CHAPTER IV

GOVERNMENT OF TAIKOSAMA

By the sudden and unexpected removal of the keystone of the arch, there was left a blank to be filled up. It may be said that on either side was a stone ready for the purpose. On the one side, Hideyoshi, in command of a powerful army, and he himself with a great reputation as a leader and engaged, on the part of Nobu nanga, in a war with Mori, prince of the ten western provinces; on the other, Iyeyas, firmly seated as ruler over eight provinces, and hardly acknowledging any submission to the executive at Miako, also in command of an army and fighting on the side of Nobu nanga against Hojio, lord of Odawara. Had the succession been left to the son or sons of Nobu nanga, there was every prospect of a continuance of the same state of anarchy and war. No one of the three was competent for the post. The eldest, indeed, had perished with his father, leaving a son, a child, San hoshi. The third, Nobu taka, was lord of the island of Sikok and its four provinces. Nobu wo, lord of Owarri, the second son, took part with Hideyoshi.

Iyeyas Mikawa no kami seems, during his career, to have occupied a position apart in the empire. This is attributed by his countrymen to a recognition by Nobu nanga and Hideyoshi of his great talents as a general in command during war, they being always either jealous or afraid of him. He had been nearly uniformly successful in war, even when fighting against great odds. They had put him into dangerous positions in the hope of getting rid of him, but he had always come out of them with additional credit and invariable success. He was ready to obey and equal to command. Unwilling to thrust himself forward, he could bide his time, and was prepared for any emergency. He was born of a good family, but had cut out for himself a position; and, in the general scramble for landed possessions at this period, had laid a solid foundation in the province of Suruga and Mikawa and some portions of other provinces. He had already been advanced to high rank by the Emperor. He resided at Hamamatz, in Towotomi, where he held over the Kwan to supreme sway, with which Taikosama did not think it wise to interfere.

Hideyoshi, as has been related, was of low origin, and his birth and lineage a matter of obscurity; but in such estimation are some sorts of pedigree held in Japan (as in other places) that he contrived to make it appear that his mother was pregnant with him before she married his reputed father, Kinoshta mago yaymong. According to his own accounts, his mother was daughter of Motchihagee, a Koongay, and during the troubles she was obliged to fly, and, falling into great distress, married Kinoshta. She married a second husband, Tchikoo ami. Before her second marriage, she one night dreamed that she had conceived by the sun, and thence her child was called Hi yoshi maro. He was commonly called Ko chikoo (small boy). His face was small, and he was like a monkey, whence he got the nickname of Saru matz; and, even long afterward, when he was Kwanbakku, he was called Saru Kwanja, or monkey with a crown. When a child, he was very cunning and reckless, and lived on the streets. A story is told of him lying asleep on a bridge in Okasaka. Among others who passed was Hiko yay mong, a noted robber from Owarri. He gave the boy a kick, and asked him his name. He said, “Saru matz. This is the public road, and is as much mine as yours. Who are you?” He said, “I am Hiko yay mong.” “Well,” says the boy, “Hiko is a thief and a robber, and I have as good a right to be here as he.” He long afterward made Hiko a Daimio--the family as Hatchiska existing to the present time. He went, when ten years of age, to Hama matz, where his master, observing the talent in the boy, recommended him to turn a soldier. He afterward entered the service of Nobu nanga, and called himself Kinoshta Tokitchiro. When he rose in military rank, he took the name of Hashiba Hideyoshi Tchikuzen no kami. In 1583, upon the death of Nobu nanga, he rose rapidly in imperial rank from lieutenant-general to be Naidaijin and Kwanbakku. As it was unheard-of presumption in any one not of the Fusiwarra family being Kwanbakku, he asked, extorted, or adopted this family name from the Emperor. But he seems never to have used it, and is known by that of Toyo tomi, given him by the Emperor. In no long time after, he rose to be Dai jo dai jin. He was Kwanbakku during seven years, when he retired under the usual title of Taiko, given to that officer on retiring, and was known by the name of Taiko sama, or the Taikosama. After the destruction of Azutchi, the city of Nobu nanga, Hideyoshi fixed upon Fusimi and Osaka as his places of residence, taking possession of the castle of Osaka, which commands the town, adding to its strength by immense fortifications, and building in the center a palace of great magnificence. This castle had formerly belonged to one of the powerful Buddhist sects, and had been wrested from them by Nobu nanga. By command of Taikosama, immense canals were dug, and, by artificial means, smaller rivers were led into that flowing past Osaka, by which, the importance of the town as a commercial capital, as well as its strength as a fort, was materially increased. In Miako he built another magnificent palace, known as Jui raku; and had another at Fusimi, between Miako and Osaka. He had married, during his youth, a woman of his own rank. He afterward married the daughter of Fusi yee; and, thirdly, the daughter of Gamo Hida no kami. His fourth wife was the daughter of Kio goku; and the fifth, the daughter of Mayedda of Kanga; and, lastly, Yodo hime dono, daughter of Azai Bizen no kami, of whom the Jesuit letters speak as Kita Mandocoro “quæ est primaria Taici conjunx carissima erat et conjunctissima.” But notwithstanding this plurality of wives, it was never pretended that he had a son till his old age. He had a stepbrother, Hide nanga, and a stepsister, who married Musasi no kami, and had two sons, Hidetsoongu (who was adopted by Hideyoshi) and Gifoo sho sho. Another stepsister had a son, Hide toshi, who was adopted by Hide nanga. Hidetsoongu (nephew of Taiko by his stepsister), who was afterward Kwanbakku, was first adopted by Miyoshi Yamashiro no kami, and afterward by Taikosama. Taikosama also adopted Hideyuki kingo, son of Kinoshta, the brother of his wife.

The following account of Taikosama is taken from the letters of the Jesuits: “This man (Faxiba, or Hashiba), who was most certainly immoderately ambitious, seeing his master dead, and with him his eldest son, who had left only one child not full three years old; moreover, finding the second son to be but a weak man, and the third destitute both of fortune and strength to make head against him, he believed it would be easy to content him by a donation of some government, and so the way was fairly open for himself to step into the throne. To carry on his design, he first sounded all the officers of his army, and finding them tight to his interest, for a color of his ambition he took upon him the title of tutor and governor to the young prince and heir to the empire, and put him into a fortress with a train answerable to his birth. Nobu nanga’s third son soon smelled out his design, and not able to brook one of his father’s subjects in the government of his kingdoms, he leagued with several of the lords who were grown jealous of Faxiba’s power, and resolved to make it a trial of skill; but Faxiba, who was an old experienced captain, and had good troops under him, easily defeated them, and put all to death that durst oppose his designs.” This is hardly correct, inasmuch as, though he marched into the province of Mino in pursuit of Nobu taka, third son of Nobu nanga, and defeated him, he was not so successful in his action against Nobu wo, the second son, in the year 1584. This latter, without much talent, had wit enough to ask Iyeyas to assist him. He came to his assistance, and in the battles of Komaki and Nangakute, with greatly inferior forces numerically, defeated, first, Hidetsoongu, Taikosama’s nephew, and afterward Taikosama himself. Taiko thought it more prudent to make a compact, and having done so, retired to Miako, which Iyeyas permitted him to do without further action.

“Among the confederates of Nobu taka was one Shibata dono, brother-in-law to Nobu nanga. He was besieged in the fortress of Shibatta, and seeing no way of escape, he, having dined with his friends, wife, and children, and retainers, set fire to the castle, first killing his wife, his children, and the female servants; and his friends, following his example, afterward committed suicide, ‘and lay there wallowing in their blood till the fire kindled and burned them to ashes.’” Some of the arms and clothes which were found unburned are said to be all kept to the present day as they were found after this catastrophe.

“Faxiba, being now in peaceable possession of the Tense (or imperial provinces), and all Nobu nanga’s other kingdoms, to give color to his usurpation affected an affable sweetness, which charmed all that ever saw or heard him. None, besides the Christians, could in the least suspect the sincerity of his intentions; and not long after they, too, were quieted of all their fears; for, knowing very well how respectful they had been to Nobu nanga, either out of real affection, or for that he had no mind to make himself new enemies, he began to caress them, and gave them several particular instances of his favor. He knew the Christians in his service to be famous, both for their piety and their courage; and, above all, he showed a particular respect for Justo Ucondono (properly called Takayama oo konyay no kami), to whom he had been indebted for his good fortune.

“So when the fathers went to visit him, he treated them after the same manner and with the same ceremony as Nobu nanga had done before him; and for instance of his real intentions, he appointed them a place for building a church and seminary (in Osaka), as was done before in Anzuquiama. The Queen, his lady, had also several of the Christians among her maids of honor, whom Faxiba particularly respected for their singular modesty and piety. He permitted them to assist at mass and sermons, and was pleased to show a liking when any of his subjects became Christians, which emboldened them to preach and exercise their other functions with greater liberty than formerly, to the great increase of the faithful. Faxiba, who was advertised of it, far from being displeased, declared he would embrace the Christian religion himself were it but a little more indulgent to flesh and blood.”

Taikosama was feeling his way in the novel position in which he found himself after Nobu nanga’s death. The Jesuits did not know how their position might be affected. They had basked in the sunshine of court favor for some years past; that might now be clouded over. The bozangs, or native Buddhist priesthood, had been standing in the cold shade for some years; they had everything to hope for in a change. There was not much to be feared from Sanhoshi, the infant grandson of Nobu nanga, as a claimant to the throne. Mowori in the west was quiet. Iyeyas in the east was occupied in attacking Hojio of Odawara, who was supposed to be in opposition to the government. Hojio was superior in the number of his forces, but inferior in the ability of his commanders. The proverbial saying of an “Odawara Hio jio”--that is, an Odawara deliberation--took its origin in the councils of war of Hojio at this time, which, with superior forces, were protracted till Iyeyas attacked, defeated him, and took the Castle of Odawara.

In the year 1583 the Jesuit fathers prevailed upon the Christian converts Arima and Omura and Owotomo Boongo no kami to send some young lords on a visit to the Pope. Four were sent, two of them being relatives of these lords, and the other two sons of nobles. They were all four boys of the age of from fifteen to sixteen. They took letters with them to Pope Gregory XIII. Leaving Japan on February 22, 1583, they, going by Macao and Goa, reached Lisbon on August 10, 1584, and after an interview with Philip at Madrid, arrived in Rome on March 20, 1585, where they were received by the Pope, and kissed his feet. They re-embarked at Lisbon the last day of April, 1586, with seventeen religious of the Society, reaching Goa on May 29, 1587, and finally arrived in Japan in 1590, “eight years from their first setting out,” bringing with them an Arabian horse, which had been presented to them by the Viceroy of India.

In 1583 Taikosama finished the fortress of Osaka, a work which consumed a great deal of money and occupied a great number of men, and which, when finished, covered a much larger space of ground than that upon which the castle now stands. During this year the island of Kiusiu was the theater of war. Riozoji held an office, now done away with, as governor of the island. He had formerly been a vassal of the small lordship of Arima, but now had large landed possessions in the island: and being too desirous of extending his own territory at his neighbors’ expense, they joined together and rooted him out.

In 1585 Taikosama received from the Emperor the family name of Toyotomi. He called himself Fusiwara, and insisted on the Emperor appointing him Kwanbakku. He had now had sufficient time to feel himself settled in his position; but he thought the native monasteries were still too powerful, notwithstanding the demolition of Hiyayzan, the large monastery near Miako, and the slaughter of great numbers of priests by Nobu nanga, together with the appropriation as a castle of the large monastery in Osaka. The sect of Negoros [Negroes in the Church of Japan] at Kumano, in the province of Kii, occupied a very large monastery, to which the whole of the province belonged in territorial right, the military retainers of the monastery being noted for prowess and skill in fighting. Taikosama having found or made some cause of quarrel moved against them, defeated them, and destroyed the monastery. Most of these retainers were removed to Yedo, where to this day they form part of the guard of the Shiogoon.

This year Taikosama sent Nobuwo to order Iyeyas to come to Miako. He refused to come until it was arranged that Taikosama’s mother should come to Yedo as a hostage during his absence, when Iyeyas went to pay his respects to the Emperor. Mowori, lord of the western provinces, was also ordered to come to Miako to acknowledge Taikosama as his superior, an order which he found it prudent to obey. In 1586 Iyeyas married the youngest sister of Taikosama.

A persecuting spirit showed itself among the Jesuits very soon after the departure of Francis Xavier. “Sumitanda,” they write, “King of Omura, who had become a Christian in accordance with a promise to that purpose in case his wife should have a child, about the year 1562, or only thirteen years after the first arrival of a missionary in the country, declared open war against the devils. He dispatched some squadrons through his kingdom to ruin all the idols and temples, without any regard to the bonzes’ rage.” All this, doubtless, was done by the advice and at the instigation of his instructors; and “in 1577 the lord of the island of Amacusa issued his proclamation, by which all his subjects--whether bonzes, gentlemen, merchants or tradesmen--were required either to turn Christians or to leave the country the very next day. They almost all submitted, and received baptism, so that in a short time there were more than twenty churches in the kingdom. God wrought miracles to confirm the faithful in their belief.”

All this time one of the most zealous as well as influential among the Christian converts was he who was known as Justo Ucondono, or Takayama oo konyay no kami. His seat was Takaski, in the province of Setsu, where “he labored with a zeal truly apostolical to extirpate the idolaters out of his states, where the number was now fallen to 30,000. He sent word that they should either receive the faith or be gone immediately out of his country, for he would acknowledge none for his subjects but such as adored the true God. This declaration obliged them all to accept of instruction, which cut out work enough for all the fathers and missionaries at Meaco.” Taikosama still continued his wonted favors to the Christians, “saying one day, in a familiar way, that he would willingly become a Christian himself if they could dispense with him in polygamy.” In this way the Roman Catholics set the example of intolerance, driving those opposed to them in religious belief out of the country. True disciples, and breathing the spirit of the Inquisition, then in full blow in Spain and Portugal, they would not allow within their own states that freedom under which the tree planted by them had taken root and was flourishing.

Takayama brought over as a convert, among others, the young admiral of Taikosama’s fleet--Don Austin, as he is known to the Jesuits; Konishi, Setsu no kami, Yuki Naga, as his title is in native history. He and his father and mother were baptized in 1584.

Taikosama, wishing to keep Takaski, gave Takayama in its stead another estate, Akashi, in Harima; and as “soon as Justo had taken possession of it, his first thoughts were to reduce it under the obedience of Christ. The bonzes, smelling his design, with their idols went to cast themselves at the Queen’s feet. The Queen, touched with an ardent zeal for her religion, spoke to the King in their behalf. But Faxiba, who was no bigot, answered her briskly that he had absolutely given Justo that place in change of Tacacuqui; and for the rest, every one was free to dispose of his own. Let the bonzes, if the idols be troublesome, drown them in the sea, or dry them for fuel. Don Justo, much pleased with Faxiba’s answer, took then a resolution to oblige all his subjects to become Christians,” and thus first taught them a lesson which they afterward practiced upon himself. Justo had the merit, in his religious zeal, of being unconnected with any seaport town. All the other lords who had been brought over to the Roman Church were competing more or less for foreign trade--Boongo, Arima, Omura, Firando, Grotto; and though some of them seem to have been sincere converts, others wavered with the rise and fall of exports and imports. Such, for example, may the King of Boongo be called, when he returned the following answer to the bozangs: “These good fathers have been thirteen or fourteen years in my kingdom. At their arrival I had only three kingdoms; they are now swelled to five. My treasury was exhausted; it now exceeds any other prince in all Japan. I had no male issue to succeed me, but now Heaven has blessed me with heirs. Everything has succeeded and prospered since they came among us. What blessing did I ever receive from your gods since I began to serve them? Begone! and never speak ill those I love and respect.” This Boongo no kami on one occasion during war destroyed a most prodigious and magnificent temple with a colossal statue, burning 3,000 monasteries to ashes. “This ardent zeal of the prince is an evident instance of his faith and charity,” says the Jesuit writer.

This year, upon the occasion of the arrival of the Father Provincial of Japan at Osaka, Justo and Austin demanded an audience for him with Taikosama. “To make the way more easy, he exposed, according to the custom of the country, his presents for the King and Queen. He was introduced (his majesty accepting the presents) to Taikosama seated on a magnificent throne, and was received by him with the most marked kindness and condescension. He commended them for taking so long a voyage to publish in those parts the law of their God. He gave them supper. After the collation he entertained them with a long discourse about his government, told them he intended to make one-half of Japan embrace the Christian religion, and that he had thoughts of passing into China, not to pillage and plunder the country, but to reduce it under the sweet yoke of his obedience. To this end he intended to put to sea with a fleet of 200 men-of-war. Moreover (and this is the gist of the conversation), he desired to hire upon any terms two stout ships of Portugal, well armed and manned, and by means of the fathers made himself sure of gaining this point. After the conquest of China, he would build temples to the true God in all the cities and towns through his empire, and withal oblige his subjects universally by public edict to become Christians.

“He afterward conducted them through his palace to the ninth story of a pyramidal building, whence they had a beautiful view of the country around Osaka. He then alluded to the famous discussion between F. Froes and the Buddhist high-priest, saying that at the time he was so incensed at the brute, the insolent bozang, that if he had been in power he would have taken off his head.”

At this meeting the Provincial put in a petition to Taikosama, which he is said by the Jesuits to have granted; viz., “That it should be lawful for them to preach the law of the true God through all his states, and his subjects free to embrace it. That their houses should be exempt from lodging soldiers. That, as strangers, they should be exempt from all cesses and taxes which the lords do usually lay upon their vassals. And he added to that, that he gave them license to preach, not only in his kingdoms, but through all Japan, as lords and sovereigns of the whole empire.”

Such being the inclinations and views of Taikosama toward the Jesuits in the outset of his reign, by what means, it may be asked, was he brought to a change? The statements of the Jesuits are the sole authority for this part of history; but they seem to have played their cards badly.

“Religion in Japan within this thirty-eight years past, when St. Francis Xaverius sowed, the first seeds in that uncultivated soil, has now grown so fair and flourishing that one might well compare it to an orange tree loaded on all sides with fruits and blossoms. It was a field cultivated by the workmen of the vineyard, and watered with kindly showers from heaven, which gave fair hope of a rich and plentiful harvest. It was a ship under full sail drove by the wind of the Holy Ghost, discovering daily new places and countries.

“In the year 1587 they reckoned above 200,000 Christians in Japan, among whom were several persons of distinguished merit--kings, princes, generals of armies, principal lords of the court, and, in a word, the flower of the Japonian nobility. Moreover, what by Cambacundono’s [Taikosama’s] esteem of our religion, and kindness to the missioners that preached it, and what by his contempt of the bonzes, whom he persecuted with fire and sword, burning their temples and pulling down their idols wherever he came--what, also, by vesting the Christian lords in the most considerable places of the government, and indulging liberty to all his court to receive baptism, over and above, by erecting so many churches to the true God, and so particularly countenancing the fathers of the Society--the number of them daily increased. For, not content with sending frequently for the fathers to his palace, he went one day himself to visit the Provincial on board of his ship, and discoursed him after a familiar way for several hours together. Not that he had any thoughts of religion, for he was so proud that he pretended equality with Divinity itself, but by this had a mind to gain a reputation among the princes of Europe.

“Nevertheless, these fair appearances put several of the principal lords in a humor of being instructed, and the number of the proselytes was so great that the fathers could rest neither day nor night. They were taken up continually with preaching, baptizing, and instructing such as earnestly desired this sacrament, among whom was Cambacundono’s own nephew, a prince about nineteen years of age, presumptive heir to the crown.

“While the Church was in this profound peace, the devil, foreseeing an entire conversion of the whole empire must follow, raised such a furious tempest as drove the ship of the Japonian Church upon the rocks, and split it all to pieces.” So writes one of the Jesuit fathers. He then looks about to find a reason for the foundering of the vessel, and finds it anywhere but in the pilots or officers of the ship. The unlucky merchants, whether the failure be ecclesiastical or political, are sure to be made the first scapegoats. Their lives were so dissolute that the immaculate Taikosama was horrified. This not being completely satisfactory, it was further found that “the scandal was so great that Cambacundono, who had notice of it, began to conceive an ill opinion of the Christian religion, and concluded the fathers only used it for a sconce to some underhand intrigue of reducing the empire of Japan under the obedience of some Christian prince.” After these two preliminary reasons, the father goes on to assign other causes. “The first was his pride, which rendered him extremely sensible of the least contradiction.” At his interview with the Provincial at Osaka, above narrated, his object was to obtain some large foreign vessels to transport troops to China. Hearing that one had “arrived at Firando, he requested it might be sent round to Facata, in Boongo, that he might see it. The captain said it was impossible, owing to the draught of water of the vessel. Taikosama seemed satisfied, but the same night he sent orders to the fathers to depart from Japan within twenty days, and forbade them to preach the Gospel on pain of death.” To justify himself, he gave out that “he did this because the Christian faith was contrary to the received and established religion of Japan, that he had long since designed to abolish it, and only deferred the execution till he had conquered Ximo [Kiusiu], where the Christians, being so numerous, might have formed a party against him.

“Besides,” says the father, “the main refusal, we discovered afterward two main reasons that put him upon this edict. The first was a design of ranking himself among the gods, by which he hoped to make himself be adored by all his subjects as one of the chief conquerors of Japan. Now knowing that none but Christians would dare to oppose him, he took a resolution of exterminating them forthwith before they could have time to make a party against him.

“The other cause of his aversion to religion was his own lewd life and conversation. Because some of the Christian ladies of Arima had rejected the proposal made by a bozang of entering his service, he was enraged against the whole religion, and resolved to be revenged on the whole body of Christians.” This bozang, Jacunin (or Shiaku), had probably been a resident on the estate of Takayama, or Justo Ucondono, at Takaski, or at Akashi, and had smarted under the severity of the treatment by Justo, in turning out of house and home every one not of his way of thinking. This priest is said to have directed his master’s wrath against Takayama. “All the forces in the empire being in his power as general, and he the greatest bigot of the sect, it was well if, under the mask of religion, he did not underhand form a league against the state.” The consequence was, that a dispatch was immediately forwarded to Takayama, confiscating his estate, depriving him of his offices, and reducing him at once to beggary. Takayama on the occasion seems to have displayed great magnanimity, and acted from a deep Christian feeling. He might have temporized and dallied till the wrath of Taikosama had cooled down, or he might have committed suicide, as a native noble would have done, and preserved his name as a hero and his estate to his son. After prayer, the whole family--his father and mother, men, women, children, and servants--immediately put themselves on their way, with what little baggage they could carry. They found a retreat in the territory of Setsu no kami, Don Austin.

At this time Taikosama issued the following proclamation: “Being informed by the lords of our Privy Council that certain foreign, religious were entered into our states, where they preach a law contrary to the established religion of Japan, and impudently presume to ruin the temples of the Camis and Fotoquis, though this attempt deserve the very utmost severity, yet out of our royal clemency we do only hereby command them upon pain of death to depart from Japan in twenty days, during which time it shall not be lawful for any one to hurt them; but if afterward any of them shall be found in our states, our will and pleasure is that they be apprehended and punished as in cases of high treason. As for the Portuguese merchants, we give them free leave to traffic and reside in our ports till further order; but withal we do hereby strictly forbid them, on pain of having both their ships and merchandises confiscated, to bring over with them any foreign religious.”

That this change should sooner or later have come is not to be wondered at. That it should have shown itself so suddenly is in accordance with Japanese ideas of policy and the character of the Japanese mind. The empire had been for years, almost ages, torn by internal divisions among small chiefs. The object of Nobu nanga had been to bring them all into one under himself. His lieutenant, Taikosama, totally illiterate, though perhaps not more so than those around him, had been imbued with his master’s views. The Buddhist monasteries had been hotbeds of sedition and foci of disturbance, being at the same time large political and military powers of perhaps the second rank, and they had made themselves obnoxious on different occasions by marked insolence to the generals, and even to Nobu nanga himself. They had not even the justification of having preserved (as monasteries did of old in Europe) the literature of the country, not one priest being able to read, or teach the rising generation the rudiments of the written character.

When the Jesuits appeared with meek and lowly appearance, Nobu nanga was charmed with the prospect of establishing them as a counterpoise to the haughty and insolent Buddhists. He nourished them, showering favors upon them, and in every way encouraging them, more especially borne, as they were, on the wings of wealth and trade. They found Japan, so far as religions went, a free country, where all religions were tolerated so long as they did not become aggressive. But they did not come from a free country. Their ideas were not those of religious tolerance. By a decree of Gregory XIII., January 28, 1585, all priests and religious whatever except Jesuits were prohibited from going to preach in Japan. This was confirmed by Clement VIII., March 14, 1597; and Philip II. of Spain wrote soon after to his viceroy in the Indies to see the order punctually obeyed. This monarch was wielding the power as King of Portugal. No priest could come to Japan without his sanction. He had the power of putting his veto on the appointments made by the Pope. The fires of the Inquisition were blazing. The wish of the Jesuits was, that those who differed from them in religious views should be burned as heretics, to be damned; their hope was that they themselves, holding the true faith, might be burned as martyrs, to be beatified. Doubtless the archives of Simancas could unfold many a letter breathing such thoughts written from Japan, possibly noted by Philip’s own hand.

They had hitherto sailed with a fair wind. It may be believed, without going to the full length of taking everything in their letters for truth, or, on the other hand, accepting all that is said against them in the work “La Morale pratique des Jesuites,” or “L’Esprit de Mons. S. Arnauld,” that they had done some good. Many had been won over from a state of brutishness to submission in their daily walk and conversation to the precepts of the Gospel. Some had gone through severe trials and persecutions, and had stood firm to their professions. Each of the lords of Boongo, Arima and Omura had suffered more or less for the faith they professed. Though the fathers themselves give us a weapon to attack their conversions when they at one time assure us that “to win the favor of Taikosama put several of the principal lords in a humor of being instructed, and the number of proselytes was so great that the fathers could not rest day or night preaching, instructing and baptizing such as earnestly desired this sacrament” (among whom was Cambacundono’s own nephew, Hidetsoongo), it might be asked, What sort of converts were these? and how could these fathers abuse this sacrament in baptizing persons to win the favor of such a master?

But these fathers appear to have looked upon the bozangs as their personal enemies. They thought that it was their special mission to root them out. They would not let the tares and the wheat, as they looked upon the respective parties, grow together. They attacked these priests wherever they met them. Francis Xavier, at the commencement of his missionary life in Japan, visited these “bonzes, with the design, if it were possible, to convert them to Christ, being persuaded that Christianity would make little progress among the people if they who were generally looked upon as oracles of truth opposed the preaching of the Gospel.” He declared himself much astonished that in Japan the people “have a profound respect for the bonzes; for though they be conscious of their hypocrisy and debaucheries, yet at the same time they worship them like deities, and pay them all imaginable submission.”

One of the first duties of a missionary should be to learn thoroughly the religion of the people of the country to which he is sent. An acquaintance with Buddhism, and its tenets and principles, would have been a very powerful weapon to convince or to condemn these priests, without trying to hold them constantly up to the scorn of their own people and followers. From the commencement of the Romish missions a continued aggressive action appears to have been kept up against the Buddhist priesthood as individual men. The lives and the morals, or the want of morals, of these men seem to have been the constant theme of the Jesuit addresses to the people.

It cannot be wondered at that a body which was politically strong enough to cause uneasiness to the monarch of a country like Japan should not sit quietly under such attacks. We have no objection to you making converts, they may have said; but when it came to breaking down temples and destroying the images, a spirit of intense opposition was aroused. But when to this a system of persecution was added--such as that pursued by Don Justo in his territories, when every one not of his religion was driven out, when the property of the temples was taken from them, and perhaps given to their opponents--only one end can be looked for; viz., that one party should be victorious over the other, and that by a war to the knife, a struggle of life and death. The Buddhists were roused. They could live alongside of Confucianism, or of Taouism in the Yamabooshi, or of the different sects among themselves; but with the new sect, this Roman Catholicism, which broke its neighbor’s temples down, abused him to his face, and then turned every one out wherever it had the power of doing so--the only method with it was to use its own weapons and turn it out--to root it out of the country.

This Inquisition mode of dealing could have ended in no other way. Japan was not Spain, as the Jesuits found out.

The Buddhists felt that they were worsted on both sides--by the military power on the one side, which had defeated their soldiers, burned their monasteries, confiscated their lands, and appropriated their temples; by the Jesuits, who had seduced their people, abused themselves, robbed them of their tithes and offerings, broken down their gods, and burned the temples, and were now attempting to make converts in the palace itself, being in such favor as to be received by Taikosama as he received no other.

Taikosama was probably a proficient in the Japanese art of dissembling. At first he was doubtful to which party to incline; but when he had once made sure, after his defeat of the Negoros and seizure of their territory in Kii, that the Buddhists were thoroughly subdued, there could be little doubt, knowing the man, but that he would not give it to that which was threatening to be the cause of renewed disturbance in the empire, and whose emissaries thought they had a right to reprove him whenever it pleased them to do so. But it was Japanese policy to flatter them, to amuse them, to dissemble with them till the moment of making the spring. Inflamed by the Buddhist priests around him, he made up his mind that the new sect must be rooted out. In the year 1586 Nagasaki was taken from the Prince of Omura by Taiko, and made a government port and property. At that time, native history tells us, Satsuma and Owotomo were fighting. To this war Taikosama put an end. Some “battereng,” or padres, came to Tsikuzen to see Taiko. He did not like Roman Catholics. He found that two of his own servants were of that faith; they were speared at the temple of Hatchimang at Hakazaki. The padres were sent away. Thirteen churches were destroyed. At that time the province of Tsikuzen belonged partly to Owotomo and partly to Satsuma. Taikosama took it from both, and gave all Hizen and Tsikuzen to Nabeshima, formerly a servant of Riozoji, and whose descendants hold it to this day. He now fixed that Nagasaki was to be the only place where foreign trade was to be permitted.

The proclamation of 1587 caused the greatest dismay in the minds of the Christians. The heads of the church determined that they would, at all hazards, keep their posts. They took refuge in the territories of Boongo, Arima, Omura, Firando and Amacusa, alleging that they were waiting until a ship was ready to take them away. When the time arrived, and the ship ready, the captain excused himself from carrying the fathers this year, as his ship was already over-laden, sending a letter to Taikosama, which did not reach him for several months. He was very angry, and took down the churches in the neighborhood of Miako. At the same time he ordered Don Austin to exchange his lands near Miako for others in Kiusiu.

A meeting was held in Firando in August, 1587, at which the heads of the church decided that the proclamation of Taikosama was not to be obeyed, but that prayers were to be offered up, and that Christians were to keep quiet, in the hope that the storm might blow over.

The following character of Taikosama is given by one of the Jesuit writers: “He reigned in profound peace, and to conserve it he observed these rules in his government. First, After subduing his enemies, and an act of pardon, he never put any one to death, as Nobu nanga, his predecessor, had done, who never spared any of the great ones, which rendered his government odious and cruel; but Taikosama not only spared their lives, but further assigned them sufficient pensions to live on, which made them easy and well content.

“Secondly, He forbade all quarrels and private heats, on grievous penalties, and whoever were found transgressing in this kind were punished with death. If any of these fled, they punished the relations in his place; and in default of relations, his domestics; and in default of these his next neighbors, who were all crucified for not preventing the disorder. No doubt great injustice was committed by this means, and several innocent people suffered. But yet the fear of death made all zealous and careful to stifle these animosities and heats in their very birth, and forced them to live quiet.

“Thirdly, Though he was a tyrant, he would have justice done immediately on all criminals, without regard to birth, quality, services or any alliance whatever; and the party, upon the first conviction of his crime, was put to death out of hand, though he were one of his own relations and of the very blood-royal itself. He was most lewdly addicted to women, nevertheless he pretended that none had a right to use these debauches but himself, and expressly forbade any of his subjects to keep a concubine.

“Another means of preventing troubles was to keep both soldiers and gentry busy employed; for he put them upon building palaces, raising fortresses, etc., knowing very well that the humor of the great ones is always restless and unquiet if their thoughts are not taken up about other business. As for the soldiers, lest idleness should effeminate them, he kept them always employed about his works.

“Moreover, besides the pensions allowed them for life, he also maintained them in the field, which kept them in submission and dependence. As for kings, lords and governors, he made frequent alterations and changes to break their measures, and hinder them from growing popular. Above all, he studied the humor and genius of his subjects; and if any were found to be of a turbulent nature, he secured them, and by that put them out of the possibility of revolt in his absence.

“In fine, what rendered his government so peaceable, was his immense treasures; for by these riches he bound all his subjects tight to his interest, keeping all in hopes, though he never intended them any favors. These were his principal ways and means of maintaining peace in his governments.”

A very little consideration of the position in which Taikosama, as ruler of Japan, was standing to these foreigners must lead to the conclusion that he could take no other step than that which he had taken. They had come to the country uninvited. They had found the country in the possession, so to speak, of a religion which had never shown a persecuting spirit. They had come in their own vessels. From the very outset they had displayed a hard, persecuting spirit, with a tendency to re-embroil the country in war, out of which it was only now emerging. They had insisted on every one coming into subjection to them, with the alternative of leaving house and home in case of refusal. They were, as usual, now calling in the assistance of the temporal power to force the yoke of their priestly supremacy on the people of Japan. Had Taikosama been able to send them away in vessels of the country, he would no doubt have done so. But having no vessels, he gave them the alternative of living peaceably in the country, or of leaving it. They forced the ruling powers of Japan, by their encroachments and persecuting system, to retaliate upon themselves, and then gloried in considering themselves martyrs. They were, in short, constituting themselves and their flocks, over whom they, as priests, had no political authority, an _imperium in imperio_. They were teaching them to be rebels to their own government, and the priests themselves were obliged to end in the spirit in which they ought to have commenced--a spirit of meekness among their enemies. It would seem, from old as well as from recent experience, that, for Christians to live among heathens, it is necessary to have an “exterritoriality” power; but that is equivalent to saying simply that the Christian power is the strongest, and it means to enforce what it thinks right.

According to the resolutions of the meeting at Firando, the Roman Catholics kept quiet and in retirement in the several provinces in which they were settled.

The first of the line of Owotomo began as personal servant of Yoritomo; and a portion of Satsuma’s territory was given to him, after which the family rose to greatness during the wars between the Emperors of the North and South. About 1374 they acquired a large territory in the northeast of the island of Kiusiu, covering the whole of Boongo and parts of Boozen and the adjoining provinces--Tsikugo and Tsikuzen. In the middle of the sixteenth century this territory included nearly one-half of the island. The family was ruined in the persecution of the Roman Catholics. The principality of Arima covered, at one time, the greater part of the province of Fizen. The territory, as was often the case with small proprietors in feudal times, was at different times enlarged and contracted. Latterly, it seems to have included only the peninsula on which the town of Simabarra stands, and but little more.

Omura is the name of a town which stands on the land-locked bay of the same name, in the province of Fizen, about twenty miles from Nagasaki; and the territory held by the lord of that name included a strip of ground round the city, and the greater part of the peninsula on which Nagasaki stands. The family seems to have been an offshoot from Arna, and never to have been of any great power until the rise of Nagasaki, which no sooner became of any value than it was taken from the lord by Taikosama, and has ever since remained government property.

The lord of Boongo, who had patronized the Jesuit priests (“our Mæcenas,” as they call him), and afterward had been converted and baptized, had died in the year 1587. He had abdicated in favor of his son, but at one time resumed the reins; but before his death had the pain of witnessing the diminution of the family estates by powerful and rapacious neighbors. His son, after losing part of his estates and the favor of Taikosama, thought to regain both by showing some activity in acting up to the recent proclamation. He was the first to commence the persecution of his father’s friends. Meantime, Taikosama returned to Miako, and seems to have forgotten his edict and the Christians altogether. Probably the truth is, that during all this time, though he was annoyed by the Jesuits and their proceedings, he was working out in his own mind the means of making an attack upon China. He saw in the foreign ships easy means of transport, and, knowing the influence the priests exerted over the merchants, his hopes lay in keeping in with the former to obtain the assistance of the latter in his design. Some time after the promulgation of the edict, he received most graciously Father Valignan, Provincial of Japan and the Indies, as embassador from the Viceroy of India, and as associate with the four young embassadors who had returned from Europe.

The annexation of Nagasaki by government in 1590 was a great blow to the Jesuits, inasmuch as it had been a source of wealth, through the lord of Omura, who was a Christian; and also, inasmuch as hitherto the governor had always been a Christian, and he was now exchanged for two heathens. The place had increased rapidly from the time the Jesuits first went there, probably about 1575, when there were only 500 houses in the place, till 1590, when there were 5,000 families resident, besides merchants and tradesmen who came there in June from all parts on the arrival of the fleets.

In the year 1592, Taikosama carried out the project he had long been thinking on, viz., the invasion of Corea and thence of China, called in the letters “a foolish and temerarious enterprise, infinitely hazardous, if not morally impracticable.” It is difficult to see what motive existed for this invasion. Being a man of war from his youth, and knowing nothing else, he perhaps longed for new conquests. The Jesuit writers attribute it to a wish to use up the Christians in the island of Kiusiu, as well as to get rid of--Uriah-like--some of the best generals of his army, who were believers in the new doctrines. Another reason they give was his wish to rival the greatest hero of the empire, now worshiped as the god of war--Hatchimang--who had conquered Corea through his mother. He made great preparations, giving out that he was going to lead the army himself. He handed over the power he held in Japan to his nephew, Hidetsoongu, giving him, through the Emperor, the title of Kwanbakku. He appointed four generals of the army, two of whom were Christians, Don Austin and Kahi no kami, son of Don Simon; the two other generals were Toronosuqui and Aki no kami. Under the two former were several Christian lords, Arima, Omura, Amacusa, Boongo, Tsussima, Don Austin’s son-in-law, and others, with an army of 40,000 men. The total number of men collected, including seamen and tradesmen, was said to have been 300,000, a large number to supply with food, and only possible with an army fed nearly wholly upon rice. One-half of the army, after a council of war, set sail from Nangoya in Fizen, and was landed at Fusancay or Fkusan, at the southern extremity of Corea. Don Austin commanded this division. In no long time he repeatedly defeated the Corean army and captured several fortresses. Taikosama ordered Toronosuqui and his half of the army to follow into Corea without delay. He came up to the support of Don Austin, but, according to the Jesuits’ account, treacherously held back his men that Don Austin might be defeated before he came to his support. The Coreans seem to have shown no capacity for war, and in no long time nearly the whole fortresses of the kingdom were in possession of the Japanese.

Taikosama, according to the Roman Catholic authorities, still jealous of the body of Christians, especially after Don Austin’s success, collected 150,000 men out of Kiusiu, and sent them over to Corea, ordering the commander-in-chief to return the vessels immediately in order that he might follow in the spring. This is said to have been a ruse to shut off their return.

Meantime the large force in Corea was being neglected; they were left without provisions or ammunition. Their men, deserting, were taken and killed, and at length Don Austin was forced to fall back, and, after several engagements, signed an agreement with the Coreans by which the latter were to send two embassadors to Taikosama, and the Japanese were to retire, and only to occupy twelve forts on the sea-coast. The Japanese army was computed to have lost 150,000 men. A truce was concluded, and embassadors accompanied Don Austin to Japan. The following demands were made: 1. That eight provinces of Corea be handed over to Japan; 2. That the Emperor of China give one of his daughters to Taikosama; 3. That there should be a free trade between the two countries, and that China and Corea should pay Japan a yearly tribute.

In 1592, Lupus di Liano, a Spanish envoy, was dispatched from Manila to lay complaints against the Portuguese before Taikosama. He was lost on his return with the vessel in which he sailed.

In 1593 the governor of the Philippines sent over another envoy. He took over with him four religious Recollects of St. Francis. These were the first arrivals in Japan of any other order not of the Jesuit, with the exception of one Dominican, who accompanied the previous Spanish envoy. Among the presents was a Spanish horse richly harnessed. Among the presents brought by Father Valignan had been an Arab horse. The blood of these presents has probably influenced the breed in Japan.

At an interview with Taikosama these Franciscans asked to see his palace. “With all my heart, provided you do not preach in my states.” The religious, being resolved not to obey him, gave no promise, but made a low reverence. Shortly after, the governor of Miako sent to the Jesuit fathers to tell them to go on with their work of piety, but with privacy and prudence. In consequence of this they hired a house and met privately, none appearing in public except two. “But the fathers of St. Francis thought not themselves obliged to such condescendence. Their ardent zeal made them believe that such deference to the order of the sovereign was contrary to the liberty of the Gospel, and that they ought to preach the faith despite of all laws to the contrary.” They went to Taikosama and asked for some place away from secular people to build a little house for their own private convenience. He did not carry his edict into execution against them, but referred them to the governor of Miako, who assigned “them a very sweet seat without the walls of Miako, commanding that they should neither preach nor hold assemblies of Christians, according to Taikosama’s orders. But the fathers, without regard to either the governor’s advice or Taikosama’s orders, built immediately both a church and a convent with a wall about it. Even the wise and more prudent among the Christians advised them to be seriously careful of what they were doing. The governor, hearing of it, sent and requested them to shut up their church.” He was obliged to inform Taikosama, saying, “He feared that these religious, who call themselves embassadors from the Philippines, intend to preach like the rest.” “They won’t,” replied he, in a passion, “if they be wise; for if they do, I’ll teach them to laugh at me.”

These Franciscans, thinking they were most successful, wrote to Manila for others to come over to assist them. They opened a church at Osaka, and designed to erect a third at Nagasaki. To this end they desired the governor would obtain leave of Taikosama for two sick to change air. The governor said in case of health they were free to go where they pleased. Upon this two went to Nagasaki, and began to say mass and preach publicly without any regard to the Emperor’s mandates.

The Jesuits were much surprised that these Franciscan fathers should fix a residence in their jurisdiction without their consent; while the lieutenant-governor, having received strict orders not to permit any service in the town, was in doubts what to do. He referred to the governor, and he, being alarmed for himself, ordered a note to be taken of every one who disobeyed the law, but said he would apply for further instructions to Taikosama himself. Hearing from Miako that these men had asked and received permission to go to Nagasaki on the plea of sickness only, he ordered them out of his jurisdiction, which seems to be a very lenient course of treatment, considering the trouble that had already arisen out of this preaching.

The success of Konishi (Don Austin) in Corea seems at first to have operated in his favor. Taikosama was delighted; but as soon as this first feeling was over, alarm at thinking he was a Christian, and as such could command the services of a very large body of his countrymen at a word from the Jesuit priests, seems to have been the most prominent feeling in his mind. He knew by experience that the Buddhist priests had been able to keep the armies of Nobu nanga at bay for several years. He therefore dissembled, and in the meantime he recalled Justo to court, and gave him a large pension.

At this time, however, another circumstance occurred which occupied his mind for a time. Hidetsoongu, his nephew, had been acknowledged as heir, and power was delegated to him as regent while Taiko should be away in Corea. Of this young man a somewhat extraordinary account is given in the Jesuit letters. In 1587, when Taiko chose to make a great show of favor to the Roman Catholics and the missionaries, the fathers were taken up continually with preaching, baptizing and instructing such of the principal lords as desired earnestly this sacrament, among whom was Taiko’s own nephew, and presumptive heir to the crown.

“Hidetsoongu was a young man of three-and-thirty years of age, endowed with all the qualifications that can be desired in a young prince. He had a quick and penetrating wit, an excellent judgment, and withal a most courteous and obliging behavior. He was wise, prudent and discreet. He abhorred the vices of his country and loved learning, and took pleasure in it. For this reason he was delighted in the company of the fathers, and knowing that our religion set value on virtue and good manners, he took a particular affection to it.

“But all these good qualities were quite obscured by a strange and most inhuman vice. He took a strange kind of pleasure and diversion in killing men, insomuch that when any one was condemned to die, he chose to be executioner himself. He walled in a place near his palace, and set in the middle a sort of table for the criminal to lie on till he hewed him to pieces. Sometimes, also, he took them standing, and split them in two. But his greatest satisfaction was to cut them off limb by limb, which he did as exactly as one can take off the leg or wing of a fowl. Sometimes, also, he set them up for a mark, and shot at them with pistols and arrows. But what is most horrid of all, he used to rip up women with child to see how the infants lay in their mother’s womb. Father Froes, who had seen and conversed with him, describes him as you have seen.” This account is corroborated by native history.

For many years Hidetsoongu had been looked upon as his uncle’s heir. He had three children; but about this time one of Taiko’s wives had a son, who was thought by many to be supposititious. “Be it as it will,” write the fathers, “he made great rejoicing for it all over Japan, and insisted on his nephew adopting the child as his son.”

The consequence was that uncle and nephew became jealous and distrustful each of the other. In the “History of the Church” a full account is given of their meetings in Miako. “Taikosama sent to his nephew to say he would invest him with full power. Hidetsoongu prepared a magnificent feast. The day was settled, but the uncle was afraid to trust himself within the palace of Juraku, where the nephew was waiting for him. At last he was persuaded to go, and went with great magnificence in a triumphal chariot (a closed box) all laid with gold, drawn by two large oxen with gilt horns. The procession lasted from morning till two in the afternoon. All this time Taiko minded more the security of his own person than all the entertainments. He placed guards all about his apartments, and advised his nephew to lodge in another palace. The nobility generally believed that Hidetsoongu would never let slip so fair an opportunity of avenging the injuries he had received, and therefore every one took care of himself. But no attempt was made on Taiko’s life. Appearances were kept up for some days; but the nephew, disgusted with his uncle’s treatment, secretly began to make the preparations which had been expected of him long before.” But he was betrayed by the first of the nobles to whom he applied--probably Mowori (known as Choshiu), who gave Taiko information. In no long time Taiko brought the matter to a point by asking explicit answers to plain questions, and in the meantime collected troops about Miako. When he thought he was safe, he sent to his nephew and ordered him off instanter to his father’s territory. He was then ordered to enter the monastery of Koga, used as a retreat by exiled nobles. He marched, accordingly, all night. The prisoner was treated as badly as possible; and in August, 1795, an order came from his uncle that he and his servants should rip themselves up. Hidetsoongu paid the last attention one friend can pay to another in Japan, and cut their heads off after they had stabbed themselves. He himself repeatedly stabbed himself, and one of his esquires took his master’s saber and cut off his head, and then stabbing himself, fell on his body. Father Froes seems to have been on the spot at the time.

Taikosama, in the whole of this affair, showed a spirit of extreme cruelty and vindictiveness. He, not satisfied with the life of his nephew, put to death all his friends, and then, collecting his family, sent his wives and children, the eldest five years of age, his own grand nephews and nieces, to execution; with savage atrocity sending for his nephew’s head that it might be shown to them at the scaffold. They were all beheaded to the number of thirty-one ladies and three children, and their bodies thrown into a hole in Sanjio Street, over which a sort of erection or tomb was built, and on it the inscription, Tchikushozuka, “The tomb of bitches,” which remains to this day. A temple has been built close by, and is named Tchikushozuka no dera.

Taikosama had long set his heart upon the hope of prevailing upon the Emperor of China to send an embassy to Japan, and, to his own surprise, his ambition was gratified. Don Austin, according to Jesuit accounts, by working upon the fears of the officers of the Celestial court, induced them to send two men to Corea, who were ordered to pass over into Japan. Taikosama made preparations to receive this embassy with great magnificence, but in the end treated the envoys with marked insolence and rudeness.

In August of 1596 a comet was visible for fifteen days in Japan, and on the 30th of the same month a frightful earthquake is recorded to have occurred. By this the greater part of the buildings recently erected at great expense at Osaka and Fusimi were completely demolished. Recurring at midnight of the 1st of September with awful violence, all the magnificent buildings raised by the Taiko were in a moment thrown down--two lofty eight-storied buildings, visited by the fathers, being destroyed. Stones, each of which had required the united efforts of 1,500 men to put in their places, were hurled out. The heavy roofs of temples and buildings, subsiding _en masse_, buried many under them, and, as usual in Japan, the fires which arose carried death to those buried under the wood. The occasion is used by one of the fathers, in his letter, to indulge in a sneer against the Buddhist priesthood. In doing so, he gives some insight into the tenets inculcated in their sermons by these Buddhist priests. “He was preaching on the evening prior to the earthquake with such a torrent of eloquence as to bear all before him, and the main drift of his discourse was the mercy and bounty of his god toward his clients, particularly at the hour of death. He enlarged upon his charity to mankind, showing that he would have all men to be saved, without distinction or exception of persons, exhorting them to cast themselves on his mercy. So soon as he had made an end of speaking, the people cried out with a general voice, ‘Our god, be merciful to us!’ But Amida was probably asleep, for that very night the temple fell to the ground, the idol was broken, and the preacher narrowly escaped with his life.” By this convulsion the immense copper figure of Buddha at Miako was broken. The Jesuit accounts state that seventy women about the palace at Fusimi were killed, the Taiko himself narrowly escaping to a mountain top, where he dwelt in a reed hut, for fear of being swallowed up in the chasms of the earth. Saccay, the richest and most voluptuous city of Japan, suffered, at the same time, greatly from one of those fearful incursions of the sea consequent upon a temporary depression or bending downward of the crust of the earth.

In the meanwhile Taikosama’s passion began to cool, and the fathers “had grounds to hope that religion would be re-established, as he was rather pleased at their obeying his edict, and keeping quiet in deference to his wishes.” He still took pleasure in occasionally receiving the bishop, and winked at the fathers remaining in the capital. But when everything was again promising of fair wind, another storm arose, and again the origin is attributed by the Jesuits, not to the Japanese, but to the same Franciscan fathers who had recently arrived from Manila. The Jesuits’ letters say, “The Recollects of the regular observance of St. Francis, who were lately settled at Miako, being now conversant in the language of the country, began to preach publicly in the churches, to hear confessions and baptize the infidels, without any regard to the Emperor’s orders. Had religion been on the same footing as heretofore, the zeal and labor of these holy men would have wrought wonders, but the design was so ill-concerted at this juncture, that, instead of reaping any advantage by it, as was expected, it drew a bloody persecution both upon themselves and the other Christians. For being newly established in Japan, little acquainted with the genius of the people, and less with Taikosama’s designs, they gave full scope to their zeal without regard to the Emperor’s threats, or even to the advice of their friends, who counseled them all along to act in concert with the other religious, who by their prudence and wise conduct had counted so many thousands of souls in this mission. But nothing was able to stop this torrent of zeal. Designing well, they believed themselves obliged to overlook all human respects, and this persuasion made them jealous of friends’ advice as savoring of jealousy and envy. The Christians, not at all satisfied with their conduct, begged of them to moderate their zeal; but being men that undervalued their lives, and in a persuasion that the Emperor would never offer any rudeness to persons of their character that bore the name of embassadors from one of the greatest monarchs of the world, they continued their functions with new fervor and zeal. The natives said, ‘These men neither regard our counsel nor the Emperor’s orders, but one day they’ll repent it.’”

But still, notwithstanding these infractions of the recently published edict, there was no ill-will shown to these men. Four new governors of state had been appointed. These governors, hearing of the friars’ rashness, sent to them privately to admonish them of their danger, telling them that if it came to Taiko’s ears he would certainly put them all to death. This information only added new life and vigor to their zeal, so desirous were they of suffering martyrdom for Christ. The viceroy sent for two of these friars to the palace, and reprimanded them severely for slighting the Emperor’s desires. This notwithstanding, they went on with their functions. The superior of the Jesuits, F. Organtin, hearing of those complaints by the governor, as well as the Christians and heathens, sent to Friar Baptist to lay before him the danger himself and his family, as well as the whole Church of Japan, was in if he did not (so far as reason, conscience and zeal of God’s glory would permit) study to give the governor satisfaction, and yield a little to the times. “I do not find,” says the writer, “what answer was given, but this is certain, they both preached and administered the sacraments after that more publicly than before.”

These men, under the quality of embassadors, had come to the country, and under the same name were remaining in Japan to insult the supreme power, and to irritate the government into taking the only means in its power of supporting its own dignity; viz., putting them out of the way. “Guenifoin” (probably Kio no kami, or governor of Miako), “who had all along favored the Christians, foreseeing the ill-consequences of this refractory humor, suspended still the execution of his threats, and did not so much as hint at it either to the court. However, the business was discovered at last, and the friars were betrayed by their friend Faranda, the person who invited them over from the Philippines.” They intrigued with this man, who seems to have used his knowledge of the Spanish language and his acquaintance with the Roman fathers of the Church for his own advancement. “At first they had some difficulty in accepting his invitation (in the name of Taikosama) to visit Japan, as contrary to the decree of Gregory XIII. forbidding all priests (the Society excepted) to preach in Japan. All the able men whom they consulted agreed that embassadors were not included in this decree; and Sextus Quintus having given leave to the religious of St. Francis to preach the Gospel through the East Indies, the islands of Japan fell in course as part of the whole.”

The conduct of these men would in any country have exposed them to the notice of the government. There is little need for drawing into the question of the treatment of these embassadorial fathers the conduct of the captain of a rich Spanish galleon wrecked upon the southern coast of Sikok. This man lost his ship, and the treasures were seized by Taikosama. “Upon being examined, he pointed out on a map the territories belonging to the King of Spain, and added that the way in which he obtained such extensive possessions was by first sending missionaries; and so soon as they had gained a sufficient number of proselytes, the King followed with his troops, and, joining the new converts, made a conquest of the kingdoms.”

Upon the conduct of these Franciscan fathers being brought to the notice of Taikosama, he at once ordered them to be executed. At first the Jesuits thought that all Christians were included in this order; but the Giboo no sho wrote to Nagasaki to the governor, in the name of Taikosama, to see that no affront was offered to the Jesuits, whom he was pleased to have reside there on condition that they did not preach, or baptize, or hold assemblies.

The Father Provincial of the Jesuits, considering this condition opposed to the law of God, resolved to take no notice of it, but wrote to those under him to extend the empire of Christ, but still by such ways and means as might not give the Emperor cause of complaint. These five Franciscans were sent down from Miako to Nagasaki to be there executed, under the following sentence:

“Seeing that these men have come from the Philippine Islands in the quality of embassadors, yet have continued residing at Miako to spread the Christian law, which I some years ago prohibited, I command that all of them, together with those Japanese who have enrolled themselves under this law, be arrested, and let the whole twenty-four undergo the punishment of the cross at Nagasaki. And once more I prohibit the foresaid doctrine in time to come. Let all know this, and, further, that it be carried into execution. But if any one will not obey my edict, he, with all his family, shall be punished.”

The punishment of the cross is inflicted by tying the criminal to a cross and transfixing the lungs and heart with two sharp spears. The twenty-four were thus executed at Nagasaki on February 5, 1597. The religious of St. Francis, together with the three Jesuits, were all placed in the Catalogue of Saints by Urban VIII., in the year 1627.

These men were punished by the Taiko not on account of their religion, but as contumelious persons, defying his laws. He appreciated the benefits of foreign trade, he valued the presents brought to him, and he admired the learning of the Jesuits; but he now saw a new doctrine being adopted by his subjects which would tolerate no other near it. The followers of this doctrine were becoming a great political power in the state, and more particularly in Simo or Kiusiu. Several of his principal military officers adhered to this new sect. Some of the highest nobles in the land had, according to the accounts of the Jesuits, favored it. The bishop, to whom no doubt extraordinary external reverence would be shown by the Roman Catholics, was an occasional visitor at Taikosama’s court. F. Rodriguez was apparently in constant attendance as interpreter. The desire to continue to participate in the advantages of foreign trade was being counterbalanced by the probable dangers of the ascendency of such a power in the state, and Taikosama was becoming alarmed. There was a strong party opposed to the Roman Catholics--those who had been expelled from their lands, or who had been obliged to conform to retain them; those who were envious or jealous of the rise of such men as Konishi from a comparatively low position to a high military command; the priests, whose flocks were being withdrawn, and their incomes thereby diminished; and all that numerous class whose interests are on the side of things remaining as they are--all these were pressing that something should be done to overthrow the political structure which these foreigners were attempting to raise.

During the life of Taikosama these men, with their native associates, were the only sufferers for disobedience to his edict.

While Taikosama seemed every day becoming more timid and afraid of what steps might be taken by the Christian party, an embassy arrived from Manila, to whose demand he replied that “he put to death the Franciscans because they preached the Christian religion in his empire contrary to his express command.” But he did not pursue his harsh measures any further. He wished to get rid of such disturbers of the empire; and “hearing that Spain and Portugal were now under one prince, he became jealous to the last degree that the Jesuits of these two nations concerted together, under the color of religion, to bring Japan under the same yoke.” He determined, therefore, while all the Christian princes were in Corea, to send away by ship all the foreign priests. But still he allowed a few to remain in Nagasaki, on condition that they did not stir out of town, nor preach.

He ordered Terasawa, governor of Nagasaki, to assemble all the Jesuits and ship them off by the first convenience to China. This, in truth, seems to have been the only resource left to him if he wished to retain the government of the country, or to preserve it from once more undergoing all the horrors of a civil war. If he had heard of the doings of Philip II. in the Netherlands during the few years since the first arrival of these foreign priests in Japan, he might have learned lessons of more decided measures for refractory subjects, and have carried out his wishes in ridding Japan of them by a more summary method of persecution.

During the summer of 1598 Taikosama was attacked by dysentery, and was so ill that his life was despaired of. His son (real or supposed) was then about six years of age. He saw that, in all probability, the power, after leaving his own hands, would fall into those of Iyeyas, now ruler of the eight provinces around Yedo. He therefore determined to strike up a family alliance between his son and the granddaughter of Iyeyas, thinking he would thereby induce the latter to throw his whole weight into the scale on behalf of his own grandchild and her husband, and that thus the power would descend to his own family. The marriage was immediately celebrated; and Iyeyas swore that he would turn the government over to Taiko’s son so soon as he was able to rule by himself. Still further to strengthen the party of his son, he appointed five governors of the country (as Gotairo), and four others, to be about the boy, with instructions to obey Iyeyas, to acknowledge his son as sovereign so soon as he came of age, to continue all the lords in their places as he had appointed, and to oppose all innovations on the laws now established. To strengthen the position of his son still further, he appointed boards of officers, Tchiuro and Goboonyo, or five rulers.

On his deathbed, such little animosity as he may have had toward the foreign priests seems to have been mitigated, as he sent for, or allowed, Father Rodriguez to visit him, when he thanked the father for the trouble he had taken in visiting him in health as well as in sickness.

A temporary amendment enabled him to rouse himself, when his chief thoughts ran upon strengthening the citadel of Osaka, where 17,000 houses were pulled down to build the wall, which was a league in circuit. He only survived a few days, dying upon September 15, 1598; all his nobility, according to the fathers, “being much better pleased to see him on the list of dead gods than in the land of living men.”