miles of "exceeding good corne ground." Houses were built one-half mile from each other on "the verge of the river." In 1614 these were described as "faire houses, already builded." There were others as well totaling "not so few as fifty." Gates' lieutenant, George Yeardley, was then in charge.
ROCHDALE HUNDRED (19B)
This plantation, just west of Nether (Bermuda) Hundred, was gotten underway about the same time. A "crosse pale," about four miles long, was, in 1614, already built "with bordering houses along the pale." It was in this Hundred that the "hogges, and other cattell" had a 20 mile circuit in which to graze securely.
BERMUDA CITY (19C)
The "chiefe Citty," when Hamor left, was not yet ready. Its construction, at a point across the Appomattox from Bermuda Hundred, while begun, was not pushed until the fall of 1614. Here Bermuda City was fashioned to be "an impregnable retreat, against any forraign invasion, how powerfull so ever." This became the fourth and last of the public, or general, corporations taking its place with James City, Kecoughtan, and Henrico. Within a few years its name would change from Bermuda to Charles City to honor Prince Charles as Henrico had been named for Prince Henry his brother, both being royal sons. Hamor, in 1614, spoke of "Bermuda Citty," evidently meaning to include Bermuda Hundred as well, as "a business of greatest hope, ever begunne in our territories their." At the same time he mentions the special "pattent," or agreement, made between Dale and the people there, "termes and conditions they voluntarily have undertaken."
When Dale assigned small parcels of ground to planters for their own use prior to, or in, 1613, he did much for the Colony. It stopped some of the drain on the common "magazine" and allowed room for individual profit and enterprise. It also freed the colonists from Company service except in emergencies and for one month a year. In making this arrangement, however, he excepted the Bermuda Incorporation people with whom he made a special contract. They were bound to three years of almost continuous public service in the Bermuda City project "before they have their freedom." At the end of their term, however, they claimed their rights of freedom and the Governor, then Samuel Argall, could not deny their claim. On November 30, 1617, he reported in reply to the "citizens of Bermuda hund[red]" that he would "not infringe their rights being a member of that City himself" but begged that the Colony servants "may stay their this year." Evidently these Bermuda people began to enjoy the rights and freedoms that did not become general until the Company division and "Greate Charter" which evolved in 1618 and 1619.
The center of gravity in the Colony in the 1611-16 period was upriver in the Henrico and Bermuda City area. In Rolfe's report of 1616 "Bermuda Nether Hundred" was by far the most active and most heavily populated area. Its 119 people was much in excess of the 50 at Jamestown which stood second among the 6 populated points. Bermuda's population then embraced chiefly the members of the Corporation although there were 17 "farmers" and a few "who labor generally for the Colony, amongst whom, some make pitch and Tarr, Pott-ashes, Chark-coale, and other workes, and are maintayned by the magazin, but are not of the Corporation." Capt. George Yeardley, who was deputy governor and deputy marshal, "for the most part" lived here as did Alexander Whitaker who had the "ministerall chardge."
The "Cities of Henrico & Charles [Bermuda]" were the best fortified points in the Colony standing "upon high ground the cliffes beinge steepe but of a claye mould the ayre good and wholesome." Also "about those places [there were] good quantities of cleared groundes." Fortifications were by "trench and pallizado" with "great timber" blockhouses athwart "passages and for scouring the pallizadoes." There, too, was "access to shipping."
Much official business was transacted here where the Governor was in residence much of the time. Courts, on occasion, convened here and official proclamations and documents were issued from the hand of various governors and from the pen of the Colony's secretary. Such was the commission to William Cradock made "provost marshall of Bermuda City and of all the Hundred thereto belonging" from Samuel Argall "Admirall and for the time present principal Governor of Virginia" issued at "Bermuda City" on February 20, 1618 over John Rolfe's signature as "Secretary and Recorder."
It appears to have been Argall that did much to return the emphasis to Jamestown and away from Bermuda. In 1617 he wrote that he preferred Jamestown and proposed to strengthen it as a good healthy site. Charles City remained active, however, and the largest seat in the Colony. In 1619 Samuel Sharpe and Samuel Jordan represented the Bermuda area in the Assembly. It is not known whether they voted for the measure that required all persons from Charles City and other points who were going down river below the Capital to touch "first here at James Citty to knowe whether the Governor will command him any service." By this time Bermuda Hundred and Bermuda City were most often designated "Charles City and Hundred."
It was in 1621 that the Company undertook to establish and build the East India School and to locate this "free schoole in Virginia" at Charles City. A grant of 1,000 acres was set aside and a few workmen were sent to the Colony. For a time it looked as if this center to encourage the "rudiments of learning" and "principles of Religion, civility of life, and humane learning" would materialize. It did not, however, survive the massacre. When the workmen reached Virginia, they were placed among the College tenants and later transferred to Martin's Hundred.
The massacre of 1622 appeared to have been devastating in the Bermuda area and led to its temporary abandonment. The list of those killed is, however, rather light in comparison with settlements such as Martin's Hundred. There were twenty-seven at four specified points. It leads one to doubt that a full list of names was submitted.
Thought soon turned to a repair of the damages. It was judged "very necessarie to raise new workes especiallie at Henrico & Charles Citty" which according to one report were "utterlie demolished by the Indians." This destruction, at least some of it, followed the abandonment of the posts. Houses were burned and "poultry, hoggs, cowes, goates, and horses" were killed in number "to the greate griefe as well as ruine of the olde inhabitants...."
There was a return to the land in some large measure after the massacre. In 1624 a list of 41 residents was given for "the Neck of Land" in Charles City Corporation and the census of 1625 showed 44 in this old Bermuda Hundred area. In 1624 Luke Boys and Thomas Harris sat in the Assembly at Jamestown and may have helped to enact the measure that required "courtes [to be] kept once a moneth in the Corporations of Charles Cittie & Elizabeth Cittie" to handle cases involving petty offenses and sums up to 100 pounds of tobacco. The muster of January 24, 1625 shows the "Neck-of-Land" to have been very well established. Its 44 people had 16 houses and good supplies of corn, fish, livestock, poultry and arms. In May, 1625, ten individual grants (ranging from 50 to 1,150 acres and totaling 2,900) were listed as located here in addition to the corporation and common land.
PIERCEY'S PLANTATION (20)
At the time of the massacre Abraham Piercey had a plantation adjacent to the Appomattox River and, perhaps, somewhat upstream from the James. Here "at Master Abraham Pierse his plantation some five miles off the Colledge people" four persons, 3 men and a boy were killed. Piercey, a prominent merchant, named to the Council in 1624, may have laid out his acres here, "in lieu of his Long service done the Company," as early as 1620. The holding, in May, 1625, was defined as 1,150 acres obtained by patent. A place name here "Peircies Toyle" Creek very likely is a result of his activity in this area.
JORDAN'S JOURNEY (21)
This plantation took its name from its founder, Capt. Samuel Jordan and appears to have embraced 450 acres. At least in 1625 Jordan was credited with this amount as being "planted" by patent in "the territory of greate Weyanoke." It has been said that he established Jordan's Journey, also known as Beggar's Bush, in 1619 although in the Assembly of 1619 he represented "Charles Citty." He was one of the Assembly Committee of four appointed to examine "the first booke of the fower" of the "Greate Charter." In 1622 Jordan received a share of Company stock from Mary Tue as well as 100 acres in "Diggs his Hundred." At this time he was listed as "Samuel Jordan of Charles Hundred gentleman."
Jordan himself died in 1623 and his widow was soon seeking marriage again. When she became betrothed to two men at the same time, Capt. William Ferrar and Rev. Greville Pooley, and became embroiled in controversy, the Council took note of it. A proclamation followed which prohibited any woman from contracting herself to "two several men at the same time."
Jordan's Journey seems to have prospered. In 1624 Nathaniel Causey represented the plantation in the Assembly. At the time there were forty-two persons in residence and eight had died within the year. In 1625 the population stood at fifty-five persons (thirty-six males and nineteen females). Corn and fish supplies were adequate and there were some cattle and hogs as well as numerous poultry. In the matter of houses, the total was quite large--being twenty-two. The plantation boasted of three boats and substantial amounts of small arms (thirty-eight) and armor of various types (thirty-six items).
WOODLEEFE'S PLANTATION (22)
Captain John Woodleefe, a member of the Virginia Company, came to Virginia initially in 1609 and remained active and interested in the Colony. He was commissioned, in 1619, to go as governor and commander of Berkeley Hundred which he did late in the year. He had other interests, however, and by April of the same year had brought four men, which he had supplied with "apparell and armes," and his wife and children to Virginia. It is intimated that he had other colonizing interests and intentions. The Berkeley Hundred people had cautioned him about attempting another plantation that might interfere with their holdings. He was instructed not to establish it "unless full ten English miles from them."
He was governor at Berkeley Hundred for about a year and it was sometime shortly before, during, or just after this term of service, that he set up his own plantation. He seems to have chosen a point on the south side of the James a bit up river from Berkeley which he patented in 1620. It lay along the river and west of Jordan's Journey. This could very well have been the 350 acres listed in his name in May, 1625. His was one of the tracts in "the territory of greate Weyanoke" and was later patented again by his son.
CHAPLAIN'S CHOICE (23)
This plantation appears in a listing in 1624. In March of that year, too, Isaac Chaplain represented it in the Assembly. This was another of the number of particular, or private, plantations founded in Virginia in the 1619-24 period. It is generally assumed to have been located in the area to the east of Woodleefe's Plantation. It was noted in May, 1625 that Isaac Chaplain had 200 acres which were "planted" in the "territory of great Weyonoke." He had as well, what may have been a personal stake, 50 other acres in the Corporation of Charles City.
In 1624 a total of twenty-four persons were living "At Chaplains choice" and a year later the head count stood at seventeen (thirteen males, four females). This 1625 figure, as did the other muster statistics, included the Truelove Company people and goods. This embraced two boats, but only two houses, forty-one barrels of corn and some small amounts of peas, meal and oatmeal plus three hogs and forty-eight fowl. There were reasonable amounts of small arms and armor and six pieces of ordnance. The latter, an unusually high figure for a private plantation, included one falconet and five "murderers." Some tobacco was being produced, for "John Trehern of Chaplins Choise" exported "one hogshead" in 1625. A lawsuit ensued when the ship captain sold it, although it had been consigned to Trehern's brother. As satisfaction he was to get "two hundred & thirty waight of tobacco in leafe & smothed together with one hogshead."
TRUELOVE'S PLANTATION (24)
On January 24, 1621, a share of land in Virginia was assigned "unto Rowland Truelove of London, Clothworker." Three months later he received a patent as a "new adventurer" and in November, this was defined to cover the transportation of 100 persons. In this venture he had "divers other patentees, adventurers" and associates.
He does not appear to have been discouraged by the massacre, for in August, 1622, the Truelove Company sent supplies for their plantation. The Company records relate that "mr Trulove and his associates intend to proceed in their plantation beinge no whitt discouraged with this late massacre of the English by the treacherous Indians...." They had requested a Commission for the "shippe and voyadge" to Virginia of the "barke called the _Trulove_ of London of about forty-six tunn."