Part 16

Having a long-standing engagement to be in Amsterdam, early in June, we have been compelled to quit London, before the termination of the season. I could have wished to remain longer, but the force of things has moved heavier bodies.

Quitting England is, by no means, as easy a matter for a foreigner, as quitting almost any other European state. I was obliged to go first to the alien office, which is near Westminster Hall, and then proceed to the custom-house, a distance of several miles, in order to get the required permission. If all these forms are necessary, (and I shall not take it on myself to say they are not) it would save trouble could every thing be done in the same office, or, at least, in the same building.

My labours in obtaining the permit to embark, and in taking a passage, have taught me a secret in relation to the advantage we possess over the English in sailing ships. The excess of men causes all occupations to be crowded, and as each _employé_ must have a livelihood out of his employment, he becomes a charge on the business. If an Englishman could live on a bit of garlic and a few chesnuts, this would not be of so much moment; but he is a beef-eating and a beer-drinking animal, and likes to be neat in his attire, and the trade is compelled to pay a pretty good price for his support. Thus when I went on board the steamboat to take the necessary passage, I was compelled to return to the shore, and walk, at least, half a mile to an office to effect my purpose. The person to whom I was referred, received me civilly, but after making his bow, he put his hands in his pockets, and ordered two or three clerks to receive my money, enter my name, and do the other necessary things. In America the captain would do all this himself, and would find no time to put his hands in his breeches pockets.

You can form no notion, of the intrigues and frauds that are practised, in these old countries, in the struggles for a subsistence. Few people of any condition have much direct communication with their tradesmen, and the buying, as a matter of course, falls into the hands of servants. A certain per centum is given the buyer, which the seller adds to the price. This is another reason why the servant is a personage of more importance in Europe than with us, for his master’s custom usually depends on _his_ patronage. A case of this sort has occurred under my own immediate observation. The proprietor of one of the most celebrated vineyards of France, certain that a vast deal of spurious wine was sold under the name of his vintages, determined to make an effort to bring the pure liquor into proper notice, a difficult achievement, by the way, as the palate once set to even a vicious taste, is as little likely to relish perfection, as any thing else. My acquaintance determined to get his wine introduced to the table of the king, at once, as a certain means of making it known. I dare say, now, you will think he had nothing to do, but to request some purveyor to consent to let the liquor be put before his majesty, and to await the issue. So far from taking this simple course, however, he was advised to make interest with a lady of rank, in order to induce her to persuade a connexion of her own, who was one of the most distinguished men of the age, and had great favour with the king, to present the latter with a case of the wine, and this, too, in a way that might insure its reaching the royal mouth. I cannot say whether the experiment failed or succeeded, but I believe it failed, and most probably through the intrigues of those interested.

In America we have not yet reached this pass, although a glorious beginning has commenced in the commercial towns, which, in their way, are probably as corrupt as any in the world. I have seen abundant proof of a disposition in the trading part of our community, abroad, to combine and conspire to attain their ends, without regard to truth, principles, or justice, and I presume we are to go the way of all flesh in this, as in other respects.

I have not mentioned the subject, because I believe England more obnoxious to this charge of management than other European countries, for probably there is less of it here than elsewhere; certainly much less than in France; but it naturally suggested itself when I came to speak of the number of subordinates that are employed in all matters of business.

Our little preparations were soon made, and, on the appointed day, we went on board the vessel, which was lying off the custom-house. As we all stood on deck, just as the boat was about to proceed, the master came round to ask the foreigners for their permits to quit the country. “You have no need of one,” he observed to me, in passing. “I have one, notwithstanding.” The man stared, and asked an explanation with his eyes. I told him I was a foreigner; an American. “I have been in America,” he said, “but we hardly look on your countrymen as foreigners.” There was more of the feeling which prevails in America towards England in these words and in this man’s manner, than I had ever before witnessed in England. He proved to be a mild decent man, and well disposed to introduce some of our improvements into his boat.

We had a party of cocknies on board, who went as far as Gravesend for the fun of the thing. Great hilarity prevailed under the excitement of the usual condiments of bread, cheese and porter, and we were not sorry to be quit of them.

The weather was fine, and the North Sea as smooth as a dish. The whole night were we paddling through it, and the next morning I looked out, in vain, for any signs of land. Our boat was a solid, good vessel, but slow of foot. The construction necessary to weathering a heavy sea, may cause these boats to make less way than our own steamers, though those which go round Point Judith and through the Sound have also need of some of the same qualities. As between them, I think the American boats usually go three feet to the English’s two.

At length a low spit of sand hove in sight ahead, with here and there a tree or a church tower, that appeared to rise out of the water. This was Holland, a country, that, in the language of seamen, may be said to be awash. As we drew in nearer with the land, the villages and towers were actually made as one makes the upper sails of a ship before the hull. When fairly between the islands, by going up a few rattlins in the rigging, I got a glimpse of meadows that lay beneath the level of tide, from whose inroads they were protected by embankments. The whole country reminded me of a ship with its dead lights in.

I saw a wagon rattling along a causeway, and it was a _fac simile_ of the wagons that go under the name of Dutch wagons in New York, even to the curvature of the side boards. The only difference I could perceive was in the fact that this had no tongue! The country is so level, that holding back is unnecessary, and a short crooked tiller, that is worked by the foot of the teamster answers the purpose of guiding the vehicle. This was Dutch economy, with a vengeance, for the difference in cost could not exceed a guilder, and the difference in security, time and comfort, must be worth twenty. You will easily understand, that when it becomes necessary to stop one of these crafts, sail must be shortened in season, or the momentum would send the whole on the heels of the horses.

Presently, we got a sight of the steeples of Rotterdam, which were well relieved by trees. The verdure was oppressive, for the landscape resembled one seen through a bit of green glass. The boat was soon along side of the Boom Key, and we were all marched off in a body to have our trunks examined. Mine were merely opened and closed again. The passport was glanced at, and we were dismissed to a hotel. Before we entered the latter I had time to look about me, and to see a hundred things that recalled Albany and New York as they appeared in their palmy Dutch condition.

Here, then, we take our leave of England for a time;—England, a country that I could fain like, but whose prejudices and national antipathies throw a chill over all my affections; a country that unquestionably stands at the head of civilization in a thousand things, but which singularly exemplifies a truth that we all acknowledge, or how much easier it is to possess great and useful, and even noble qualities, than it is to display those that are attractive and winning—a country that all respect, but few love.

THE END.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] The present Duke of Sutherland.

[2] In speaking of personal peculiarities, the writer thinks he has had sufficient care not to wound the parties. His knowledge of Mrs. Siddons does not extend farther than an evening’s observation of her mere exterior, but she is removed beyond the reach of his opinion, did it apply to things more essential. Of the persons collected around the table of Mr. Rogers, on the day in question, Sir Walter Scott, Miss Scott, Sir James Macintosh, Mr. Sharp, and Mr. Jekyll, are, also, already dead!

[3] The recent improvements in this part of the town, have caused the house to be pulled down, and it is probable the new avenue, which leads from the new London bridge to the Royal Exchange, and which, in 1833, promised to make this one of the finest parts of the town, will have obliterated every sign of its site.

[4] The Examiner, since 1828, has passed into new hands, and, although little accustomed to see the paper itself, the writer was in the constant habit of reading extracts from it, in Galignani’s Messenger. Taking these as specimens of its merit, he is of opinion that for vigour, consistency, truth, and distinctness of thought, and for pungent and manly reasoning, this journal stands at the very head of this species of literature.

[5] In the reign of Queen Anne, out of a little more than twenty dukes in the empire, six were descended in the direct male line from the natural sons of King Charles II, viz.: the Dukes of Richmond, Grafton, Cleveland, Northumberland, St. Albans, and Buccleugh. The dukedoms of Northumberland and Cleveland, are extinct, though the titles have been revived in other families; but those of Richmond, St. Albans, Grafton, and Buccleugh, are still enjoyed by the descendants of Charles. George I., did not hesitate to ennoble his mistress, whom he made Duchess of Kendal, and George II., had also his Countess of Yarmouth. These two women were made peeresses, because they were the king’s mistresses, but no natural child was ennobled. George III. was still more guarded in his amours, and although he is said to have had several natural children, they were not publicly recognised. The same is true with George IV., though his manner of life was less guarded. The power of the aristocracy had now become so great, that it repudiated such admissions into their ranks. A struggle, however, occurred in 1831, between the different castes of the state, and the king rose in importance. In order to conciliate him, the whigs immediately gave a peerage to the eldest of his natural children by Mrs. Jordan, and ennobled all the others!

[6] Proofs of _naïveté_ and ignorance of the world, are afforded by most of our travellers, who are the dupes of their own national conceit, and the more exaggerated forms of Europe. As a people, I believe, we are in favour in no part of Europe. I could give much proof on this point, and a good deal will be incidentally introduced into these letters, but a single anecdote must suffice here. There is one man who is much visited and flattered by Americans, now living in England, and divers interesting accounts of his kindness and philanthropy are published by our tourists annually. Within a month, conversing with a countryman just returned from a long visit in Europe, he tells me that an acquaintance of his visited this person, while he remained at an inn, where he dined with a near relation of the great man. In the course of conversation, my acquaintance expressed his apprehension that the visit of —— would annoy ——. “Not at all,” said the other, who believed his companion to be an Englishman, “my —— rather likes ——, _for an American_.” There are two things that every American should understand. In associating with the English, if he betray the least of the toad-eater, he is despised for the meanness; this is human nature; if he manifest self-respect, and a determination to have all the rights of a gentleman, he is hated for presuming to be an Englishman’s equal.

[7] It is not yet ten years, since this opinion was given. Were the money that the United States this year distributes among the several states, as returned revenue, (near 8,000,000 sterling,) appropriated to a navy, it would _build_ and keep at sea for a twelvemonth, fifty sail of the line. It is “too bad” that a nation, with such means, should be so much under the dominion of a false feeling, as to allow another people to occupy an island like Bermuda, at its threshold, with no other view than to its own annoyance. The internal legislation of this country is practically among the best in the world, while its foreign interests seem to be conducted pretty much on the Mahometan doctrine of fatalism.

[8] The German Prince speaks of giving the _arm_ instead of the _hand_, as an English usage. The writer passed five winters in Paris, and never saw any thing but the arm given.

[9] I am quite aware that it will be affirmed by some of our _doctrinaires_, the king of England _does_ exercise the prerogatives of his office. It would be easy to produce proof enough to the contrary, but take a single case. It is notorious that he wishes a tory ministry, at this very moment, and it is equally notorious that he cannot appoint one, on account of parliament. Now his right to name his ministers is almost the only undisputed prerogative, that is left him in theory even, for a minister is made responsible for all the other executive acts. But hear what a witness, whose loyalty will not be questioned says. “It has affected me very much to hear of _our king’s being constrained to part with all his confidential friends, and his own personal servants_ in the late general sweep. _Out of a hundred stories_, I will only tell you one, which concerns your old acquaintance Lord Bateman; he went to the king, as usual, over night, to ask if his majesty would please to hunt the next day: yes, my lord! replied the king, but I find, _with great grief_, that I am not to have the satisfaction of your company! This was the first intimation he had had of the loss of his place; and I really think the contest with France and America might have been settled, _though the buck hounds had retained their old master_.” See, letter of Hannah Moore to her sister, London, 1782. The Plantagenets were not treated in this fashion, and yet England was said to be governed, even in their day, by King, Lords, and Commons!

[10] One of the most ludicrous instances I know of the manner in which terms are abused, in America, was related to me lately, by Judge ——, of Louisiana. A constable came into court, leading two knaves, and addressed him, by saying—“Please your Honour, these are the two _gentlemen_, who stole Col. D——’s horses.”

[11] That the reader may understand the nature and extent of the prejudices that are inculcated in England, against this country, I extract a sentence from a _school_ book, of a good deal of reputation, _written by a clergyman_. The edition is of 1830. “The women every where possess, in the highest degree, the domestic virtues; they have more sweetness, more goodness, _perhaps as much courage_, and more sensibility and liberality, than the men.” Prejudice must have taken deep root, indeed, in England, where the bad taste of a sneer on the courage of America, was not self-evident. One of the best informed men I met in that country, told me, that no event, in his time, had produced so deep a sensation in England, as the unexpected and bloody resistance of the _armed population_ to the British troops, at Bunker Hill. One of the principal causes of the errors of all Europe, as respects us, is owing to the tact, that their writers, anxious to attract, deal with exceptions instead of with the rules. The whole article of “America,” in the book I have just quoted, betrays this fault. Among other absurdities, it says, “there are scarcely in the country, twenty native Americans, (meaning whites, of course,) in the state of domestic servants.” There are, beyond question, tens of thousands, including both sexes, and all ages.

[12] While this work is going through the press, Tucker’s Jefferson has appeared. In allusion to the principles of a memorial written by himself, Mr. Jefferson’s language is quoted to the following effect. “The leap I then proposed was too long, as yet, for the mass of our citizens.” Nearly seventy years have since passed by; we have become a nation; numerically and physically a _great_ nation; and yet in how many things that affect the supremacy of English opinion and English theories, is “the leap” still “too long” for the “mass of our citizens!” “It is these long leaps,” notwithstanding, that make the difference between men.

[13] The intelligence of the death of this gentleman has reached America, while this book is printing. John Loudon McAdam was a native of Scotland, of the proscribed family of McGregor. He was in the line of descent to a small estate called Waterhead; but being cut off from his natural claims, by the act of attainder, he came early to America, as the adopted son and successor of an uncle, who had married and established himself in New York. Here he received his education, and continued seventeen years, or down to the period of the peace of 1783. Returning to Great Britain, he established himself at Bristol, near which town he commenced his experiments in roads, more as an amateur, than with any serious views of devoting himself to the occupation. Meeting with unlooked for success, he gradually extended his operations, until he finally transformed most of the highways of the island, into the best of the known world. For the last five-and-twenty years, his whole time, and all his studies were directed to this one end.

Mr. McAdam was twice offered knighthood, and once a baronetcy; distinctions that he declined. His second son, however, has recently received the former honour, and is the present Sir James McAdam. As this gentleman is much employed about London, he is usually mistaken for the father.

Mr. McAdam was twice married. His first wife was a daughter of William Nicoll, proprietor of the great manor of Islip, Suffolk county, Long Island, the collateral representative of Col. Nicoll, who took the colony from the Dutch, in 1663, and its first English governor; his second wife was the eldest daughter of John Peter De Lancey, of Mamaroneck, West Chester, New York.

Mr. McAdam was a man of a singularly calm and contemplative mind, mingled with an unusual degree of practical energy and skill. Quiet, modest, intelligent, and upright, few men were more esteemed in private life; and while few men have conferred more actual benefit on Great Britain, scarcely any man has been less rewarded. Conscientious and proud, he was superior to accepting favours that were beneath his claims, or to soliciting those which were his due.

[14] A proof of this truth, is to be found in the law emancipating the slaves of the islands, a step which is the certain forerunner of their loss. It is well known to all near observers, that this measure was dictated to parliament by the sympathies of a public, to which momentary causes had given an influence it never before possessed. Mr. Cobbett, however, openly affirmed it was owing to a wish to convulse America, by re-acting on public opinion here! One is not obliged to believe all that Mr. Cobbett said, but such a surmise, even, proves something.

[15] Captain Hall says, that the houses of America struck him as being only half furnished. On the other hand, the Duke Bernard, of Saxe Weimar, who landed in Boston, coming from England, says that he thought the houses appeared better furnished than those he had just left in Great Britain. On this testimony, the Quarterly joins issue, insinuating that no one can hesitate to believe that a _captain in his majesty’s navy_ is a better judge in these matters than a mere _German_ Duke! The exquisite twaddle of such reasoning exposes itself, and yet, in his main fact, Captain Hall is unquestionably right. So far as we go, our furniture is generally handsomer than that of England, and Duke Bernard has possibly formed his opinion from particular houses, but nothing is truer than that the American houses appear naked to one coming from either France or England.

[16] Quite lately, the writer got into a rail-road car at Bordenton, at a place where the company have since erected a large warehouse or shed; some one, observing the signs of a building around the car, inquired what they meant. The writer, who sat by a window, was about to say, “They have laid the foundations of a large house here,” when a fellow-traveller, who occupied the other window, anticipated him, by saying that, “Judging by external symptoms, they have commenced the construction of an edifice of considerable magnitude, calculated, most likely, to facilitate the objects of the rail-road company.” One would not wish to lose the cause of this disposition to the grandiose, but it is to be regretted that sublimity is getting to be so common.

[17] One may form some notion of the condition of the foreign policy of the country, by a fact that has come to the knowledge of the writer, under circumstances that leave no doubt, in his mind, of its authenticity. An American was at Washington applying for some diplomatic appointment, at the moment Congress had the subject of the French reprisals, as recommended by the President, before them. Of so much greater importance did this _diplomatic agent_ deem foreign than native support, that he is said to have written letters to Paris assuring his friends there, that neither the nation nor congress would sustain the president in his proposition! One or more of these letters came into American hands, and were returned to Washington. In two instances, while in Europe, the writer found Englishmen employed in the legations at low salaries; and, of course, the secrets of the government were put at the disposal of foreign mercenaries.