Part 4

The fact, of thus committing the management of the most important affairs of Great Britain to the Ministers of a foreign power, is extraordinary and alarming, and ought to be considered as highly criminal; especially when we recollect, that the Sardinian Minister in London, at the time of his present Majesty’s coronation, signed a protest in favour of the House of Savoy, which he procured to be legally attested and given in, in the name of the King his master. He printed, or caused to be printed, ‘the _Genealogie de la Famille Royale d’Angleterre_, by which he hoped, at a future day, that the ridiculous claims of his master’s family, as being, although Papists, immediately descended from Henrietta Maria, the daughter of Charles I. would have prevailed over those of the House of Brunswick, who are descended from Elizabeth, Electress Palatine, one degree more remote from the crown, as being the daughter of James I. He might hope for a general confusion among us; but being born under arbitrary government, he could not have the least idea of the only lawful right to the crown of these realms, a parliamentary right. The contrary doctrine was in Queen Anne’s time expressly declared to be _high treason_ by a particular statute, the “Act for the better securing her Majesty’s person and government, and of the succession to the crown of England in the Protestant line;” ‘_That if any person or persons, from and after the 25th day of March, 1706, shall maliciously, advisedly and directly, by writing or printing, declare, maintain, or affirm that the Kings or Queens of England, with and by the authority of the parliament of England, are not able to make laws and statutes of sufficient force and validity to limit and bind the crown of this realm, and the DESCENT, LIMITATION, INHERITANCE, and government thereof, every such person or persons shall be guilty of High Treason, and being thereof convicted and attainted, &c. &c._ Count Viri acted by the express orders of his Court, in conjunction with the Court of France. In the same manner the two Courts acted in concert at the beginning of this century, in the last year of our glorious Deliverer, King William III. Count Maffei, the Ambassador from Savoy, delivered in the first famous protestation, in the name of the Duchess of Savoy, against the Hanover succession, at the time the Duke himself commanded the French army in Italy, with Marshal Catinat and the Prince of Vaudemont under him, and every action of his life was dictated by France.’

The present Count V. (who, during his late father’s life time, was known by the name of M. De Verois) had a pension granted him for his services in this negociation of 1000l. per ann. on the Irish establishment, though not in his own name. In the _debates relative to the affairs of Ireland, in the years 1763 and 1764, &c. inscribed by permission to Lord Chatham_, we find this fact mentioned, Vol. II. page 475, by Mr. Edmund Sexton Perry, who thus speaks: “I shall communicate a fact to this House. There is a pension granted nominally to one George Charles, but really to Monsieur De Verois, the Sardinian Minister, for negociating the peace that has just been concluded with the Minister of France. I must confess, Sir, that, in my opinion, this service deserved no such recompence, at least on our part. If it is thought a defensible measure, I should be glad to know, why it was not avowed; and why, if it is proper we should pay 1000l. a year to Mons. De Verois, we should be made to believe that we pay it to George Charles.”

Besides the above pension, there was certainly a remittance from France or Spain, or both, of a considerable sum of money; but for whom it was designed is not at present so certainly known. However, there is no doubt that Count V. is thoroughly acquainted with the whole of this transaction: but now that the affair of the peace begins to be enquired into, he is preparing to depart the kingdom; and has actually sold his pension upon the Irish Establishment for 16000l. or thereabouts.

When the D. of B. set out for Paris, which was on the 5th of September, 1762, he had _full powers_ to treat with the French ministry upon the terms of peace. But when he arrived at Calais, a messenger was dispatched after him, containing a limitation of those powers. Upon which, he instantly dispatched the same messenger back to London, declaring (by letter) he would proceed no further, unless his former instructions were restored. He waited at Calais for the return of this messenger, who brought a restoration of his former instructions. However, he submitted, notwithstanding this affected spirit, to see the conquests of a glorious war bargained for and surrendered by the two Sardinian ministers. In a word, the D. made no important figure in the negociation, till an event turned up, which seemed, by the confusion it occasioned, to be totally unexpected. This was the capture of the Havannah.

This being only an introductory letter, my next, I hope, will be more worthy of your attention; at least, it will contain some important truths. I am, Sir,

Your most humble servant,

An ENGLISHMAN.

LETTER II.

To Dr. MUSGRAVE of PLYMOUTH.

SIR,

My last letter concluded with the mention of the conquest of the Havannah. The news of this important conquest arrived in England on the 29th of September, 1762, while the treaty of peace was negociating. Until this period, the D. of B—— had little or no trouble in the negociation, for the principle articles or great outlines of the terms of peace had been previously settled between Lord Bute and Mons. De Verois (now Count Viry) in England, and the Duc de Choiseul and the Sardinian minister at Paris.

At this time the Right Hon. G—— G—— was Secretary of State for the Northern department, and by his office (being a commoner) was to carry the peace through the House of Commons, when it should be laid before the House. When the news of the conquest of the Havannah came, and it was directly determined by the Favourite to give up this important island, because it should not embarrass the negociation, nor impede the conclusion of the peace, Mr. G——— differed, and, in particular, insisted upon an indemnification for it, from either France or Spain. He wanted St. Lucia and Porto Rico, or the entire property of Jucatan and Florida. The Favourite refused to make application for any of these; upon which Mr. G——— resigned October 12, 1762[2]. Mr. Fox (now Lord Holland) was then called upon to carry the peace through the House of Commons. Lord Halifax succeeded to Mr. G———’s office. But Lord Egremont, being of Mr. G———’s opinion, prevailed to have an instruction sent to the D. of B——— to demand Florida only, which was granted without hesitation; for the messenger who was dispatched to the Duke at Paris with this demand, returned in eight days, with an account of its having been complied with. The fact is, the French minister (Choiseul) obliged the Spanish minister to agree to this demand, without sending to his court. A proof of the discretionary power which was vested in the French minister by the court of Spain, to agree to whatever compensation should be insisted upon for the Havannah.

The following anecdote concerning the English Ultimatum may throw some light on the preceding fact:—Towards the latter end of the negociation, Mr. Wood, then Secretary to Lord Egremont, called one day at the Duc de Nivernois’s (the French Ambassador in London) about three o’clock, and desired to speak with him. The Swiss told Mr. Wood, his Excellency was dressing, and could not be disturbed: but Mr. Wood insisting upon admittance, was carried up stairs, and passing through a bed-chamber leading to the dressing room, he laid some papers upon the bed, and covered them with his hat. This circumstance being observed by the French Secretary, he directly whispered the Ambassador to keep Mr. Wood to dinner, and he would copy the papers if they contained any thing essential. This was accordingly done: and these very papers, which contained nothing less than the Ultimatum on the part of England, were actually copied by the French Secretary and his clerks, and dispatched that very night to the Duc de Choiseul at Paris. Thus the French Minister at Paris was in possession of these important papers at least two days before the D. of B———.

In a subsequent conference which the D. of B——— had with the French Minister, he urged a compliance to his demands in a high and peremptory tone; the wily French Minister smiled, and told his G. _He knew the sentiments of the court of London upon the whole business._

It was the current report in England, when the D. of B——— returned from France, that he had frequently said to his friends, that he could have obtained better terms of peace if he had been permitted. If he was controuled, why does he not now shew those instances of controul, and who it was that obliged him to sacrifice the conquests of the war? As he is known to keep a diary of all public transactions wherein he is concerned, there is no doubt of his being able to give full information; and as days and dates are sometimes of importance in affairs of this kind, his diary will assist him greatly on this occasion. Besides, his letters are somewhere in existence; the Chevalier D’Eon never saw them, and consequently a motion in the H—— of C—— might produce them. We should then see who were the betrayers of our country in that infamous peace: And who it was that so frequently pressed his G. to conclude the negociation, and sign the treaty. The originals of all these important letters are still in being; and if they should not, there is no doubt the D. has a copy of them in his diary. I repeat it emphatically, the correspondence relative to the negociation ought to be laid before the public. The Commons of England have a right to call for it; and it is a duty which they owe to their country and to posterity.

Whether the immediate cession of Florida, or what other cause that has not yet transpired, encouraged the demand of Porto Rico, or whether the D. of B. knowing Mr. G——’s sentiments, made that demand himself, finding Florida so easily given up; certain it is, that a demand of that important island was made; and here the French Minister resorted to his chicane. A messenger was sent with this demand to the Court of Madrid. Fourteen days were allowed for the messenger to return. During this interval, the D. received express and positive orders _to sign the treaty immediately_. Two days after the treaty was signed, and within the fourteen days, the messenger returned from Madrid, with the surrender of the island. It has been suspected, perhaps from the complexion of the fact, that the island was purchased. If it was, Count V. no doubt, knows both the sum that was given, and to whom it was consigned. If any sum actually was given, it was by Spain; for the view of France was, to make Spain pay the piper.

My next will contain some further particulars of this extraordinary negociation.

I am, Sir,

Your humble servant,

An ENGLISHMAN.

[2] In the pamphlet, intituled, _An Appendix to the State of the Nation_, we find this fact strongly pointed at, p. 16, wherein the author says, in reply to the _Observer_: “If he means to charge the great statesman (Mr. G.) who was Secretary of State at the time the plans for the reduction of Martinique and the Havannah were carried into execution, with consenting to restore them _without compensation_; I must tell him, that it was publicly spoken of, at the time the treaty of Paris was negociating, that this gentleman resigned his office of Secretary of State for no other reason, _than that further cessions in the West Indies were not insisted on_.” And in the Observations on the State of the Nation, we find that author not unacquainted with this part of the negociation, though, agreeable to the principles of the party he espouses, it is but faintly touched; page 29, 8vo edit. are these words, “If this gentleman’s hero of finance, instead of flying from the treaty, which, though he now defends, _he could not approve_, and would not oppose; if he, instead of shifting into an office, _which removed him from the manufacture of the treaty_,” &c.

LETTER III.

To Dr. MUSGRAVE of PLYMOUTH.

SIR,

The article respecting the East-India Company, is a demonstration that better terms of peace might have been obtained, if they had been insisted upon. During the negociation Mr. Wood waited upon Mr. Rous, on the subject of an article, including the Company’s affairs, to be inserted in the treaty. An article was accordingly framed, and sent to the ministers, who said it was impossible to obtain what was therein demanded. They altered it: and if it had been permitted to remain with their alterations, as it had been agreed to by the French ministers, and as it stood in the preliminaries, the interests of the Company would have been essentially injured. But Lord Clive opposed it; and in consequence of this opposition, it was altered to the form in which it now stands in the general treaty.

With regard to the _present_, or rather _new_ treaty of commerce, the following is not a little curious.

When the D. of B. Mr. N——le, and the Ducs de Choiseul and Praslin were together at Choiseul’s hotel, at a conference on the peace, the D. of B. said, he would not renew the treaty of Commerce that was made at Utrecht, because some of the articles had been objected to by the British parliament. The subject dropped after a short conversation upon it: and they proceeded to renew the treaty of Aix la Chapelle, and other matters. At length the D. of B. renewed the subject of the treaty of commerce: upon which Choiseul said, the treaty of commerce had never been mentioned during the negociation. But, answered the D. it has always been understood. Choiseul replied, you must either take the treaty of commerce as it now is, between the two nations (meaning that which was offered to be renewed) or there must be no treaty of commerce at all. The D. of B. declared, he would not accept of that treaty; nor would he sign the treaty of peace unless a treaty of commerce was previously agreed to. And so, says Choiseul, you want to carve that treaty just as you please; to put in some articles, and to strike out others—_No!_ said he in an exclamation, and turning about to a picture of the French King, which hung up in the room, and clasping his hands together, cried out, _My dear master! when I sacrifice your honour, take off my head_.

Mr. N——le then said, Mons. Choiseul, what better would you be if that treaty was renewed? The British parliament would disapprove of it, and the D. of B. would be impeached for it.—Think you so, said Choiseul?—Yes, answered the D. of B. and added, if you do not consent to the making a new treaty of commerce, I will return to England to-morrow morning, and tell the K. there is no honour in the French ministry; that he must send for Mr. PITT, who is the only man to deal with them, and renew the war. The name of _Pitt_ frightened the French minister; he gave up the contest. A treaty of commerce was made; but has not been published, nor was it laid before parliament.

During the negociation, the Duc de Choiseul was constantly complaining of the English news-papers; which, he said, were continually publishing the terms of the peace; and these papers coming into France, he added, induced the French to think, and say, he was sacrificing the interest of France in that treaty; which he apprehended might occasion some enthusiast to assassinate him. In complaisance to him, and to quiet his fears on that head, it was, that no authentic defence or even authentic account of the negociation and treaty, was ever published.

Every reader will make his own observations on this series of _extraordinary FACTS_. I have given them to the world without any of those advantages which they might have derived from a detail in fine language, being convinced, _that plain truth needs no flowers of speech_. I am, SIR,

Your most humble servant,

An ENGLISHMAN.

FINIS.

Transcriber’s Note

A number of probable printers’ errors were identified and corrected during the preparation of this e-text:

Page 8, “oppor-” changed to “opportunity” (an early opportunity of) Page 13, “dons” changed to “dans” (alleguez dans votre derniere lettre) Page 22, “tremble mentque” changed to “tremblement que” (plus terrible tremblement que ce soldat) Page 31, “conjuction” changed to “conjunction” (his Court, in conjunction with your’s) Page 32, “pui” changed to “qui” (activite d’esprit qui donne les succes) Page 37, “n’enoblit” changed to “n’ennoblit” (la truye n’ennoblit pas le cochon) Page 37, “burreau” changed to “bourreau” (is with you a _bourreau_) Page 42, “dress” changed to “address” (tendency of the address) Page 42, “gentlemen” changed to “gentleman” (can bind a French gentleman) Page 43, “absosolutely” changed to “absolutely” (at last, absolutely refused) Page 50, “conjuction” changed to “conjunction” (in conjunction with the Court of France) Page 52, duplicated word “an” removed (till an event turned up) Page 53, “negocitien” changed to “negociation” (no trouble in the negociation) Page 53, duplicated word “and” removed (and the Duc de Choiseul) Page 56, “preremptory” changed to “peremptory” (in a high and peremptory tone) Page 56, “Tho” changed to “The” (The originals of all these important letters) Page 57, “negociaaion” changed to “negociation” (particulars of this extraordinary negociation)

Punctuation errors were amended without note.