CHAPITRE II.

DES SAUUAGES BAPTISEZ CETTE ANNÉE, & DE QUELQUES ENTERREMENS.

IL semble que nostre Seigneur veüille authoriser la pureté de immaculée Conception de sa saincte Mere, par les [24] grands secours qu'il donne à ceux qui honnorent cette premiere grandeur de la Vierge. I'enuoyay l'an passé à V.R. la formule d'vn vœu, que nous fismes suiuans son conseil dans toutes nos Residences le huietiesme de Decembre, iour dedié a cette Conception sacrée; nous cachions cette deuotion, & V. R. l'a publiée la faisant imprimer en mesmes termes que nous l'auons voüée, & que nous la voüerons encore Dieu aydant tous les ans à mesme iour. La benediction que le ciel a versé sur nos petits trauaux depuis ce temps-là, est si sensible; que ie conuierois volontiers tous nos Peres de l'Ancienne France, voire de tout le monde, & toutes les bonnes ames qui cherissent la conuersiõ de ces Peuples, de s'allier de nous par ces saincts vœux, vnissant tous les ieusnes, toutes les prieres, toutes les souffrãces, toutes les saintes actions les plus secrettes de ceux qui entreront dans ces alliances, pour estre presentées à la Diuinité en l'honeur & en action de grace de l'immaculée Conception de la saincte Vierge: afin d'obtenir par son entremise l'application du sang de son Fils [25] à nos pauures Sauuages, l'entier dénuëment & l'amour de +IESVS+ en la Croix, auec vne mort vrayment Chrestienne, à ceux qui procurent leur salut, & à tous les associez en la pratique de cette deuotion, dont la formule est à la fin de la Relation de l'an passé. I'écriuois dans cette Relation, que nous auions baptizé vingt deux personnes, nous en auons baptizé cette année plus d'vne centaine depuis ces vœux presentez à Dieu, & fort peu auparauant. En tout on a fait enfans de l'Eglise depuis le depart des Vaisseaux iusques à present cent quinze Sauuages. De plus, Dieu nous a donné de grandes ouuertures pour le salut de ces Peuples, les faisant resoudre à deux points, qui font voir que la foy entre dans leur ame. Le premier est, qu'ils ne sont pas marris qu'on baptize leurs enfans malades, voire ils nous appellent pour ce faire. Le deuxiesme, que les plus âgez mesmes commencent à desirer de mourir Chrestiens, demandans le baptesme en leurs maladies, pour ne point descendre dans les feux, dont on les menace. Bref nous auons obtenu ce que nous n'osions quasi demander, tant [26] nous les voyons alienez de ces pensées; c'est de donner quelques petites filles: mais ie parleray de cecy en son lieu. Toutes ces faueurs sont venuës du ciel par les merites de la sainte Vierge, & de son glorieux Espoux, depuis les vœux dont i'ay fait mention. Descendons en particulier, & suiuons l'ordre du temps de ces Baptesmes.

CHAPTER II.

OF THE SAVAGES BAPTIZED THIS YEAR, AND SOME BURIALS.

IT seems that our Lord wishes to authorize the purity of the immaculate Conception of his holy Mother, by the [24] great assistance he gives to those who honor this chief dignity of the Virgin. I sent last year to Your Reverence the formula of a vow which we made according to your advice in all our Residences, on the eighth of December, a day dedicated to this sacred Conception. We concealed this act of devotion, and Your Reverence has published it, using the same words in which we made the vow, and in which we will pledge ourselves again, God helping, every year on the same day. The blessings that heaven has bestowed upon our insignificant labors, since that time, are so evident that I would like to urge upon all our Fathers of Old France, yea even of all the world, and all the good souls who cherish the conversion of these Tribes, to ally themselves with us through these holy vows, uniting all the fasts, all the prayers, all the sufferings, all the most secret acts of virtue, of those who will enter into this alliance, to be presented to the Divinity in honor of and as an act of thanks for the immaculate Conception of the holy Virgin, in order to obtain through her mediation the application of the blood of her Son [25] to our poor Savages, the entire abnegation and love for +JESUS+ on the Cross, with a truly Christian death, to those who procure their salvation and to all those associated in the practice of this act of devotion, the formula of which is given at the end of last year's Relation. I wrote in that Relation that we had baptized twenty-two persons; this year, since these vows were presented to God, we have baptized more than a hundred, and, before that, very few. In all, since the departure of the Ships up to the present, we have made one hundred and fifteen Savages children of the Church. Furthermore, God has given us great openings for the salvation of these Tribes, making them resolve upon two points which show that the faith has entered into their souls. The first is, that they are not vexed at us for baptizing their sick children; indeed, they even summon us to do this. The second is, that the more aged ones are likewise beginning to wish to die Christians, asking for baptism when they are sick, in order not to go down into the fires with which they are threatened. In short, we have obtained what we hardly dared to ask for, so greatly [26] do we see them alienated from their former inclinations; that is, the promise to give us some little girls, but I will speak of this in its place. All these favors have come from heaven, through the merits of the holy Virgin and of her glorious Spouse, since the vows which I have mentioned. Let us come down to particulars, and follow the order of time of these Baptisms.

Le neufiesme de Decembre, iustement le lendemain de la feste de la Conceptiõ: Le sieur Iean Nicolet, Truchement pour les Algonquins aux trois Riuieres, vint donner aduis aux Peres, qui demeuroient en la Residence de la Conception, scize au mesme lieu, qu'vn ieune Algonquin se trouuoit mal, & qu'il seroit à propos de le visiter. Les Peres se transportent incontinent en sa Cabane, demandant permission à son pere de l'instruire, Dieu sembloit auoir disposé les cœurs de ces Barbares, que nous luy auions presentez, faisant nos vœux le iour precedent. Ce pauure Barbare se monstre fort content du bien qu'on procuroit à son fils: le Pere Buteux l'instruit, & pource que le malade estant Algonquin n'entendoit qu'à demy la langue Montagnese, dont se [27] seruoit le Pere, vne femme Sauuage bien versee en ces deux langues, seruoit d'interprete, faisant couler par sa bouche la foy & les veritez Chrestiennes dans l'ame de ce pauure ieune garçon, sans les retenir pour soy: iustement à la façon de ces canaux, ou de ces aqueducs, qui versent les sources d'eau toutes entieres, sans rien reseruer pour eux. Enfin le douziesme du mois, voyant que leur malade abaissoit, ils le baptiserent apres l'auoir instruit, & luy donnerent nom Claude; il mourut bien tost apres, prononcant les saincts noms de +IESVS+ & de +MARIE+, ses parens demanderent aux Peres, s'ils ne seroient pas bien contents qu'on mist ce corps aupres des François; C'est bien nostre desir, repartent-ils. Nous luy ferõs vn honneur, leur dismes nous, que nous denierions au plus grãd Capitaine du mõde, s'il n'estoit Chrestiẽ. Hastez vous donc de preparer ce qui est necessaire pour l'enterrer à vostre mode, dirent-ils, puis qu'il est à vous. Il se fit vn beau conuoy de tous nos François, apres lesquels venoient les Sauuages deux à deux, auec vne modestie qui ne sentoit rien du Barbare. A l'issuë de l'enterrement le pere du defunct [28] fit vn festin aux Sauuages, pendant lequel, comme il ne mangeoit point selon leur coustume; tantost il chantoit, maintenant il discouroit; I'ay perdu l'esprit, disoit-il, la mort de mon fils me tire hors de moy-mesme; ie me suis veu autrefois entre les mains de nos ennemis, tout prest d'estre mis en pieces, & d'estre déchiré à belles dents, iamais ie ne perdy courage, il ne faut pas que ie le perde maintenant; i'ay dequoy me consoler, puis que mon fils, s'il eust vescu, n'auroit pas manqué de tirer vengeance des Hiroquois. Et se tournant vers les Peres, Vous auez de beaucoup allegé ma douleur, rendans les derniers honneurs à mon fils. Voila la harangue de ce pauure Barbare, sur les funerailles de son fils, qui a bien d'autres pensées maintenant dans le ciel.

On the ninth of December, the very next day after the feast of the Conception, sieur Jean Nicolet,[29] Interpreter for the Algonquins at the three Rivers, came to inform the Fathers who lived in the Residence of the Conception, situated at the same place, that a young Algonquin was sick, and it would be well to visit him. The Fathers immediately hastened to his Cabin, and asked his father's permission to instruct him; God seemed to have prepared the hearts of these Barbarians, whom we had presented to him in our vows the day before. This poor Barbarian appeared very glad at the good that was being done to his son; Father Buteux instructed him; and, as the sick man was an Algonquin, and only half understood the Montagnese tongue, which [27] the Father used, a Savage woman, well versed in both these languages, served as interpreter, allowing the faith and Christian truths to flow from her lips into the soul of this poor young man without retaining them for herself,--precisely like those canals or aqueducts which discharge whole fountains of water, without reserving any for themselves. Finally, on the twelfth of the month, seeing their patient was sinking, they baptized him, after having given him instruction, and named him Claude; he died shortly afterwards, pronouncing the holy names of +JESUS+ and +MARY+. His parents asked the Fathers if they would not like to have his body placed near the French. "That is indeed our desire," they answered. "We will show him an honor," we told them, "that we would refuse to the greatest Captain in the world, if he were not a Christian." "Hasten then and prepare what is necessary to bury him in your way," they said, "since he is yours." A fine escort was formed, consisting of all our Frenchmen; and after them came the Savages, two by two, with a modesty which savored in no wise of Barbarians. After the burial, the father of the dead man [28] gave a feast to the Savages, during which,--as he did not eat, according to their custom, now singing, now talking,--he said, "I have lost my courage, the death of my son has undone me; at other times I have seen myself in the hands of our enemies, about to be cut to pieces and torn by their teeth, and I have never lost courage; I ought not to lose it now, for I have something to console me, since my son, if he had lived, would not have failed to wreak vengeance upon the Hiroquois." And turning towards the Fathers, "You have greatly soothed my grief, by rendering the last honors to my son." Such was the discourse of this poor Barbarian at the obsequies of his son, whose thoughts are now quite different in heaven.

Le vingt-deuxiesme du mesme mois, les mesmes Peres ressentirent l'effect des bontez de la saincte Vierge, au baptesme d'vn ieune garçon âgé d'enuiron dix ans: cét enfant ne vouloit point du tout ouïr parler de nostre creance, s'imaginant qu'estre baptizé, & mourir incontinent apres, estoit la mesme chose. Et en effect [29] comme nous ne confions pas aisément ces eaux sacrées, sinon à ceux qu'on voit n'en deuoir point abuser pour estre voisins de la mort, ces Barbares ont eu pour vn temps cette pensée, que le Baptesme leur estoit fatal. Nous auions beau leur representer que nous estions tous baptisez, & que nous viuions plus long temps qu'eux: Ces eaux, disoient-ils, sont bonnes pour vous, mais non pas pour nous. Les Peres voyans ces resistances, s'addressent à nostre commune Mere, & luy demandent cette ame pour son Fils. Chose estrange! l'enfant non seulement ne les fuit plus, mais il demande d'estre porté en leur maison. Le Pere Quentin à ces paroles, le prend, l'embrasse, l'apporte tout languissant en sa chambre, où il fut baptizé, & nommé André par Monsieur de Malapart, son parrain. Ce pauure petit estoit d'vne humeur si douce & si facile, qu'il se rendoit aymable à tout le monde: voila pourquoy le Pere Buteux l'ayant autrefois demandé à sa mere; Ie n'ay garde, fit-elle, de te le donner, ie l'ayme comme mon cœur. C'est vne prouidence bien particuliere du bon Dieu, que cette mere fust absente pendant [30] son instruction & son baptesme. Car il est croyable qu'elle y auoit apporté de l'empeschement, suiuant l'erreur qui les a tenu long-temps, que ce qui nous donne la vie leur cause la mort; on eut bien de la peine d'auoir le corps de ce petit innocent apres sa mort, comme ie vay dire tout maintenant.

On the twenty-second of the same month, the same Fathers experienced the effects of the goodness of the holy Virgin, in the baptism of a young boy about ten years of age. This child did not wish to hear us speak of our belief at all, imagining that to be baptized and to die immediately after was the same thing. And, in fact, [29] as we do not readily bestow these sacred waters except upon those who we see are not going to abuse them, on account of their proximity to death, these Barbarians for a while had this idea that Baptism was fatal to them. We explained clearly to them that we were all baptized, and that we lived longer than they did. "These waters," they said, "are good for you, but not for us." Our Fathers, seeing this resistance, addressed themselves to our common Mother, and asked from her this soul for her Son. Wonderful thing! the child not only no longer avoids them, but he asks to be brought to their house. At these words, Father Quentin takes him in his arms, and carries him, weak and languid, into his own room, where he is baptized and named André, by Monsieur de Malapart,[65] his godfather. This poor child was of a disposition so sweet and gentle, that he made himself loved by every one; hence when Father Buteux once asked his mother for him, "I have no intention," said she, "of giving him to thee, I love him as my own heart." It is a very special providence of the good God that this mother was absent during [30] his instruction and baptism. For it is probable that she would have thrown some impediments in the way, in accordance with the error so long prevalent among them, that what gives life to us gives death to them. There was considerable trouble in getting the body of this little innocent after his death, as I am now going to relate.

Le vingt-septiesme, Monsieur de Maupertuis donna le nom de Marie à vne petite fille âgée de deux ans, que les Peres baptizerent; elle estoit fille de defunct Capitanal, Capitaine des Sauuages, homme vaillant, & fort sage pour vn Barbare. Il auoit laissé trois enfans à sa femme, vn garçon âgé d'enuiron dix-sept ans, & deux petites filles: la plus petite de ces filles est au ciel, le garçon est mort tres-miserablement, comme ie diray cy apres. A mesme temps qu'il mourut, le petit André trespassa: or comme ils estoient parens, on les enterra dans vn mesme sepulchre, au desceu de nos Peres, qui en ayant eu le vent se vindrent plaindre à la grande mere d'André, de ce qu'on auoit enterré ce petit baptizé sans les aduertir. Le Pere Buteux prie qu'on leur rende le corps pour le placer auec nous: vn Sauuage [31] luy repart, Va-t'en, on ne t'entend pas; c'est vne réponse que nous font par fois les Sauuages, quand on les presse de faire vne chose qui ne leur agrée pas. Il est vray que nous ne parlõs encore qu'en begayant, mais neantmoins quand nous leur disons quelque chose conforme à leurs desirs, iamais ils ne nous font ces reproches. Le Pere voyant cela va querir l'Interprete, on luy répond que l'affaire est faite, que l'enfant est enterré auec le fils du Capitanal, & que la femme du Capitanal s'offenseroit, si on foüilloit en la fosse de son fils. Le Pere la va trouuer, la prie de laisser tirer du sepulchre le corps de ce petit enfant, elle ne répond aucun mot: vn Capitaine se trouuant là dessus, prend la parole. Hé bien, dit-il, les deux corps sont à toy, porte les auec les François: mais ne les separe point, car il s'entr'ayment. Si sont-ils bien loing l'vn de l'autre, fit le Pere, l'vn a esté baptisé, & l'autre non, & par consequent l'vn est bien heureux, & l'autre gemit dans les flammes. Ne tient-il qu'à cela pour estre ensemble, & pour estre bien heureux, fit ce Sauuage, tu n'as point d'esprit, déuelope celuy qui n'est pas baptisé, & luy iette [32] tant d'eau sur la teste que tu voudras, & puis les enterre en mesme sepulchre. Le Pere se sousrit, & luy fit entendre que cela ne seruiroit de rien. Ce Barbare en fin acquiesça, & nos Peres tirerẽt le petit André du sepulchre profane, & le mirent en terre saincte. _Vnus assumetur, & alter relinquetur._ Apres l'enterrement la mere de celuy qui estoit mort sans Baptesme, voyant qu'on auoit rebuté son fils, cõme le corps d'vne ame damnée, pleuroit à chaudes larmes. Ah mon fils, disoit-elle, que ie suis marrie de ta mort: le Pere alors qui auoit veu les Iongleurs soufflans ce ieune garçon en sa maladie; luy dit, voila la guerison que ces badins promettoient à ton fils: ta petite fille est malade, donne toy bien de garde de les appeller, ny de la faire chanter. Iamais, dit-elle, ils n'en approcheront, si elle empire ie vous appelleray: quelque temps apres les Peres la iugeant bien malade, la baptiserent au grand contentement de la mere.

On the twenty-seventh, Monsieur de Maupertuis[66] gave the name Marie to a little girl two years old, whom the Fathers baptized; she was the daughter of the late Capitanal, Captain of the Savages,--a brave man and very wise for a Barbarian.[67] He had left his wife with three children, a boy of about seventeen years, and two little girls; the smaller of these girls is in heaven, the boy died very pitiably, as I shall tell hereafter. At the same time that he died, little André passed away; now, as they were relations, they were buried in the same grave, without our Fathers knowing it; they, when they had heard about it, went to André's grandmother to complain that this little baptized boy had been buried without their knowledge. Father Buteux begged them to give him the body to place in our cemetery; a Savage [31] answered him, "Go away, we do not understand thee." This is an answer that the Savages occasionally make to us, when we urge them to do something that does not suit them. It is true that, as yet, we speak only stammeringly; but, still, when we say something which conforms to their wishes they never use these reproaches. The Father, seeing this, went in search of the Interpreter; he is told that the affair is ended, that the child is buried with Capitanal's son, and that Capitanal's wife would be offended if we were to ransack the grave of her son. The Father goes to see her, and begs her to allow them to take the body of this little child out of the grave; she answers not a word; a Captain who is present begins to talk. "Oh well," says he, "the two bodies belong to thee, take them to the French; but do not separate them, for they are fond of each other." "Yet they are quite distant from each other," said the Father; "the one has been baptized and the other has not, and consequently the one is happy and the other groans in the flames." "If that is all it depends upon to be together and to be happy," said this Savage, "thou hast no sense; take up the one who has not been baptized, and throw [32] as much water on his head as thou wishest, and then bury them in the same grave." The Father smiled, and gave him to understand that that would avail nothing. This Barbarian finally acquiesced; and our Fathers took little André from the profane grave, and placed him in holy ground. _Unus assumetur, et alter relinquetur._ After the burial, the mother of the one who died without Baptism, seeing her son had been discarded like the body of a lost soul, shed bitter tears. "Ah, my son," she said, "how sorry I am for thy death." Then the Father, who had seen the Jugglers blowing upon this youth in his sickness, said to her, "Behold the cure that these triflers promised to thy son; thy little girl is sick, be careful not to summon them nor have them sing to her." "Never," said she, "shall they come near her; if she grows worse, I will call you." Some time afterward the Fathers, deeming her very sick, baptized her, to the great satisfaction of the mother.

Le trente-vniesme vne fille âgée d'enuiron seize ans fut baptisée, & nommée Anne par vn de nos François. Le Pere Buteux l'instruisant luy dit, que si estant Chrestienne elle venoit à mourir, son [33] ame iroit au Ciel dãs les ioyes eternelles. A ce mot de mourir elle eut vne si grande frayeur, qu'elle ne voulut plus iamais prester l'oreille au Pere: on luy enuoya le Sieur Nicolet truchement, qui exerce volontiers semblables actions de charité, elle l'escoute paisiblement; mais comme ses occupations le diuertissent ailleurs, il ne la pouuoit visiter si souuent: c'est pourquoy le Pere Quentin s'efforça d'apprendre les premiers rudimens du Christianisme en Sauuage, afin de la pouuoir instruire: cela luy reüssit si bien, que cette pauure fille ayant pris goust à cette doctrine salutaire, desira le Baptesme, que le Pere luy accorda. La grace a plusieurs effects; on remarqua que cette fille fort desdaigneuse & altiere de son naturel, deuint fort douce & traittable estant Chrestienne.

On the thirty-first a girl about sixteen years old was baptized and named Anne by one of our Frenchmen. Father Buteux while instructing her, told her that, if she were a Christian, when she came to die her [33] soul would go to Heaven to joys eternal. At this word, "to die," she was so frightened that she would no longer listen to the Father. Sieur Nicolet, the interpreter, who willingly performs such acts of charity, was sent to her, and she listened to him quietly; but, as his duties called him elsewhere, he could not visit her very often. Hence Father Quentin tried to learn the first rudiments of Christianity in the Savage tongue, in order to be able to instruct her; he succeeded in this so well that the poor girl, having tasted this wholesome doctrine, desired Baptism, which the Father granted her. Grace produces many results; it was remarked that this girl, naturally very disdainful and proud, grew very gentle and tractable on becoming a Christian.

Le septiesme de Ianuier de cette année mil six cens trente six, le fils d'vn grand Sorcier ou Iongleur fut faict Chrestien, son pere s'y accordant apres de grandes resistances qu'il en fit: car comme nos Peres éuentoient ses mines, & le decreditoient, il ne pouuoit les supporter en sa Cabane. Cependant comme [34] son fils tiroit à la mort, ils prierent le sieur Nicolet de faire son possible pour sauuer cette ame: ils s'en vont donc le Pere Quentin & luy en cette maison d'écorce, pressent fortement ce Sauuage de consentir au baptesme de son petit fils: comme il faisoit la sourde oreille, vne bonne vieille luy dit: Quoy pense-tu que l'eau que ietteront les Robes noires sur la teste de ton enfant, le fasse mourir? Ne vois tu pas qu'il est déja mort, & qu'à peine peut-il respirer? Si ces gens là te demandoient ta Pourcelaine, ou tes Castors, pour les offices de charité qu'ils veulent exercer enuers ton fils, tu aurois quelque excuse; mais ils donnent & ne demandent rien, tu sçay le soin qu'ils ont des malades, laisse les faire; si ce pauure petit meurt ils l'interreront mieux que tu ne sçaurois faire. Le malade fut donc baptizé, & nommé Adrien par le sieur du Chesne, Chirurgien de l'habitation; il mourut quelque temps apres. Le Pere Buteux le demanda pour l'enseuelir à nostre façon. Non, non, dirent les parens: tu ne l'auras pas tout nud, attends que nous l'ayons paré, & puis nous te le donnerons. Ils luy peignent la face de [35] bleu, de noir & de rouge; ils le vestent d'vn petit Capot rouge, puis l'enfourrent de deux peaux d'Ours, & d'vne robe de peau de Chat sauuage, & par dessus tout cela d'vn grand drap blanc, qu'ils auoient acheté au Magazin, ils accommodent ce petit corps dans tout ce bagage, en forme d'vn paquet bien lié de tous costez, & le mettent entre les mains du Pere, qui baise doucement ces sacrées dépoüilles pour témoigner aux Sauuages l'estime que nous faisons d'vn petit Ange baptizé. On l'enterra au Cimetiere de nos François, auec solemnité: ce qui plaist fort à ces Barbares, & qui les induit bien souuent à permettre qu'on face Chrestiens leurs enfans.

On the seventh of January of this year one thousand six hundred and thirty-six, the son of a great Sorcerer or Juggler was made a Christian, his father consenting to it after having offered a great deal of opposition; for, as our Fathers were revealing his schemes and throwing discredit upon him, he could not endure them in his Cabin. However, as [34] his son was on the verge of death, they begged sieur Nicolet to do all he could to save this soul. So they went, Father Quentin and he, to his bark house, and strongly urged this Savage to consent to the baptism of his little son; as he turned a deaf ear, a good old woman said: "What! dost thou think the water the black Robes will throw upon the head of thy child will make him die? Dost thou not see that he is already dead, and that he can hardly breathe? If these people were asking thy Porcelain or thy Beavers, for the charitable acts which they exercise towards thy son, thou wouldst have some excuse; but they give and ask nothing; thou knowest how they care for the sick, let them go on; if this poor little one dies, they will bury him better than thou couldst." So the sick child was baptized and named Adrien by sieur du Chesne,[68] Surgeon of the settlement; he died some time afterwards. Father Buteux asked for him, to bury him in our way. "No, no," said the parents, "thou canst not have him naked; wait until we have adorned him, and then we will give him to thee." They painted his face [35] blue, black, and red; they dressed him in a little red Cloak, and lined it with two Bear skins and a robe of wild Cat skin, and over all placed a large white sheet which they had bought at the Store. They arranged the little body in all this paraphernalia, in the form of a package tied closely on all sides, and placed it in the hands of the Father, who gently kissed these sacred remains, to show the Savages how greatly we esteemed a little baptized Angel. It was buried in our French Cemetery, with solemnity. This greatly pleases these Barbarians, and often influences them to allow their children to be made Christians.

Le huictiesme du mesme mois de Ianuier, vne ieune fille vniquement aymée de ses parens, mais encor plus de Dieu, s'en alla au Ciel, apres auoir esté lauée dans le sang de l'Agneau. Ie remarqueray en cét endroit les folies que fit son pauure pere pour la pouuoir guerir. Son beau frere luy vint dire qu'il auoit songé que sa niepce gueriroit, si on la faisoit coucher sur vne peau de mouton, variée de diuerses figures; on en cherche aussi [36] tost, on en trouua, on peint dessus mille grotesques, des canots, des auirons, des animaux, & chose semblable: les Peres qui n'auoient pas encore instruit cette fille, sont instance que ce remede est inu[ti]le: mais il le faut éprouuer. La malade repose sur ces peintures, & n'en reçoit aucune reelle guerison. Vn autre Charlatan fut d'auis, que si on donnoit à la malade vn drap blanc pour cheuet, sur lequel on auroit figuré des hommes chantans & dançans, que la maladie s'en iroit. On se met incontinent en deuoir de peindre des hommes sur vn drap; mais ils ne firent que des marmousets, tant ils sont bons Peintres: ce remede ne succeda non plus que le premier. La pauure fille se couche sur ce drap, sans reposer, ny sans guerir. Que ne peut l'affection naturelle des peres & des meres enuers leurs enfans? Ces bonnes gens cherchoient par tout la santé de leur fille, horsmis en celuy qui la pouuoit donner. Ils consultent vne fameuse Sorciere, c'est à dire vne fameuse badine. Cette femme dit qu'elle auoit appris, soit du Manitou, soit d'vn autre, ie m'en rapporte, qu'il falloit tuer vn chien, & que les hommes le mangeassent [37] en festin. De plus, qu'il falloit faire vne belle robe de peau de Cerf, l'enrichir de leurs matachias rouges faits de brins de Porc épic, la donner à la malade, & qu'elle en gueriroit. Comme on preparoit ce festin, vn Sauuage songea, que pour la guerison de cette fille, il falloit faire vn banquet de vingt testes d'Elans: voila les parens de la fille bien en peine: car comme il n'y auoit gueres de neige, on ne pouuoit courre, encore moins prendre l'Eslan. Sur cette grande difficulté on consulte les Interpretes des songes, il fut conclud qu'il falloit changer ces vingt testes d'Orignac en vingt grãds pains tels qu'ils en achetent de nos François, & que cela auroit le mesme effect. Ils ne se tromperent pas, d'autant que ces pains & ce festin de chien, ne firent autre chose que remplir le ventre des Sauuages; c'est tout ce qu'auroient peu faire ces vingt testes d'Orignac: car pour guerir vn malade, ny les banquets, ny les belles robes ne seruent de rien.

On the eighth of the same month of January, a young girl peculiarly loved by her parents, but still more so by God, went to Heaven after having been washed in the blood of the Lamb. I will notice in this place the follies her poor father committed, in order to be able to cure her. His brother-in-law came to tell him that he had dreamed his niece would recover, if they had her lie upon a sheepskin painted with various figures; a search was made for one [36] immediately, one was found, and they painted thereon a thousand grotesque figures, canoes, paddles, animals, and such things. The Fathers, who had not yet instructed this girl, urged earnestly that this remedy was useless; but they must try it. The patient rested upon these paintings, but received no real benefit. Another Charlatan was of the opinion that, if they gave the sick girl a white sheet as pillow, upon which had been drawn pictures of men singing and dancing, the sickness would disappear. They began immediately to paint men upon a sheet, but they made nothing but monkeys, such good Painters are they; this remedy succeeded no better than the first. The poor girl lay down upon this sheet without resting, and without recovering. What cannot the natural affection of fathers and mothers do for their children? These good people sought everywhere the health of their daughter, except in him who could have granted it. They consulted a famous Sorceress, that is, a famous jester. This woman said she had learned,--whether from Manitou or some one else, I cannot say,--that they would have to kill a dog and that the men should make [37] a feast of it. Furthermore, that they would have to make a beautiful robe of Deer skin, trim it with their red matachias made of Porcupine quills, and give it to the patient; and that she would thus recover. While they were preparing this feast, a Savage dreamed that, for the recovery of this girl, they would have to prepare a banquet of twenty head of Elk. Now the girl's parents were placed in great anxiety, for, as there was but little snow, they could not pursue and much less capture the Elk. In this great difficulty, they consulted the Interpreters of dreams; it was decided that they must change the twenty head of Moose to twenty big loaves of bread, such as they buy from our French, and that this would have the same effect. They were not mistaken, inasmuch as this bread and this dog feast did nothing but fill the stomachs of the Savages; and this is all the twenty Moose heads could have done, for, to cure the sick, neither banquets nor beautiful robes avail.

Pendant qu'on appliquoit ces beaux remedes, les Peres s'addressoient à Dieu pour le salut de cette pauure ame: ils venoient voir cette pauure fille; mais les [38] parens ne vouloient pas permettre qu'on luy parlast de nostre creance, s'imaginant que le Baptesme nuisoit au corps, quoy qu'il en fust de l'ame. Attendez, disoient-ils, quand nostre fille n'en pourra plus, quand nous aurons cherché tous les remedes, dont nous nous seruons, s'ils ne reüssissent, nous vous permettrons de l'instruire. Les Peres voyans cela desisterent pour vn temps de visiter la malade, traictant de la guerison de son ame auec Dieu. La mere de la fille se sentit portée à desirer qu'on la vinst instruire, son mary y contrarioit. Enfin, Dieu qui tient les cœurs de tous les hommes entre ses mains, amolit ceux de ces Barbares, pour le bien de leur enfant; non seulement ils n'ont plus d'auersion des Peres, mais au contraire ils les font inuiter, leur donnant asseurance que leur fille les écouteroit volontiers. Les Peres y volent aussi tost, le Pere Buteux prend la parole, déduit le mieux qu'il peut les principaux articles de nostre foy. Les parens, pour ayder le Pere qui n'a pas encore la perfection de la langue, & pour soulager leur enfant, reïteroient doucement, & expliquoient en termes plus significatifs [39] ce qu'on disoit à cette pauure ame, qui se montroit alterée de cette doctrine, comme vne terre seiche de la rosée du Ciel: on employe quelque temps à l'enseigner, tousiours auec le contentement des parens, & beaucoup plus de la malade. Pendant la nuict elle disoit par fois à sa mere, Ne sera-il pas bien tost iour, le Pere ne viendra-il pas de bon matin, puis s'addressant à Dieu, luy disoit. _Mißi ka, khichitaien chaouerimitou_, toy qui as tout fait, fais moy misericorde. _Khiranau, oue ka nipien khita pouetatin khisadkihitin_. Toy qui est mort pour nous, ie crois en toy, ie t'ayme, secours moy. Le Pere la visitant, elle luy disoit, Tu me réioüis quand tu me viens voir, i'ay retenu ce que tu m'as enseigné, & là dessus luy expliquoit fidelement. Le soir auant sa mort, vn sien oncle estant venu voir les Peres, & soupant auec eux, leur dit, Ma niepce est bien malade, vous la deuriez baptiser: on luy replique, qu'on la veut plainement instruire; Si toutesfois, luy dit-on, tu la voyois notablement baisser, appelle nous, & nous l'irons voir. Sur les dix ou onze heures de nuict, ce pauure Sauuage s'en vint au trauers de la neige, & d'vn [40] froid tres piquant, crier à pleine teste proche de l'habitation de nos François, qu'ils vinssent viste baptiser la malade, & qu'elle s'en alloit mourant. Les peres s'éueillent à ces cris bien étonnez, que ny les grands chiens qu'on détache la nuict, ny la rigueur du froid n'auoient point empesché ce bon homme de les venir appeller. Le sieur Nicolet, & le sieur de Launay les accompagnerent, celuy cy fut le Parrain, & la nomma Marie, son pere & sa mere, quoy que Barbares, témoignerent receuoir du contentement de cette action, & remercierent les Peres & nos François, d'auoir pris la peine de sortir pendant vne nuict si fascheuse, que le sieur Nicolet s'en trouua mal. La pauure fille n'eut qu'autant de paroles, qu'il en falloit pour accepter le baptesme, qu'elle auoit tant desiré: car si tost qu'elle l'eut receu elle entre en l'agonie, & bien tost apres s'en alla en Paradis, auec l'étolle d'innocence, dont le Ciel la venoit de couurir. Son oncle la voyant morte, fit appeller le Pere Buteux, & luy dit, Vous n'aymez pas seulement pendant la vie, mais encore apres la mort, ma niepce est à vous, enterrez la à vostre [41] mode. Faites vne grande fosse; car mon frere à qui la tristesse a dérobé la parole, veut loger auec elle son petit bagage: ils vouloient enterrer auec cette fille deux chiens, & plusieurs autres choses: pour les chiens, on leur dit que les François ne seroient pas bien aises qu'on logeast auec eux de si laides bestes; Permets nous donc, dirent-ils, de les enterrer prés de vostre Cimetiere; car la defuncte les aymoit, & c'est nostre coustume de donner aux morts, ce qu'ils ont aymé ou possedé pendant leur vie. On combat tant qu'on peut cette superstition, qui se va abolissant tous les iours; neantmoins on tolere en ces premiers commencemens beaucoup de choses, qui se détruiront d'elles mesmes auec le temps. Si on refusoit à ces pauures ignorans, de mettre dans la fosse de leurs trespassez leur petit equipage, pour aller en l'autre vie, disent-ils, ils nous refuseroient aussi l'abord de leurs malades, & ainsi plusieurs ames se perdroient, qu'on va petit à petit recueillant, iusques à ce que les iours de la grande moisson viennent. Ils enueloperent donc le corps mort de plusieurs robes, ils luy donnerent ses affiquets, ses [42] braueries, quãtité de porcelaine, qui sont les diamans & les perles du païs, & de plus on mit dans la fosse deux auirons, & deux grands sacs remplis de leurs richesses, & de diuers outils ou instrumens, dont se seruent les filles & les femmes. Pour conclusion le pere de cette fille tant aymée, voyant l'honneur qu'on rendoit à son enfant, & comme on luy auoit fait faire vn beau cercueil, ce qui plaist infiniment à ces Barbares, il se ietta sur le col du Pere Buteux, & luy dit _Nikanis_, mon bien-aymé, en verité ie cognois que tu m'ayme, & tous vous autres qui portez cét habit, vous cherissez nostre Nation. Puis apostrophant son enfant; Ma fille que tu es heureuse d'estre si bien logée: cét homme est l'vn des principaux de sa nation, sa femme s'est fait Chrestienne, comme nous dirons en son lieu, nous esperons qu'il mourra Chrestien, aussi bien que ses plus proches. Ainsi soit-il.

While they were making use of these fine remedies, the Fathers were addressing themselves to God for the salvation of this poor soul; they came to see the wretched girl, but her [38] parents would not permit them to talk to her about our belief, imagining that Baptism injured the body, whatever it might do for the soul. "Wait," said they; "when our daughter is completely exhausted, when we have tried all the remedies of which we can avail ourselves,--if they do not succeed, we will permit you to instruct her." The Fathers, upon hearing this, desisted for a while from visiting the sick girl, negotiating for the recovery of her soul with God. The mother of the girl felt inclined to have her instructed, her husband was opposed to this. At last, God, who holds the hearts of all men in his hands, softened those of these Barbarians, for the good of their child. Not only were they no longer averse to the Fathers, but on the contrary they had them invited there, assuring them that their daughter would listen to them willingly. The Fathers immediately fly thither; Father Buteux begins to talk, presenting as well as he can the principal articles of our faith. The parents, to assist the Father, who is not yet well versed in the language, and to soothe their child, repeat softly and explain in clearer terms [39] what was said to this poor soul, which showed itself as thirsty for this doctrine as the dry earth for the dew from Heaven; some time was employed in instructing her, the parents always contented, and the patient still more so. During the night, she would sometimes say to her mother, "Will it not soon be day? Will the Father not come early in the morning?" Then addressing God, she would say to him: _Missi ka khichitaien chaouerimitou_, "Thou who hast made all, have pity upon me." _Khiranau, oue ka nipien khita pouetatin khisadkihitin._ "Thou who hast died for us, I believe in thee, I love thee, help me." When the Father visited her, she said to him, "Thou givest me joy when thou comest to see me; I have remembered what thou hast taught me," and thereupon she explained it to him accurately. The evening before her death, one of her uncles, having come to see the Fathers and remaining to sup with them, said, "My niece is very sick, you ought to baptize her." They replied that they wished to instruct her sufficiently. "If, however," they said to him, "thou see her perceptibly weakening, call us, and we will go and see her." At ten or eleven o'clock at night, this poor Savage came through the snow and the [40] piercing cold, and cried out in a loud voice when he neared the French settlement, that they should come quickly and baptize the sick girl, for she was going to die. The fathers, awakened by these cries, were indeed astonished that neither the great dogs that are let loose at night, nor the rigor of the cold, had prevented this good man from coming to call them. Sieur Nicolet and sieur de Launay[69] accompanied them; the latter was Godfather and gave her the name Marie. Her father and mother, although Barbarians, showed that they were pleased at this act, and thanked the Fathers and our Frenchmen for having taken the trouble to come out on a night so bad that sieur Nicolet was made sick by it. The poor girl had only words enough to accept the baptism which she had so much desired; for, as soon as she had received it, she entered into the pangs of death, and soon after went to Paradise, clad in the robes of innocence with which Heaven had just covered her. When her uncle saw that she was dead, he had Father Buteux called and said to him, "You love, not only during life, but even after death; my niece belongs to you, bury her in your [41] way. Make a big grave, for my brother, whom grief has stricken dumb, wishes to place with her her little belongings." They wished to bury with this girl two dogs, and several other things. As to the dogs, they were told that the French would not be pleased if such ugly beasts were placed among them. "Permit us, then," said they, "to bury them near your Cemetery; for the dead girl loved them, and it is our custom to give to the dead what they loved or possessed when they were living." We do all we can to oppose this superstition, which is every day becoming less general; nevertheless, one tolerates, in these first beginnings, many things which in time will disappear of themselves. If these poor ignorant people were refused the privilege of placing in the graves of their dead their few belongings, to go with them to the other life, they say, they would also refuse to allow us to approach their sick; and thus many souls would be lost which we are gathering in little by little, until the days of the great harvest come. So they enveloped the dead body in several robes; they gave her her trinkets, [42] her ornaments, a quantity of porcelain, which is the diamonds and pearls of this country;[70] and besides this they put in the grave two paddles, and two large bags filled with their wealth, and with different utensils or instruments which the girls and women use. Finally, the father of this girl, so dearly beloved,--seeing the honor they were showing his child, and that they had made her a beautiful coffin, a thing which gives infinite pleasure to these Barbarians,--threw himself upon Father Buteux's neck and said, "_Nikanis_, my well-beloved, in truth I recognize that thou lovest me, and that all of you, who wear this gown, cherish our Nation." Then apostrophizing his child: "My daughter, how happy thou art to be so well lodged!" This man is one of the principal men of his nation; his wife has become a Christian, as we shall relate in the proper place. We hope that he will die a Christian as well as his family. So may it be.

Le vingtiesme du mesme mois Dieu fit paroistre sa bonté en la conuersion & au Baptesme d'vn Sauuage, dont nos Peres sembloient quasi auoir desesperé: ce ieune homme estant malade, le Pere Buteux [43] l'alla visiter: comme il y alloit grand nombre de personnes dans sa cabane, il l'inuita de venir faire vn tour en nostre maison, si sa maladie luy permettoit: il s'y transporte incontinent, apres quelques discours le Pere le iette sur les articles de nostre creance, mais auec peu de succés: car ayant espousé la fille d'vn des plus grands Charlatans du païs, il n'estoit pas pour se rendre à la premiere semonce: comme on le pressoit sur les biens de la vie future, s'il n'en vouloit pas iouïr, il repartit, qu'il ne pouuoit pas croire cela; car mon ame, disoit-il, apres ma mort n'aura point d'esprit, & par consequent ne sera pas capable de ces biens. Comment sçais tu, luy fit le Pere, que les ames apres leur trespas sont stupides, & sans connoissance; deux de nos hommes, replique-il, sont retournez autresfois apres leur mort, & l'ont dit à ceux de nostre nation. Ces ames qui retournerent auoient-elles de l'esprit? Non, fit-il. Tu te trompes, dit le Pere, car c'est auoir de l'esprit, de cognoistre qu'on n'a point d'esprit; mais laissons cette subtilité, est-ce pas auoir de l'esprit que d'estre bon chasseur? iamais les Sauuages ne nieront [44] cette proposition, car leur plus grande Philosophie & Theologie n'est pas en leur teste, mais en leurs pieds. Or est-il, poursuiuit le Pere, qu'il y a des ames des Sauuages qui chassent brauement aux ames des Castors & des Eslans, donc elles ont de l'esprit. A cét argument vn peu trop pressant pour vn Sauuage il ne respondit autre chose, sinõ que puis que ses gens n'alloient point au Ciel, qu'il n'y vouloit point aller; Vous autres, disoit-il, vous asseurez que vous allez là haut, allez y donc à la bonne heure, chacun aime sa nation, pour moy i'iray trouuer la mienne. Le Pere voyant bien qu'il s'opiniastreroit chãge de discours, l'interroge sur son mal; C'est, respond-il, vn meschant Algonquain qui m'a procuré cette maladie qui me tient dans le corps, pource que m'estant fasché contre luy, la peur qu'il eut que ie ne le tuasse l'a induit à traitter de ma mort auec le Manitou. Et comment sçais-tu cela? I'ay faict consulter le Manitou, qui m'a dit que ie me hastasse de faire des presens aux _Manitousiouekhi_, ce sont leurs Iongleurs, & qu'il preuiẽ droit mon ennemy, luy ostant la vie, & par ainsi que ie guerirois: mais [45] mõ malheur est que ie n'ay plus rien, i'ay donné ma Pourcelaine & mes Castors, & à faute de pouuoir continuer ces presens il faut que ie meure. Voila l'vnique vtilité de l'art de ces Iongleurs, c'est qu'ils tirent tout ce qu'ils peuuent des pauures malades, & quand ils n'ont plus rien ils les abandonnent. Les Iaponois ont des erreurs toutes semblables, ils croyent que les pauures ne pouuans rien donner aux Bonzes, ne sçauroient aller en Paradis. Les Chrestiens sont obligez d'adorer & de recognoistre la bonté de leur Dieu. Que la foy a de clarté pour estre vn flambeau obscur, & que nostre creance pour estre releuée par dessus les forces de la nature, s'accorde bien auec la raison! Les Theologiens disent bien à propos, qu'il faut auoir _piam motionem_, pour donner consentement aux propositions de nostre foy; il faut que la volonté s'amolisse, & qu'elle quitte sa dureté naturelle; ce qui se fait par vn doux soufle ou mouuement du S. Esprit, lequel nous induit à croire. Ie voy tous les iours des hommes conuaincus sur cette verité, que nostre creance est bonne, qu'elle est saincte, qu'elle est conforme à la raison, & apres [46] tout cela, ne voyant aucune conclusion de ces premices, ie m'escrie, Qu'auons nous faict à Dieu pour nous auoir donné la Foy, qui a tant de peine d'entrer en l'ame de ces pauures Sauuages! Mais pour retourner à nostre ieune homme, les Peres auoient comme desesperé de son salut; neantmoins comme la conuersion d'vne ame depend de celuy qui est tout-puissant, ils ne laissoient pas de le visiter, pour luy donner de fois à autre quelque crainte de l'enfer, ou quelque esperance de la vie eternelle. En fin ce pauure ieune homme fut touché tout à coup, cet entendement plein de tenebres commence à voir le iour, & sa volonté deuient soupple & obeyssante aux volontez de Dieu, comme vn enfant bien né aux desirs de ses parens. Les Peres entrans certain iour en sa Cabane il leur fait present d'vn morceau d'Eslan qu'on luy auoit donné: le Pere Buteux luy dit, Nous ne venons pas icy pour receuoir, mais pour te donner; nous ne cherchons pas tes biens, mais nous te voulons donner ceux du Ciel; si tu voulois croire en Dieu que tu serois heureux! Oüy, dit-il i'y veux croire, & ie veux aller auec luy; il disoit [47] cela les mains iointes, les yeux esleuez au Ciel, d'vn accent si deuot, auec vne posture si composée, que les Peres resterent tous remplis de ioye & d'estonnement, voyant que Dieu en fait plus en vn moment que tous les hommes en cent ans; aussi est-il le Dieu des cœurs. Voila ce cœur de pierre changé en vn cœur de chair, il escoute auidemẽt ce qu'il croioit déja, il est tout plein de regrets de ses resistances, il ne peut assez admirer la bonté de celuy qui l'a si doucement vaincu. Les Peres l'ayant veu si bien disposé, offrent pour luy le sacré sainct sacrifice de la Messe, & apres vne bonne instruction luy changerent en fin le nom sauuage d'_Amiskoueroui_ au nom de Nicolas, qui luy fut donné au sainct Baptesme. Dieu sçait prẽdre son temps quand il luy plaist. A l'heure qu'il fut touché, qu'il fut baptisé, & qu'il mourut, certains gauffeurs & badins qui demeuroient en sa Cabane, & qui auroiẽt faict leur possible pour le détourner du Christianisme estoient allez a la chasse, ils retournerent iustement deux heures apres sa mort, bien estonnez de ce qui c'estoit passé: mais _quis vt Deus_? Qui pourra détourner la bonté de Dieu, [48] non plus que ses foudres? _Non est qui se abscondat à calore eius._ Il n'y a cœur de bronze qui ne se liquefie, quand Dieu le veut brusler.

On the twentieth of the same month, God showed his goodness in the conversion and Baptism of a Savage, of whom our Fathers had almost despaired. This young man was sick, and Father Buteux [43] went to visit him. As a great many people were going into his cabin, he invited him to make a visit to our house, provided his illness would permit it; he went there immediately. After some conversation, the Father reverted to the articles of our belief, but with little success; for, having married the daughter of one of the greatest Charlatans of the country, he would not surrender at the first summons. When the blessings of the future life were urged upon him, and he was asked if he did not wish to enjoy them, he answered that he could not believe those things. "For," said he, "after my death my soul will have no intelligence, and hence will not be capable of enjoying these blessings." "How dost thou know," replied the Father, "that souls, after their departure from this life, are without sensibility and knowledge?" "Two of our men," he answered, "once returned, after their death, and told this to the people of our nation." "Did those souls that returned have any intelligence?" "No," he replied. "Thou art mistaken," said the Father, "for it is intelligence to know that one has not intelligence; but let us leave these subtleties. Does it require intelligence to be a good hunter?" The Savages will never deny [44] this proposition, for their greatest Philosophy and Theology is not in their heads, but in their feet. "Now is it true," continued the Father, "that there are souls of Savages that are bravely hunting the souls of Beavers and of Elks? Then they must have intelligence." To this argument, a little too forcible for a Savage, he answered nothing, except, that as his people were not going to Heaven, he did not wish to go there. "You people," said he, "are sure of going up yonder. Well and good, go there, then; each one loves his own people; for my part, I shall go and find mine." The Father, seeing clearly that he would be obstinate, changed the subject and asked him about his disease. "It is," he replied, "a wicked Algonquain who has given me this disease which sticks in my body, because I was angry at him; and his fear that I would kill him induced him to bargain for my death with the Manitou." "And how dost thou know that?" "I have had the Manitou consulted, and he told me I should make haste and give presents to the _Manitousiouekhi_,"--these are their Jugglers,--"and that he would forestall my enemy, taking his life, and that thus I would be cured; but [45] my misfortune is that I have nothing more,--I have given my Porcelain and my Beavers; and, because I cannot continue these presents, I must die." So the only use to which these Jugglers put their art is to draw what they can from poor sick people; and, when they have nothing more, they abandon them. The Japanese have similar errors. They believe that, as the poor can give nothing to the Bonzes, they cannot go to Paradise. Christians are obliged to adore and to acknowledge the goodness of their God. What light there is in faith, though it be a dark lantern; and how well our belief, though it may be elevated above the forces of nature, conforms to reason! Theologians say very truly that it is necessary to have the _piam motionem_ in order to consent to the propositions of our faith; the will must be softened and must give up its natural hardness. This is done by the gentle breathing or stirring of the Holy Spirit, which leads us to believe. I daily see men who are convinced of this truth, that our belief is good, that it is holy, that it conforms to reason; and, after [46] all that, seeing no conclusions drawn from these premises, I exclaim, "What have we done to God that he gives us this Faith, which enters with so much difficulty into the souls of these poor Savages!" But to return to our young man. The Fathers had, as it were, despaired of his salvation; nevertheless, as the conversion of a soul depends upon him who is all-powerful, they did not cease to visit him, to impart to him, from time to time, some fear of hell, or some hope of eternal life. At last, this poor young map was touched all at once; this understanding full of darkness began to see the day; and his will became supple and obedient to the will of God, like a dutiful child to the desires of its parents. One day, when the Fathers entered his Cabin, he made them a present of a piece of Elk-meat which had been given him; Father Buteux said to him, "We do not come here to receive, but to give to thee; we are not seeking thy goods, but wish to give thee those of Heaven; if thou wouldst believe in God, how happy thou wouldst be!" "Yes," said he, "I wish to believe, and I wish to go to him." He said [47] this with his hands clasped, his eyes raised to Heaven, with an accent so devout and a manner so composed, that the Fathers were filled with joy and astonishment, seeing that God does more in a moment than all men can do in a hundred years; he is indeed the God of hearts. Behold this heart of stone changed into a heart of flesh. He listens eagerly to what he already believes; he is full of regret at his former opposition; he cannot sufficiently admire the goodness of him who has so gently vanquished him. The Fathers, seeing him so well disposed, offered for him the holy sacrifice of the Mass; and, after thorough instruction, finally changed the savage name _Amiskoueroui_ to the name Nicolas, which was given to him in holy Baptism. God knows how to take his time when he pleases. At the time he was converted, when he was baptized and when he died, certain scoffers and triflers who lived in his Cabin, and who would have done all they could to divert him from Christianity, had gone to the chase; they returned exactly two hours after he died, very much astonished at what had taken place; but _quis ut Deus_? Who can turn away the goodness of God, [48] any more than his thunderbolts? _Non est qui se abscondat à calore ejus._ There is no heart of bronze that will not melt when God wishes to heat it.

Le vingt-cinquiesme, iour de la Conuersion de sainct Paul, vn ieune Sauuage fut nommé Paul, son pere luy procura dans sa maladie, ce qu'il ne prenoit pas pour soy dans la santé: tant s'en faut qu'il se monstrast fasché qu'on instruisist son fils, âgé de quinze à seize ans, qu'au contraire il l'exhortoit à prester l'oreille aux Peres, & par fois les venant visiter luy-mesme, & les ayant ouy parler des choses de l'autre vie, il racontoit par apres à ses enfans ce qu'il auoit apris, n'ayant pas assez de courage d'embrasser & professer les veritez qu'il aprouuoit en son cœur. Les respects humains font bien du mal par tout.

On the twenty-fifth, the day of saint Paul's Conversion, a young Savage was named Paul. His father secured for him in his sickness what he did not take for himself in health. So far was he from showing anger at the instruction given his son, a boy of fifteen or sixteen, that on the contrary, he urged him to listen to the Fathers; and having sometimes visited them himself, and having heard them speak of the realities of the other life, he related afterwards to his children what he had learned, not having enough courage to embrace and profess the truths that he approved in his heart. Fear of the world does a great deal of harm everywhere.

Le vingt-huictiesme & vingt-neufiesme, deux sœurs ont esté enrollées au Catalogue des enfans de Dieu. La plus petite, âgée de deux ans, chante maintenant ses grandeurs parmy les Chœurs des Anges. L'aisnée l'a suiuie quelque temps apres, elle auoit enuiron seize ans, quand elle prit vne nouuelle naissance en Iesus-Christ, [49] estant tombée malade, il ne fut pas difficile de luy persuader qu'elle se fist Chrestienne. Il semble qu'elle auoit déja la foy deuant que les Peres luy parlassent; son frere frequentoit en nostre Maison, instruisant nos Peres en sa langue, & comme on luy parloit souuent de nos Mysteres, il racontoit à sa sœur ce qu'il auoit appris. Il estoit plus heureux iettãt cette semence sacrée, que les Peres mesmes: car on n'a point remarqué qu'elle ait encore germé en son ame, & elle a porté des fleurs & des fruicts dans le cœur de sa sœur: laquelle interrogée en sa maladie, si elle ne vouloit pas estre baptisée, répondit, qu'elle en auoit vn grand desir. Les Peres la voulans instruire, trouuerent qu'elle en sçauoit assez pour receuoir le sainct Baptesme, ce qui les étonna & consola: Elle fut donc nommée Ieanne, receuant auec ce nom si grande abondance de grace, qu'il sembloit que le Fils de Dieu prist vn plaisir particulier en cette nouuelle Espouse. Le Pere Buteux la voyant sur son depart pour s'en aller dans les bois auec sa mere, & les autres Sauuages, luy dit, Adieu ma fille, souuenez vous que vous estes maintenant [50] amie de Dieu, & que si vous mourez, il vous menera dans sa maison, remplie de tout bon-heur. Adieu mon Pere, repartit-elle, ie ne vous verray plus; mais il importe peu que ie meure, puisque ie dois aller en si bon lieu. Elle dit cela auec vn tel sentiment de pieté, que les larmes en vindrent aux yeux des deux Peres, rauis de voir vne petite Barbare, parler en Ange de Paradis. Mais que vous pourrions nous donner, Ieanne, puis que vous nous quittez pour vn si long-temps? luy dirent-ils. Si vous auez du raisin donnez m'en vn peu, ce sera la derniere fois que vous me soulagerez en ma maladie, car ie m'en vais mourir dans les bois: mais ie croy que i'iray au Ciel; à vostre auis, mon Pere? Oüy ma fille, vous y irez, si vous perseuerez en la foy. Asseurez vouz, dit-elle, que ie croy en Dieu, & que i'y croiray toute ma vie. Ils luy donnerent tout le raisin qu'ils auoient de reste, qui n'estoit pas grande chose, le peu qu'on leur auoit enuoyé, ayant déja esté distribué à beaucoup d'autres malades. Quand on vint à lier cette pauure fille auec sa petite sœur, toutes deux nouuellement baptisées, sur leurs longues traisnes, pour les mener [51] dans ces grandes forests, il sembloit aux Peres qu'on leur arrachast le cœur: car ces pauures gens n'auoient autres viures qu'vn peu de pain qu'ils leur donnerent; leur disner & leur souper estoit en la prouidence de Dieu, leurs hostelleries la neige & les arbres, & vn peu d'écorce. Vn grand Nordoüest, qui est le vent le plus froid de ces Contrées, souffloit sur ces pauures malades, & cependant ils s'en alloient tous aussi contens, comme s'ils eussent deu entrer dans vne terre de promission. O que ie me voulois de mal, m'écrit le Pere qui m'a enuoyé ces memoires, voyant ce beau spectacle! ces gens me condamnoient de pusillanimité, ne iettant pas si fortement ma confiance en Dieu, qu'ils la iettent en leurs arcs & en leurs fleches, & ne faisant par vertu, ce que ces Barbares font par nature.

On the twenty-eighth and twenty-ninth, two sisters were enrolled in the Catalogue of the children of God. The smaller, about two years old, now sings his greatness among the Choirs of the Angels. The elder followed her, a short time afterward. She was about sixteen years old when she received a new birth in Jesus Christ; [49] having fallen sick, it was not hard to persuade her to become a Christian. It seems that she had already possessed the faith, before the Fathers talked with her; her brother was in the habit of visiting our House to instruct our Fathers in his language; and, as they often spoke to him of our Mysteries, he related to his sister what he had learned. He was happier than the Fathers themselves in scattering this sacred seed; although it has not been observed to have as yet germinated in his soul, it has borne flowers and fruit in the heart of his sister. When she was asked during her sickness if she did not wish to be baptized, she answered that she greatly desired it. The Fathers, intending to instruct her, found that she knew enough to receive holy Baptism, which surprised and consoled them. So she was called Jeanne, receiving with this name so great an abundance of grace, that it seemed as if the Son of God took particular pleasure in this new Spouse. Father Buteux, seeing her at her departure to go into the woods with her mother and the other Savages, said to her, "Farewell, my daughter; remember that you are now [50] a friend of God, and that if you die he will take you to his house, filled with all blessings." "Farewell, my Father," she replied, "I shall see you no more; but it matters little if I die, since I am to go to such a good place." She said this with so deep a sense of piety, that tears came to the eyes of the two Fathers, who were carried away at seeing a little Barbarian speak like an Angel of Paradise. "But what can we give you, Jeanne, since you are going to leave us for so long a time?" they said to her. "If you have any raisins, give me a few; this will be the last time you will relieve me in my sickness, for I am going to die in the woods. But I believe that I will go to Heaven. Do you think so, my Father?" "Yes, my daughter, you will go there, if you continue in the faith." "Be assured," she said, "that I believe in God, and that I will believe in him all my life." They gave her all the raisins they had left, which were not many,--the few that had been sent them having already been distributed to many other invalids. When they came to tie this poor girl with her little sister, both newly baptized, upon the long sledges, to take them [51] into these great forests, it seemed to the Fathers like tearing out their hearts; for these poor people had no other food than a little bread that they gave them; their dinner and supper depended upon the providence of God, their hostelries were the snow and trees, and a little bark. A strong Northwester, the coldest wind of these Countries, blew upon these poor invalids, and yet they went away as contented as if they were about to enter a promised land. "Oh, how disgusted I was with myself," writes the Father who sent me these memoirs, "when I saw this beautiful sight! These people condemned me of cowardice, for not placing my confidence in God as strongly as they do theirs in their bows and arrows, and in not doing from virtue what these Barbarians do from nature."

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA: VOL VIII

XXV

See Vol. VII., for particulars of this document.

XXVI

As with its predecessor for 1635, the _Relation_ of 1636 (Paris, 1637), although for the convenience of bibliographers styled Le Jeune's, is a composite. The first half, closing with p. 272, is the annual report of Le Jeune, as superior, dated August 28, 1636; the second half, separately paged, is a special report on the Huron mission, by Brébeuf, dated Ihonatiria, July 16, 1636.

For the text of the document, we have had recourse to the Lamoignon copy of the original Cramoisy edition in the Lenox Library, which is there designated as "H. 65," because described in Harrisse's _Notes_, no. 65.

_Collation_ (H. 65). Title, with verso blank; "Extraict du Privilege du Roy" (dated Paris, Dec. 22, 1636), p. (1); "Approbation" by the provincial (dated Paris, Dec. 15, 1636), p. (1); "Table des Chapitres," pp. (4); Le Jeune's _Relation_ (11 chaps.), pp. 1-272; Brébeuf's Huron _Relation_, (in two parts, 4 and 9 chaps. respectively), pp. 1-223; verso of last leaf blank.

There are two copies in the Lenox Library, in which we have discovered a number of textual variations which have never been noted before. For the sake of convenience we shall designate these as Lamoignon and Bancroft, the names of former owners whose individual impress they bear. Our reprint, as previously stated, is from the Lamoignon copy. The Quebec reprint (vol. 1, 1858) follows a copy with the text corresponding with the Bancroft variations. All the differences which we have discovered occur in the Huron _Rel ation_, and the references are to the pagination of that part. We give the principal ones below.

LAMOIGNON.

P. 85, last line ends with "s'il ne leur fust" The last four lines of p. 85 are spaced freely to make up for the elision of "arriué." P. 146, l. 2, reads: "d'où ils tirent" P. 146, l. 22, reads: "alliance. Si leurs champs" P. 146, l. 23, reads: "les occupe ils sont" P. 158, l. 9, reads: "cõtre" P. 158, l. 10, reads: "les tourmentẽt: le" P. 158, l. 13, reads: "que ces pauures miserables chanteront" P. 158, l. 18, reads "s'ils estoiẽt vaillãs hommes, ils leur arrachẽt" P. 159, last line ends with "quelque Peuple auec qui ils"

BANCROFT.

P. 85, last line ends with: "s'il ne leur fust arriué" P. 146, l. 2, reads: "dont ils tirent" P. 146, l. 22, reads: "alliances, si leurs champs" P. 146, l. 23, reads: "les occupe; ils sont" P. 158, l. 9, reads: "contre" P. 158, l. 10, reads: "les tourmentent" P. 158, l. 13, reads: "que ce pauure miserable chantera" P. 158, l. 18, reads: "s'il estoit vaillant homme, ils luy arrachent" P. 159, last line ends with: "quelques Peuples auec lesquels ils"

There is still another edition of this _Relation_ in which the matter was reset entirely, and in which the text-page is much larger than in the one described above. Pilling (_Bibliography of the Iroquoian Languages_, p. 18) describes the British Museum copy, and the following collation is based on his very careful account of it.

_Collation_ (H. 66). Title, with verso blank, 1 leaf; "Table des Chapitres," pp. (2); Le Jeune's _Relation_, pp. 1-199; Brébeuf's Huron _Relation_, pp. 1-164.

Copies of H. 65 may be found in the following libraries: Lenox (two variations), Harvard, Library of Parliament (Ottawa), Brown (private), Archives of St. Mary's College (Montreal), and the British Museum. The Barlow copy (1889), no. 1276, sold for $17.50. Priced by Harrassowitz (1882), no. 23, at 125 marks. Copies of H. 66 are in the British Museum, and in the Bibliothèque Nationale (imperfect). We know of no example in America.

NOTES TO VOL. VIII

(_Figures in parentheses, following number of note, refer to pages of English text._)

1 (p. 9).--Concerning the increase of French colonists at this time, see vol. vii., _note_ 8.

2 (p. 13).--_Pemptegoüs_: one of numerous variants of the name Penobscot (often mentioned by Lescarbot and Biard as Pentegoët). Specific reference is here made to the peninsula of Matchebiguatus (contracted later to Bagaduce), the site of the present Castine, at the mouth of Penobscot River (see vol. ii., _note_ 6). It was visited by Champlain in 1604, and by John Smith, twelve years later. From that time, it was more or less frequented by English fishing vessels; and, in 1630, the Plymouth Company established here a post for traffic with the Indians. It is this trading station to which Le Jeune refers; in 1635, it was taken for the French by Charles d'Aulnay de Charnisay, a lieutenant of the Commander de Razilly.

The family of Razilly (Razilli or Rasilly), of Touraine, was one of rank, ability, and renown. Early in the seventeenth century it was represented mainly by three brothers--François, who in 1612 undertook, with Daniel de la Touche de la Ravardière, to found a French colony at Maranham, in Brazil; Claude, seigneur de Launay, who also went to Maranham--this colony being destroyed by the Portuguese in 1615; and Isaac, a chevalier of Malta, and commander of the isle Bouchard. All of these men held positions of honor and responsibility in the court, the army, or the navy. François served later as field marshal in the army, and was also sent as ambassador to Savoy. Guérin says that Claude and Isaac became two of the most skillful and renowned seamen of their age; they were commanders of squadrons, and even admirals, in many important naval contests. A memoir relating to "colonies, in view of the increase in the maritime power of France," was presented (1626) by Isaac de Razilly to Richelieu, to which Guérin ascribes much influence in securing the formation of the Company of New France, in the following year.

Isaac was one of the Hundred Associates, and after 1628 was their naval commander. In the spring of 1629, the company, hearing that Kirk's expedition was about to set out from England, prepared a fleet, loaded with supplies for the suffering colonists at Quebec. Orders were given that some of the vessels should sail directly from Dieppe or La Rochelle for Canada, leaving the rest to go later, under Razilly. These orders were neglected, so that, instead of reaching Quebec by the end of May, and thus affording timely aid to Champlain, the ships waited for Razilly--whose commission for Canada was, however, revoked upon the conclusion of the peace of Susa (April 24, 1629), and he was instead sent to Morocco. The vessels finally set sail from La Rochelle, but were delayed by bad weather, thus failing to reach Quebec before its capture by Kirk. The ship commanded by De Caen was taken by the English; that belonging to the Jesuits was wrecked off Canso (see vol. iv., doc. xix.); and those under Desdames and Joubert made their way back to France. In the spring of 1630, another expedition was fitted out by the Company of New France, under Razilly's command, for the recapture of Canada; but it was not despatched thither, owing to the promise of Charles I. to restore Quebec to France--an agreement that was, however, not carried into effect until 1632, because of Louis's delay in paying the dowry that he had promised with Henrietta Maria, Charles's queen. Finally, in that year, De Caen was sent to occupy Quebec for his king. At the same time, Razilly was commissioned to "put the Company of New France in possession of Port Royal"--for which purpose he was given an armed ship named "Espérance en Dieu," and the sum of 10,000 livres; he was also to take with him three Capuchin missionaries. The document authorizing this enterprise was signed by Richelieu March 27, 1632, two days before the treaty of St. Germain-en-Laye. Razilly's formal commission to receive Port Royal from the English bears date of May 10 in the same year. These documents are given by Margry, in _MSS. rel. Nouv. France_, vol. i., pp. 85, 110.

Razilly was appointed governor of Acadia, D'Aulnay and Charles de la Tour being his lieutenants; he also obtained from the Company of New France (May 29, 1632) a concession at St. Croix river and bay, 12 by 20 leagues in extent. He established his seat of government at La Hêve. In January, 1635, was formed an association--headed by Isaac and Claude de Razilly, and Cardinal Richelieu--to colonize Port Royal and La Hêve. Isaac de Razilly died in November of that year, and was succeeded by D'Aulnay as governor of Acadia. Claude de Razilly inherited his brother's estates, which, with his own interests in Acadia, he subsequently transferred to D'Aulnay. Harrisse says (_Notes_, p. 57): "He seems to have died in poverty, about the year 1666--at least, we have reason to suppose this, from the petition in verse addressed to the king in 1667, by his sister Marie, a celebrated poetess known as 'Calliope' [1621-1704] to whom Louis XIV. granted a pension of 2,000 livres, in consideration of the straitened circumstances to which she had been reduced by her brother's losses (Titon du Tillet, _Parnasse François_, Paris, 1732, fol., p. 487)."

Concerning the Razillys, see Guérin's _Navig. Français_, pp. 313-338; Harrisse's _Notes_, pp. 53-57; and Moreau's _Histoire de l'Acadie Françoise_ (Paris, 1873), pp. 112-117, 129-144.

3 (p. 13).--Quebec, like the other Canadian provinces, possesses great mineral wealth. Magnetic and hematite iron ores are abundant; and a rich vein of chromic iron has recently been found and worked, at Coleraine. A considerable quantity of copper is also mined in Quebec; gold to the amount of $260,905 was produced during the years 1877-94; and in 1894, this province yielded 101,318 ounces of silver. Among its other important mineral productions are asbestos, phosphates, petroleum, and building-stones.

Pierre Boucher (governor of Three Rivers in 1653-58 and 1662-67) thus mentions the mineral products of Canada, in his _Histoire véritable et natvrelle de la Novvelle France_, (Paris, 1664), chap. i.: "Springs of salt water have been discovered, from which excellent salt can be obtained; and there are others, which yield minerals. There is one in the Iroquois Country, which produces a thick liquid, resembling oil, and which is used in place of oil for many purposes. There are also many mines, according to report; I am certain that there are mines of iron and copper in many places. Various reliable persons have assured me that there is a great abundance of lead, and that not far from us; but, as it is along the road by which our Enemies pass, no one has yet dared to go thither to make its discovery."

4 (p. 15).--In regard to the Canadian policy of the Hundred Associates, see vol. iv., _notes_ 21, 38; and vol. vii., _note_ 18. Cf. Faillon (_Col. Fr._, pp. 343-352); he complains that the company, although at first making some efforts to bring over colonists, soon evaded the obligations imposed by their charter, and sent to Canada few besides their own fur-trade employees; that they cleared no land, and only sent provisions to the colony; that they made concessions (as to Giffard, Bourdon, and many others) obliging those to whom lands were given to assume the company's duties of clearing lands, and sending and supporting colonists--which acts should at the same time inure to the benefit of the Associates, and be credited to their account, as if performed by them.

5 (p. 17).--Concerning Duplessis-Bochard, see vol. v., _note_ 34.

6 (p. 19).--Le Jeune states, in the _Relation_ for 1634 (vol. vii. of this series, p. 229), that this fort was built on St. Croix Island (see vol. ii., _note_ 66). The island was afterwards known by the name of the fort. Ferland (_Cours d'Histoire_, vol. i., p. 260, _note_) thus cites Faucher: "The little island below Richelieu, where now is a light-house, is precisely the same where was formerly situated a fort, to intercept passage in time of war. The channel adjacent to the island has been measured, and its greatest width is seven arpents; vessels generally pass at a distance of three or four arpents from the island. In all the river, there is no place more suitable for the erection of a fort. At low tide, no water remains in the channel."

7 (p. 19).--_Metaberoutin_: the Three Rivers (St. Maurice); see vol. ii., _note_ 52.

8 (p. 45).--Pierre Pijart was born at Paris, May 17, 1608, and, soon after attaining his majority, became a Jesuit novice. His studies were successively pursued at Paris, La Flèche, and Caen; and, in July, 1635, he came to Canada. He was at once assigned to the Huron mission, where he remained five years. In November, 1640, he went with Garnier to open the Mission of the Holy Apostles among the Tionnontates or Tobacco Nation. This tribe, however, refused to listen to them; and within a year they were obliged to abandon this mission for a time. Pijart was employed at the Ste. Marie residence for some three years. In September, 1645, he was located at Three Rivers, being mentioned by Lalemant, in the _Journal des Jésuites_ (Quebec, 1871), p. 5, as "procureur des Hurons." In August, 1650, he returned to France.

9 (p. 47).--Pierre Feauté, a lay brother in the Jesuit order, came to Canada in the summer of 1635; occasional mention of him in _Journ. des Jésu._ shows that he was employed in the Jesuit residence of Notre-Dame des Anges in 1636, and, later, at Quebec. In November, 1651, he made a voyage to France, whither he seems to have finally returned in October, 1657.

Rochemonteix (_Jésuites_, vol. i., p. 212) cites _Catalogus Provinciæ Franciæ_ to show that Brother Pierre le Tellier was, toward 1665, in charge of the _petite école_, or primary department, of the college of Quebec.

10 (p. 47).--Claude Quentin came to Canada in July, 1635, and was assigned soon afterwards to the residence of Three Rivers, with Buteux, where he remained two years. In the summer of 1638, he was sent to the station at Miscou, returning some time later to Quebec, on account of ill-health. In the autumn of 1641, he was appointed procuror of the Canadian missions, occupying this position about six years--during which time he made several journeys between Canada and France, apparently making a final return to the latter country Oct. 21, 1647.

11 (p. 47).--François Joseph le Mercier was born at Paris, Oct. 4, 1604, and, at the age of eighteen, entered the Jesuit novitiate. In 1635, he came to Canada, and labored in the Huron mission until its destruction; he was at Ossossané in 1641-42, and at Ste. Marie-on-the-Wye in 1644. In June, 1656, he went, with other Jesuits, on the mission to the Onondagas, returning to Quebec the following year. He remained on the St. Lawrence during the rest of his labors in Canada, being superior of the missions in that province from August, 1653, until 1658, and again from 1665 to 1670. In November, 1659, he was assigned to a mission at Côte de Beaupré, where he labored nearly a year, being declared vicar of Quebec in October, 1660. Sommervogel says that Le Mercier returned to France in 1673, and was then sent to Martinique as superior of that mission, where he remained until his death, June 12, 1690.

Le Mercier, as superior, wrote various _Relations_ of the Canadian missions, which will appear in later volumes of this series. The Hurons named him Chaüosé; the Iroquois, Teharonhiagannra.

12 (p. 49).--_Echom_ (correctly spelled Echon): see vol. v., _note_ 44.

13 (p. 55).--_Anguien river:_ named for the eldest son of the prince of Condé, whose titular designation was duke of Anguien, or Enghien, from the city of that name in Hainault, near Brussels. The nobleman thus referred to (also mentioned in _Relation_ for 1636, chap. i.) was later known as "the great Condé;" in 1642, he married a niece of Richelieu. The last scion of the house of Condé who bore this name was the unfortunate Louis Antoine, duke of Enghien, court-martialed and shot at Vincennes, March 21, 1804, by order of Napoleon Bonaparte.

The Anguien River cannot well be identified; the name does not appear on maps of that time.

14 (p. 59).--_Petite Nation:_ see vol. v., _note_ 56.

15 (p. 61).--Jean de Quen was born at Amiens in May, 1603, and became a Jesuit novice Sept. 13, 1620, at Rouen. His studies were pursued at Paris; and he afterwards became a teacher in the colleges at Amiens (1630-31), and Eu (1632-35). Coming to Canada in the summer of 1635, he was employed for several years at Quebec--at the college, and at Notre-Dame de Récouvrance. In 1640, he was at Sillery, of which mission he was the head from 1641 to 1649. During this time, he also made evangelizing journeys to neighboring tribes: and, at times, labored in the Ste. Croix mission at Tadoussac, and at Three Rivers. In June, 1651, he went on a mission to the Oumaniwek tribe, and apparently spent the ensuing two years in labors with this and other tribes on the upper Saguenay, with his headquarters at Tadoussac. To him is ascribed the honor of having, while engaged in this work, discovered Lake St. John. In 1655-56, he was superior of the missions of New France, and seems to have remained at Quebec until his death, which occurred Oct. 1, 1659, occasioned by a contagious fever brought on a French vessel, whose sick and dying sailors De Quen was nursing at the hospital.

In August, 1878, the demolition of the old Jesuit College at Quebec brought to light the remains of De Quen, Du Peron, and Jean Liégeois. For detailed accounts of this discovery and its attendant circumstances, with valuable historical information regarding this and other buildings in that city, see Faucher de Saint-Maurice's _Relation des fouilles dans le Collège des Jésuites_ (Quebec, 1879); also Rochemonteix's _Jésuites_, vol. i., pp. 225-227, 456-465.

16 (p. 61).--Concerning these Turkish pirates, and others, see vol. iv., _note_ 29.

17 (p. 65).--André Richard (here written Antoine, apparently by some error), born Nov. 23, 1600 (or 1599), became a Jesuit, Sept. 26, 1621, at Paris. A student successively at Paris, La Flèche, and Rouen, he was a teacher at Amiens (1624-26), Orleans (1626-28), Caen (1629-30), and Nevers (1631-33). In February, 1634, he departed for Canada, and, with Perrault, was stationed at Cape Breton, replacing Daniel and Davost. Richard remained at this mission about six years, being then sent to Miscou as a co-worker with Jean d'Olbeau, who had gone there in the preceding year; the latter fell ill with scurvy in December, 1642, and, afflicted with paralysis resulting therefrom, he was obliged to leave for France in the following summer--dying, however, while on the voyage, through an accidental explosion of powder, which destroyed the ship.

In 1646, Richard was joined by De Lyonne; and he remained on the coast of Gaspe--during most of the time, at Miscou--until 1661, making voyages to France in 1658 and 1659. According to Dionne ("Miscou," in _Canada-Français_, July, 1889), he spent the year 1661-62 at Chedabouctou in Acadia, after which he went back to France. Returning to Canada in 1666, he became superior of the Jesuit residence at Three Rivers; he is said to have died in 1696.

18 (p. 65).--Charles Turgis was born at Rouen, Oct. 14, 1606, and became a Jesuit as soon as he attained his majority. He studied at La Fléche and Clermont, and was a teacher in the former college during two years. In 1635, he arrived in Canada, and was sent to Miscou with Du Marché, to minister to the French (then 23 in number) residing at that post. The climate of Miscou, although now salubrious, seems to have been, at that early time, full of danger to Europeans; the island was repeatedly swept by the scurvy, which was usually fatal. The missionaries soon became its victims; Du Marché was compelled to return to France, and Turgis, although more robust, and longer resisting the disease, was laid low by it in March, 1637, dying on May 4. An account of his illness and death is given in the _Relation_ for that year, which says of him: "He was equally regretted by the French and by the Savages, who honored and tenderly loved him."

19 (p. 65).--Charles du Marché was assigned to the Miscou station at the same time as Turgis (1635), the missionary residence being named St. Charles. Within a year of their arrival, Du Marché was attacked by the prevalent scourge of that region--the _mal du terre_, or scurvy--and was compelled to return to Quebec. Here he remained a few months, being employed at the chapel as confessor; in August, 1636, he was aiding Buteux at Three Rivers; later, he returned to France.

20 (p. 67).--Concerning Jean Liégeois, see vol. vii., _note_ 7.

Gilbert Burel, a lay brother, had come to Canada with the first Jesuit missionaries (1625), and again, with Le Jeune, in 1632. The latter mentions him in 1626 (see vol. iv., p. 183); but his name does not occur in the _Relations_, excepting in this passage in our text.

21 (p. 69).--_Sonontoerrhonons_, also variously written Entouhonorons (Champlain), Sonnontouans, Tsonnontouans: the westernmost and also the largest of the five Iroquois tribes or cantons; by early Dutch writers called Sennecas or Sinnekens, by the English Senecas, and among themselves Nun-dá-wa-o-nó (Morgan) or Nan-do-wah-gaah (Marshall). The latter writer says that the name Sonnontouan is derived from the Seneca words _onondah_, "hill," and _go waah_, "great,"--"the people of the great hill," alluding to Boughton Hill, where was located their principal village, Ga-o-sa-eh-ga-aah (or Gandagaro); and that "Seneca" is a corruption of Nan-do-wah-gaah.--See his pamphlet, _First visit of De la Salle to the Senecas_ [Buffalo, 1874], p. 44.

Beauchamp, in his "Origin and Early life of the N. Y. Iroquois," _Transactions of Oneida Hist. Society_, 1887-89, (Oneida, N. Y., 1889), p. 124, derives the Senecas "from the Eries, perhaps within historic times. That the Senecas differed from the other Iroquois, in religious observances, totems and clans, habits of life, and other things, is very clear." He also writes, in a recent letter: "The Senecas always had two great villages, and were probably at first a minor confederacy--the two branches being clearly distinguished in all historic times, and even now. Among the leading founders of the League they had two great chiefs where the others had but one, in every account. In the last half of the seventeenth century, the two great Seneca towns, "held by their two branches, were at Mendon, and at Boughton Hill, Victor. In 1660, the easternmost Seneca village was 20 miles west of Geneva, and all were comprised within a very few miles." Their villages are shown on J.S. Clark's map of "Seneca Castles and Mission Sites," in Hawley's "Early Chapters in Seneca History," _Cayuga Co. Hist. Collections_, No. 3, (Auburn, N. Y., 1884); see also his note identifying their sites, pp. 25, 26. This paper is a careful and minute account of the Jesuit missions among the Senecas (1656-84), with valuable annotations by both Hawley and Clark. The chief Seneca villages in recent times were near the sites of the present Geneva, Canandaigua, Lima, and Avon.

22 (p. 71).--This chief, La Perdrix, is mentioned also in the _Relation_ for 1634. In regard to the Island tribe, see vol. v., _note_ 57.

23 (p. 71).--_Attiguenongha_ (Atignenongach, Attigneenongnahac, Attiniatoenten): this and the Attignaouantan, or Bear Nation, (see vol. v., _note_ 17), were not only the most important, but the oldest of the Huron tribes, "having received into their country, and adopted, the others" (_Relation_ for 1639, chap. i.), and being able to trace their tribal history for two centuries back. This tribe was the southernmost of the Huron clans; one of its most important towns was Teanaustayé, located in what is now Medonté township. Here was situated the Jesuit mission of St. Joseph, destroyed by the Iroquois in 1649.

24 (p. 71).--_Arendarhonons_, Ahrendarrhonons, or Renarhonons (Sagard, who also calls them "nation de la Roche"): the easternmost tribe of Hurons, located west of the Severn River. They were the first of the Hurons to engage in trade with the French, and regarded themselves as the special allies of the latter. It was with this tribe that Champlain spent the winter of 1615-16 (see vol. v., _note_ 52), at their village of Cahiagué, where, later, was established the Jesuit mission of St. Jean Baptiste.

25 (p. 75).--The Ottawa and St. Lawrence Rivers have many and often dangerous rapids; but both rivers are now rendered navigable by canals around the rapids. The Chaudière Falls above Ottawa, and the Lachine Rapids above Montreal, are the most noted of these obstructions. In the St. Lawrence River are 30 miles of rapids. The elevation between Lake Ontario and tidewater is 240 feet.

The name "Rivière des Prairies" was at first applied to the Ottawa River (see vol. ii., _note_ 53); but it is now restricted to the channel that separates Isle Jésus from the island of Montreal.

26 (p. 81).--Simon Baron was one of the Jesuit donnés. Sulte says (_Can.-Français_, vol. ii., p. 53): "He had lived at Chibou, Cape Breton Island, about 1631, and had there acquired some surgical knowledge. In 1634, he was in the service of the Jesuits, and accompanied the missionaries to the Huron country, whence he returned in 1637. He is mentioned at Three Rivers in 1637, 1658, and 1664." During the epidemic of 1637, Baron acquired renown through his facility in handling the lancet.

27 (p. 85).--Concerning La Rochelle, see vol. v., _note_ 60.

28 (p. 91).--For location of Toanché, see vol. v., _note_ 61.

29 (p. 99).--Jean Nicolet, a native of Cherbourg, France, came to Quebec in 1618, probably at the age of about 20 years. Like Marsolet, Brulé, and others, he was sent by Champlain to live among the Indians, that he might acquire a knowledge of the country, of the natives, and of their language. For this purpose, Nicolet went (1620) to the Algonkins of Allumettes Island, where he remained two years; while among this tribe, he accompanied a large body of their warriors to the Iroquois country, in order to arrange a treaty of peace--an enterprise successfully accomplished. He then spent some nine years among the Nipissings, during which time he wrote an account of these savages, their customs, etc., as Le Jeune informs us in the _Relation_ for 1636.

Upon the recovery of Canada by the French, Nicolet returned to Quebec, probably early in 1633. In June, 1634, Champlain sent him on an exploring expedition westward--partly in the hope of finding the "sea of China" which was at that time supposed to lie not far west of the regions of America then known, and thereby discovering the long-looked-for short passage to Asia; partly to become acquainted with the savage tribes lying beyond the "Mer douce" (Lake Huron), and to extend the French trade for peltries. Upon this trip (accompanying Brébeuf as far as Allumettes Island), Nicolet went to his old abode, Lake Nipissing. Thence, with a bark canoe, and an escort of seven Hurons, he voyaged by French River into Lake Huron, and northward to St. Mary's Straits and Mackinac; and thence by Lake Michigan, Green Bay, and the Fox River, as far as a village of the Mascoutins, probably in what is now Green Lake county, Wisconsin. He was thus the first white man who, so far as is recorded, had entered this region. From the Mascoutin village, he journeyed southward to what is now Northern Illinois,--afterwards returning to Canada by the same route on which he had set out; he reached Quebec early in the autumn of 1635. This notable voyage was generally supposed to have occurred in 1639, until Sulte advanced the theory, in _Mélanges d'Histoire et de Littérature_ (Ottawa, 1876), pp. 426, 436, that it must have been in 1634-35--a theory apparently verified by Butterfield, in his painstaking _Discovery of the Northwest by Jean Nicolet_ (Cincinnati, 1881).

Nicolet, after his return to Canada, resumed his employment (begun in 1633) as clerk and interpreter at Three Rivers. Oct. 7, 1637, he married Marguerite (then aged eleven years), second daughter of Guillaume Couillard. Probably about this time, he obtained, jointly with his brother-in-law, Le Tardif (see vol. v., _note_ 49), the estate of Belleborne (so named from the brook of Belleborne, which traverses the "plains of Abraham"). In 1641, the Iroquois having attacked the Algonkins in the near vicinity of Three Rivers, Nicolet, with the Jesuit Ragueneau, attempted, but with little success, to turn aside the hostile savages.

Nicolet died Oct. 29, 1642, being drowned at Sillery; he left but one child, Marguerite, who in 1656 married Jean Baptiste le Gardeur.

Full accounts of Nicolet and of his discoveries are given in Butterfield's monograph, and by Sulte, _ut supra_; also in Jouan's "Jean Nicolet," and Butterfield's bibliography of the subject, _Wisconsin Historical Collections_, vol. xi., pp. 1-25. Cf. also Sulte's "Notes on Jean Nicolet," _Id._, vol. viii., pp. 188-194. Nicolet river and lake, in Wolfe county, Que., are named for this noted explorer; the river had been, until about 1640, known as the St. Jean.

30 (p. 103).--_Le Borgne_: this name, meaning "the one-eyed," was applied by the French, during many years, to the Algonkin chief at the head of the Island tribe (see vol. v., _note_ 57), whose native name was Tessouehat (or Tessoueatch).

Champlain mentions that, in June, 1603, he met at Tadoussac an Algonkin sagamore named Besouat; Laverdière (_Champlain_, p. 76) thinks this is simply an error for Tesouat. Just ten years later, Champlain visited Tessouat at Allumettes Island, and speaks of the latter as "a good old Captain."

Again, in 1629, he mentions Le Borgne (apparently the successor of the first-named) as "a good Savage and a man of intelligence" (Laverdière's ed., p. 1198). It was this man who is mentioned in our text as alarming the Hurons by reports of Champlain's intended vengeance for Brulé's murder; he died in August, 1635. In the spring of that year, he had gone (as Brébeuf tells us) with an Algonkin embassy to the Huron country, to ask the latter tribes to unite with them in an attack upon the Iroquois, which proposal was declined by the Hurons.

A third Le Borgne was Tessouehat (called by the Hurons Andesson or Ondesson), characterized by the missionaries as "unusually arrogant and malicious" (_Relation_ for 1641). Much to their surprise, he came down to Montreal in March, 1643, for Christian instruction, and was baptized under the name of Paul. In the _Relation_ for that year, Vimont says of this chief: "As soon as he became a Christian, God gave him the gentleness and meekness of a little child;" and the missionaries were greatly delighted and edified by his piety.

In May, 1646, a chief of this name took part in a council held at Three Rivers with an embassy from the Iroquois; but, as he invoked the sun to be a witness of the negotiations, he must have been a heathen, and therefore a successor to the preceding chief. This same man was rebuked by a converted Indian at Sillery for not being a Christian; but his pious death, after an illness of two years, is recorded in the _Relation_ for 1654. He, too, like his predecessor, was renowned as much for his arrogance as for his eloquence.

31 (p. 105).--_Oënrio_ (Ouenrio, or Wenrio): the site of this village, which was located in a populous Huron neighborhood, has not been identified beyond question. Du Creux's map places it near the head of an inlet--evidently the one now known as Dault's Bay, on the west side of Tiny township; and he associates it with the mission of St. Charles. There are remains which correspond very nearly to this position; though some have supposed that Oënrio was nearer Penetanguishene Bay, where the remains of another village have been found. As it contained part of the Hurons from Toanché, it may be assumed that it was not far from Thunder Bay.--A.F. HUNTER.

32 (p. 111).--_Sagamité_: see vol. v., _note_ 28.

33 (p. 115).--_Mer douce_: see vol. i., _note_ 54.

34 (p. 115).--Brébeuf here gives the Huron names of the other tribes composing the great Huron-Iroquois family. Concerning the _Khionontaterrhonons_ (Tobacco Nation), see vol. v., _note_ 18.

_Atiouandaronks_ (Attiwandarons, Atiraguenrek, or Atirhangenrets): called by the French "Nation Neutre," because they were at peace with both the Hurons and the Iroquois, between whom they lived. Harris thus endeavors to account for this neutrality, in his paper, "The Flint-Workers," _Publications of Buffalo Historical Society_, vol. iv. (Buffalo, 1896), p. 239: "There is but one solution of this problem, and that is to be found in the immense quantities of flint along the east end of Lake Erie. Without flint arrow and spear heads, the Iroquois could not cope with the Hurons, nor the Hurons with the Iroquois; and, as the Neutrals controlled the chert beds, neither nation could afford to make the Neutrals its enemy."

Eastward of the Neutrals, lay the territories of the Five Nations, or Iroquois League. Clark's map of this region, showing locations of the several tribes and of their villages, is given in Hawley's _Early Chapters of Cayuga History_, 1656-84 (Auburn, N. Y., 1879); Morgan (_Iroq. League_) also gives a map, showing locations in recent times. For historical sketch of the tribes included in the League, see Beauchamp's _Origin of N. Y. Iroquois_ (cited in _note_ 21, _ante_) pp. 119-142; he says: "The Huron-Iroquois family thus seems to have been the last wave of the migratory tribes advancing from the west and northwest, and had not reached the sea 300 years ago, except a few individuals on the St. Lawrence. The Tuscaroras might also be excepted.... Almost parallel with these [the Algonquins], but a little later as a whole, the Huron-Iroquois, finding the southern regions occupied, advanced along the north, through Michigan, Canada, and Ohio, pressing toward the sea, but generally prevented from reaching it by the Algonquins. This is very nearly the tradition of the Delawares, who represent the Iroquois as moving from the west in a line parallel with their own migrations, but a little in the rear. The Huron-Iroquois occupied temporarily the solitudes of Canada and New York, as well as Michigan and Northern Ohio, gathering strength within their narrow limits, until they could force a passage south al