Chapter XVIII

POTTERY

At the period of discovery, art, at a number of places on the American Continent, seems to have been developing surely and steadily through the force of the innate genius of the race, and the more advanced nations were already approaching the threshold of Civilization. Their methods were characterized by great simplicity and their art products are, as a consequence, exceptionally homogeneous. The advent of European civilization checked the current of growth, and new and conflicting elements were introduced necessarily disastrous to the native development. By supplementing the study of the prehistoric by that of historic art, we may hope to penetrate deeply into the secrets of the past.—WILLIAM H. HOLMES.

Since the Ácoma potters are justly famous, a brief discussion of the ceramic art as practised by the Pueblo peoples is here introduced. In the determination of areas of material culture on the western continent, the cultivation of maize is particularly significant and widespread. Coextensive with maize growing is found some form of pottery. Since botanical evidence makes certain that the art of maize cultivation arose south of the Rio Grande,[255] we are safe in assuming that the art of pottery also originated beyond that region.

[Illustration: ÁCOMA GIRL RETURNING FROM THE RESERVOIR

THE PLAIN STRETCHES IMMEASURABLY FAR TO THE MOUNTAIN HORIZON

_Bolton_]

No account of Indian civilization can be attempted without some mention, however brief, of an art through which much of the development and kinship of the tribes may be traced. The sketch which I shall attempt to make here is largely based on the laborious and distinguished researches of Mr. F. H. Cushing and Dr. W. H. Holmes, which are to be found for the most part in the “Annual Reports” of the Bureau of Ethnology. It is regrettable that such valuable aids to study are not accessible in other form. The study of the pottery of the prehistoric pueblos, as I have said, furnishes one of the best clues to their inter-relationships, and the first idea of students was that it must also throw much light upon their racial origins. Further investigation, however, taught that

the laws which govern the migration of races do not regulate the distribution of the arts. Not only do the arts follow a pathway of their own, but one which often conflicts with that of race-migration. They pass from place to place or from people to people by a process of acculturation, so that peoples of unlike origin practise like arts, while those of like origin, are found practising unlike arts.[256]

At the period of their discovery by Spain the Village Indians were living in the stone age, and they used, for the most part, stone tools; their religious symbols are therefore found on axes and knives as well as on pottery, or interwoven in baskets and blankets.

There are three groups of pottery accepted as existing in North America in the pre-Columbian era. These are the crude stone implements of the nomadic tribes of the Atlantic coast, the earthenware vessels found in the mounds of the Mississippi Valley, and the advanced ceramics of the Pueblo peoples in the Southwest. Though we cannot here discuss the first two varieties, it is worth while, in passing, to note that the Mound Builders left behind them a vast number of pipes for smoking. These were made from a single piece of the hardest procurable stone carved to represent certain birds and animals. Moreover, their pipe sculpture betrays an art so superior to all else that they did that it makes evident how great an importance was probably attached to these pipes.

Smoking is an essential preliminary to, and element of, every ritual. Hence it follows, naturally enough, that

no one institution, for so it may be called, was more firmly fixed by long usage among the North American Indians, or more characteristic of them than the pipe in all its varied uses and significances.[257]

In the arid regions of the Southwest, water was so precious a commodity that the Pueblo peoples very early acquired skill in making receptacles for its transport and conservation and became, as Powell says, “the potters _par excellence_ of aboriginal America.” Just as the first incentive toward the art of pottery grew out of the need of utensils for the preparation of foods, so to-day it is the most general and important motive for its creation. Profoundly influenced by the earlier art of basketry, pottery is always found in close relationship with its sister art wherever the two industries occur together. The nomad tribes would naturally prefer the basket because so much more easily transported from place to place, and they showed extraordinary skill in making cooking vessels of wicker that are not only water-tight but are of such beauty that they are to-day accounted almost priceless by collectors.

Of the more advanced pottery, Dr. Boas says, that of the Rio Grande pueblos was “a good deal behind the Peruvians artistically but second to none mechanically.” The Pueblo people have always dwelt in a land of cañons and high plateaus, rising from great stretches of sand that touch at last the far blue horizon. Here they were provided by nature with an inexhaustible supply of material suitable for pottery. Clay of a consistency perfectly adapted for this purpose is left by the sudden storms that wash through the deep arroyos and deposit therein a valuable sediment. The self-taught potters were not long in learning through experience just what admixture of sand would make this clay malleable and more durable. The colors of the stratified sandstone and clay taught them harmony as well as contrast, and the ochres and other mineral deposits provided them with the pigments they desired for the varied decoration of their jars. Thus was built up an art and a culture which deserves our admiration and should forever set at rest the careless assumption that the original Americans were a savage people at the time of the white invasion.

Gradually certain vessels came to be set aside for purposes of religious or Shamanistic ceremonials. Mortuary jars for a long time were apparently no other than those used by the departed one in life, but eventually, like those dedicated to other ritualistic necessities, funeral and grave jars were differentiated and set aside as something to be especially reverenced and never otherwise employed. Imperfect _tinajas_, or the still larger jars intended for storage, are much used for the chimneys of pueblo houses, being built up one upon another till the requisite height is attained, when a coating of adobe-mortar fills in all chinks and makes a smooth outer surface; but it is believed that this occurred only after Spanish influence was introduced. Before this innovation the smoke escaped through the hatchway. At first, all vessels were probably moulded by the fingers of the potter from a lump of material; then, copying the wicker coils of the basket-maker, the potter rolled in the hands long ropes of clay, mobile and easy to build up spirally into any desired form. Nothing resembling a potter’s wheel has ever been employed in the pueblos, but a shallow foot of wicker, or a piece of a gourd often serves as a temporary support in order that the jar may be revolved by a touch of the artist’s fingers, without injury to the clay coil. We find, of course, that most enviable characteristic of all hand-work—the slight variations in modelling and in decoration that are lost when more mechanical processes are employed. The quality of the material varied somewhat according to the use to be made of the jars. Those for storage, either of grain or of water, or those for dyeing wool where weaving is a local industry, are of coarse clay and are plainer and heavier than the small receptacles made for daily use. After the modelling would come the question whether the irregularities of surface were to be left ribbed or made smooth by scraping with the sharp edge of a bit of gourd, or of a broken shard, or fragment of obsidian. Jars are found with the roughnesses of the coils inside, and the outer surface carefully smoothed, but the commoner practice was the reverse of this, and indeed the Pueblo people showed at a very early stage their love of ornament by using a great variety of devices in the spiral coils. Thumb-nail indentations in regular patterns probably made one of the first of such decorative adjuncts. Sometimes the coil is crimped throughout the whole surface, and again the body of the vessel will be smoothed and the coils left only upon the shoulder and collar. More and more elaborate patterns, wave-like or of incised lines, or overlapping in scale design, were invented and varied in a multitude of ways. The next innovation was modelling in relief, and this was soon followed by painting. Black appears to have been the first pigment discovered, and the black-and-white pottery is considered the oldest; but it could not be long before an artist living in a land of color would wish to use color on the light surface of jars, and would begin to reproduce designs familiar in natural objects. Such ornament followed closely in the footsteps of basketry and textiles. Meander patterns and geometric adaptations of rectilinear outlines were employed in both arts in an infinite variety of designs.[258] Dr. Holmes thinks that very little decoration was invented outright and that, like the forms of pottery, it originated in copying natural objects such as the exquisite shells, whose surfaces are “embellished with ribs, spines, nodes and colors.” “Clay,” he says, “is so mobile it can be made to record or echo a vast deal of nature and of co-existent art.”[259] The conch-shell may have suggested, to the imaginative mind of the native artist, spiral forms of vessels, as well as the convenient addition of handles, and also must have helped the painter to adapt rectilinear lines to the curved surfaces of the jars.

Colors were always used symbolically as well as decoratively on every kind of vessel, whatever its material. While watching a potter at Ácoma I was interested to notice that the first delicate hair-lines around the lip of a jar were never quite closed together. The space left was so tiny it would not be noticed as an imperfection, and it was most illuminating afterward to read that Cushing was told by a Zuñi woman that this little unfilled space was “the exit trail of life and being.” Cushing goes on to say that when at length a pot is dried, polished, and decorated,

the potter will tell you with an air of relief that it is a “made being,” and her statement is confirmed as a sort of article of faith when you observe that as she places the vessel in the kiln she also places in and beside it food.[260]

This vague feeling that any and all jars have some sort of personality is further illustrated by the belief that the noise made when a pot is struck is the voice of the spirit within, and the louder note of a pot when broken is similarly the cry of the spirit escaping from the imprisoning clay.

The superstition that to close completely an ornament is unlucky must be as widely diffused as any primitive belief, for it is a well-known fact that, among the weavers and embroiderers and painters of Greece and the Balkans, no design is ever quite joined. A tiny bit that does not mar the effect is always left unfinished.

The extent and variety of ways in which the Indian depicts his idea of the source or breath of life is vividly illustrated by Cushing in his “Decorative Symbolism.”[261] For example, clouds or many another “phenomenon of nature held sacred and mysterious” by the Indian are conventionalized by the potter for decorative purposes. Thus the terraced or stepped rim of a round bowl is the symbol of the horizon whence rise the clouds. The painted decoration on jars conveys the same idea, and the pendant drops from many an ornament represent the falling rain. The art of ornament is everywhere a conservative one and depends greatly upon the general development of culture in the nation practising it; or, as Dr. Holmes puts it: “The character of ornamentation does not depend so much upon the age of the art, as upon the acquirements of the potter and his people in other arts.”

Though the work of all pueblo potters is free-hand, it is never haphazard. The Indian friend whom we watched through a long day of work at Ácoma had no pattern, no visible rule, nor did she measure out any spaces for her most elaborate designs. Though she did not tell us how many more she knew than the ten designs we saw, she did say that she knew exactly from the starting of each what the whole would become. The brush used is very limber, being made from two or three strands of yucca fibre about three inches in length. With this flexible tool she adapted her pattern to the curved surfaces, without embarrassment or erasures, and with as little difficulty as one might have in tracing a flat drawing in a book. It is no doubt a convenience to restrict the preparation of colors for any one particular time, and on that day she used only black, yellow, and brown colors.

After the decoration is completed there is the process of firing. The chalk-white clay acquires a mellow tint, varied according to the fuel used. Age, and especially daily use over the fire, deepen and beautify this surface tone so that the older a jar, the more delightful is it to possess. In the museum at Santa Fé a large case of jars, all marked as coming from Ácoma, shows that the modern potters are using old designs, often mingled with those believed to have originated at Sía. In earlier days many kinds of fuel were used for the firing process, such as very dry greasewood, sagebrush, or piñon, though wherever cannel coal was found it was given preference. The worst method ever employed was burying the green pot under hot ashes and encircling it with a blazing fire. The better and more usual practice is to dig a little kiln in the ground, or, as is perforce the only way at Ácoma, to hollow out a space in the rock. This is lined with dried cakes of sheep dung—now the universal and almost exclusive fuel in all pueblos. The jars are fitted into this shallow kiln and a dome-like structure of dung is built above, after which the whole is slowly fired. The dung is thought by the Indians to bake the ware more evenly than the resinous woods, but Cushing thinks this fuel so inferior that to its use in great measure can be attributed the deterioration of modern ceramics in the pueblos. Resinous woods cannot be used where the color is the important thing, but the

black ware while still hot from a first firing, if coated both outside and in with some of the easily obtained mucilaginous gums, and then burned a second or third time with resinous wood-fuel, is rendered absolutely fireproof, semi-glazed with a black gloss and wonderfully durable.

No principle of true glaze is now known to the pueblo potters, but in early days a genuine glaze was used purely for decoration. Being spread over only a part of the surface, it added nothing toward making a jar water-tight.

I have found no indication that the Ácomas ever followed any other art than that of pottery, but it is quite possible this may be only their share of the partitioning of the industries agreed upon by the pueblos in comparatively recent time. However, since to-day the sole artistic occupation of the Ácomas appears to be in ceramics, I have omitted, in the consideration of Pueblo arts, both textiles and basketry. With regard to the pottery, Dr. Fewkes says that, in the absence of more definite insight,

Ácoma pottery bears little resemblance to that peculiar to southern clans; it is distinctly Queresan, and resembles more closely the pottery of ancient Hopi than that of ancient Zuñi, or of Little Colorado ware—by which it does not seem to have been affected.[262]

Though the pottery of the Ácomas is less durable than that of the Zuñis, its designs have much more variety—trees and leaves, birds and flowers, being introduced along with geometrical patterns. There are specific reds and grays used in the Ácoma and Zuñi pottery; and a bright green pigment applied in circular blotches before firing, that gives something approaching a glaze afterwards, is found at both Ácoma and Laguna.

Among those pueblos where pottery and earthenware utensils form a conspicuous feature of their civilization, Mr. James Stevenson[263] mentions Ácoma and the great similarity of its pottery to that of Laguna, though the Laguna potters use more colors. He calls some of the designs at Ácoma “very spirited.” Many of the jars in the Santa Fé museum have combinations of Ácoma and Sía designs—the bird of each pueblo being quite distinct.

We may briefly summarize here the value of our knowledge concerning ceramics to the other forms of cultural development of any people and find it applicable to the inter-relationships of those American Indians who practised the art. Since it can never be known when the modelling of clay was first practised, there is fascination in the suggestion that it came in some long-past day when a man walking on clay softened by rain noticed his own footprints. The rudest savage may well have discovered with what ease he could fashion a crude but useful vessel from moist earth, but the first baking of such a utensil probably occurred through some happy accident. We know that sun-dried bricks were used in early building, but no clay cups thus treated would have served to hold liquids.

The student searching for some standard by which to measure the creative attainment of a semi-civilized race has chosen as most universal the work of the early potters, and the interesting fact is disclosed that the first attempts in ceramics of all peoples are curiously alike in processes, in modes of decoration, and in adaptation to practical needs. There is in the decorative addition of painting to pottery something much more valuable than mere ornament, namely, a conventionalized representation, graphically expressed, of the mythology and the social habits of a race, so that even without written records it becomes possible for us to form a fairly clear idea of its cultural development. In short, the study of pottery has disclosed so much of race origins that it is now regarded as essential to an understanding of the history and mythology, and, in many countries, of the industries no less than of the arts, of ancient peoples.

The student of American ceramics accepts the theory prevailing to-day to the effect that the aborigines of this continent came from Asia, not all at once but in successive migrations, bringing with them customs and arts from many different sources at many different times; and our hope to-day is that the modifications brought about by the meeting and mingling of these various migratory streams will be finally made clear through the patient work of the experts as new ceramic “finds” are unearthed throughout the continent.

[Illustration: THE GUARDIAN CLIFFS OF ÁCOMA

_Bolton_]

L’ENVOI

In taking our leave of the Republic of Ácoma, seated haughtily aloof upon her stony citadel, certain reflections grow imperious. Emerging from the shadows of legendary origins to the historic past, already a dim and distant background, we may please our fancy with poetic and picturesque, or heroic episodes, while recognizing that the flowing tide of civilization has inevitably swept away some that was admirable, along with more that was brutal and savagely impossible to retain.

The sources of Ácoma’s life story, as of other Indian communities, are three. First, we have all that has been carefully garnered and interpreted for us by the anthropologists. This is chiefly concerned with pre-Columbian or pre-Spanish days. Since the American domination, government officials and visitors to all the pueblos have added much of value and interest. There remains an almost untouched treasure in the vast number of records kept through nearly three centuries by Spanish priests and chroniclers. The padres in particular saw the Indian as he _is_ in his daily occupations, in his mind, in his traditional worship, as well as in his warrior adventuring. When these shall have received due recognition from students of the Southwest, we may begin to hope that we shall understand the First Americans.

Looking at Ácoma as symbolic of all Indian “city-states,” are we not forced to admit that the white invader has pretty completely blotted out one type of the human family? So altered are the fragmentary remains of its religious and its social organization that they appear to be hardly more significant to the white onlooker than is any picturesque pageant; while to the Indian himself they must be rather a poor imitation of his traditional ceremonial.

It is too late to ask whether or not white conquest could have been less cruel, but surely our reconstruction might have been less ruthless.

It is asserted by those who know that “nearly a thousand languages have given way before the Anglo-Saxon speech.” When the American succeeded to the Spanish over-lordship of the aborigine, why did he not heed the example of his English forbears in their rule of subject races? Tolerant of all that was most sacred and inherent to the conquered, recent English colonial policy has had for a fundamental principle the fostering of native genius, and a respect for the faith and ritual, essential to those brought under subjection.

This served as well the useful end of making conquest less offensive and obedience more willing. It makes one envious of what Sir Valentine Chirol writes of his rulers when they mastered India. “They respected the customs of the people, tried to understand their needs, and gave the humblest folk a new sense of security from arbitrary oppression, and a new conception of justice as a boon that was neither to be bought nor sold.”

The Spaniard was the pioneer invader and conqueror. The American should have grasped his opportunity as trustee of a rich and original element in the land. Trustees accept a duty and responsibility along with new power, the success or failure of which lies within their own hands. But the white man began by imposing upon the Indian a religion so unlike his own that it soon became a weapon of deceit, and a dangerous impediment to their mutual understanding.

The system under which these wards of the nation are ruled to-day would doubtless protest against the old phrase that “the only good Indian is a dead Indian,” but in practice it does not materially improve on that unhappy formula.

In justice to a great inheritance of art and of primitive literature (for the chant and the folk-lore are the germ of written tales), can we not _now_ arouse a public pride for the appreciation of this legacy, which constitutes, as has been said earlier in these pages, the only original contribution of the western world to either form of creative genius.

The healthy association of the races should promote an education that pays heed to the needs and mentality of the Indian, fostering his deft fingers in his native crafts instead of teaching him that machine-made and artificially dyed rugs are superior; that would help him to develop his innate agricultural talent by better implements and a more generous use of soils and of irrigation. At least let him be protected from political exploitation and even from the selfishness of too ardent exploring students.

It does not fall within this writer’s province to suggest solutions for one of the most urgent and complex of national problems. She only desires to bring before the bar of public opinion the tangle of difficulties largely created by an indifference to Indian philosophy and sensitiveness and to a misuse of power which has bred a deep sense of racial injustice.

APPENDIX

APPENDIX

I. THE NAME ÁCOMA

_Ako_ (of obscure ethnology). They call their own people Ákomi (mi = people). It is translated as People of the White Rock.

_Hacus_ of Fray Marcos of Niza.

_Ácuco_ of Coronado.

_Hakukue_ in Zuñi language, meaning “drinkers of the dew.”

_A-ko-kai-obi_ in Hopi language, meaning “the place of the ladle,” and referring to the two great natural reservoirs upon the summit.

_Ácoma Clans_ extinct:

Kuishkosh Blue corn Kuishtiti Brown corn Moshaich Buffalo Haka Fire

_Clans_ still existent:[264]

Kuüts Antelope Tsits Water Kusesh White corn Kochinish Yellow corn Tyami Eagle Osach Sun Huwaka Sky Shawiti Parrot Shask Road-runner Hapanyi Oak Shquwi Rattlesnake Sii Ant Kuwhaia Bear Tsina Turkey Tani Calabash

Dr. Elsie Clews Parsons, in 1918, adds to the clans: Chaparral, Cock, Tansy-Mustard, and Lizard (this last may be identical with Rattlesnake). She omits Road-runner and Ant. In 1922 we were told that the Snake was extinct.

Other pueblos occupied by Ácoma clans at various early periods were Heash-Koa, two miles southwest, by the Red-corn clan; and Kowina, fifteen miles west, by the Calabash clan. This was a mesa at the head of the Cebollita Valley.

POPULATION

Castañeda (1541) wrote that “Ácoma could place on foot about 200 warriors and that there was not room on the Rock for much more than 1000 people.”

Espéjo (1581) speaks of more than 6000; Oñate (1595) estimated them at 3000; Villagrá says that there were 6000 at the time of the siege.

In 1680 Ácoma was credited with 1500 inhabitants.

In 1760 there were said to be 1052 inhabitants.

In 1780-81 a smallpox epidemic prevailed, so that ten years later there were but 820 persons.

In 1910 there were but 691 inhabitants; while Laguna had, in 1910, as many as 1441.

II. HA-CHAMONI

_Ha-chamoni_ (prayer-sticks) are deposited by the oracle of the cult of the hunt to convey the messages of the people. The hunt may or may not take place directly after these offerings, its time being at the pleasure of the _Ho-aanite_ (theurgist or oracle), who does not himself inform the pueblo but communicates with the war chief.—MRS. M. C. STEVENSON (of Sía Pueblo).

III. SALT

Early chroniclers mention the “salt-kernels” of the Cíbolans, and Cushing found “a trail brokenly traceable for hundreds of miles from the cliff-town to the inexhaustible Lake of Salt in central New Mexico.” This salt is superior to any other found in the Southwest and commanded such a price that Cushing found it often adulterated with other varieties. He goes on to say that the influence of such a salt supply upon the movements of large tribes is not confined to those of America, for “all the great historic trade-routes across Asia were first established along salt trails.”—_Thirteenth Annual Report_, Bureau of Ethnology and Anthropology, pp. 352-355.

_Shrine of Salt Woman._ Near, or in, the Grand Cañon, Cárdenas in 1540 used the same trail which the Hopi use to-day when they visit the Havasupai in Cataract Cañon, or part of the old route of the Hopi to get salt. The trail apparently crosses the Little Colorado not far from Moenkopi trail at Tanner Crossing, a few miles below Black Falls. Before gathering the salt, which hung from the cliffs in “icicles,” the Hopi laid one prayer-stick before the image of the salt goddess and the other before the god of war. The gatherer must be suspended over the edge of the cliff by ropes to reach the icicles.—CUSHING, Bureau of Ethnology and Anthropology, Vol. VIII, pp. 352-358.

_Salt Place_ (Zuñi Salt Lake) belongs to the Parrot clan. The substance of a folk-tale collected by Dr. Boas explaining how this happened is given in “Laguna Genealogies.” When Salt Woman and the Twin War Gods were on their wanderings they were hospitably entertained by the Parrot people, when everyone else had refused them admittance. Going farther southward, Salt Woman met Zuñi Parrot people, to whom she gave her house; but Laguna informants assert that until her people showed them how, neither Hopi nor Zuñi folk were able to get the salt out of the Place. The journey to Salt Place is made in September, and in company with collectors from Ácoma, a rare case of inter-pueblo coöperation. Parrot men lead the expedition, while those of the clan who remain at home are praying in their house. The salt-collector desires to get omens at the Place; hence he must offer prayer-sticks and then pray. Before putting the sticks and cigarettes and shell-meal into the water, he must rub himself with salt. Having taken off his clothes, and standing in the water, he feels for the salt with his feet and treads it out; then gathers it with his hands, using neither pick nor shovel. If you are to have good harvests of wheat or watermelon, or if you are going to kill a deer, you will see in the water the wheat or watermelon or deer. If you are going to die you will see yourself lying dead there. Besides the salt, medicine-water is brought back from Salt Place. On the return journey, the accompanying war captain sends forward one day before arrival a messenger to procure two donkeys from the Parrot people. As the expedition approaches, all the clans-women with the _kurena-cheani_ come out to meet it, and they all sing together for the Salt Woman. Later these same women distribute the salt. “If an individual wants to go salt-collecting on his own account he will go to the Parrot clansman to ask him to make prayer-sticks. If your salt gives out you may ask the Parrot clan-mother to give you some.”—ELSIE CLEWS PARSONS, Laguna Genealogies.

IV. TOWERS AND GREAT HOUSES

Were they observation points or granaries or ceremonial places? Or, did they combine all these with defence? No satisfactory answer yet found, nor the epoch in which they were constructed. Some have great trees growing in them, but none has a roof; their walls are so good that they do not suggest very great age; yet the builders of cliff-dwellings, and by inference their kindred, the Tower Builders, were far superior in their art to modern pueblos.

V. KERES (QUERES)

Concerning the origin of the word _Keres_ (Castañeda’s _Quirix_) nothing can be learned from any of these people, who pronounce it in every conceivable way. But they all agree that “they have no ethnic name in Keresan language which sounds anything like it.” We have, therefore, a confusion of designations for Ácoma.

_Sía_ (_Tsía_) is linguistically a part of the western branch of the Keres nation. According to fragments of Keres tradition this is the place on the Jémez River where the Ácomas separated from the other Keres.

The name _Temá_ is applied to the Cochití and to all who talk like them. Among these are Sía, Ácoma, and Laguna. The two latter are so isolated from the rest of the Keres nation that frequently they are not listed with the other pueblos of their stock; when they are, they invariably are made a separate group by themselves.

The culture of the Keresan tribes is fundamentally similar to that of the others in the Southwestern area; namely, a dependence upon maize and other cultivated foods; the use of the _metate_ instead of a mortar for grinding the maize; terraced houses of stone and adobe; tailored textile clothing, which involves cultivation of cotton and weaving on a loom; a pottery decorated in color; much less use of basketry than in non-Pueblo tribes; the domestication of the turkey; matrilinear descent; a mythology characterized by migration traditions; each pueblo a “republic” with governor and war chief elected annually, but the religious head, cacique, must give his sanction; very complex ritualism; numerous shrines before which sacred meal and pollen are constantly offered; purification rites by emetics and head washing; Kachina, or K’at’sina, ceremonies by masked impersonators; different priests for summer and for winter.

In most pueblos there are made extensive sand paintings for religious festivals. No writer mentions them at Ácoma. Is this because no strangers have seen their most sacred celebrations?[265]

The Queres Indians, to which nation Ácoma belongs, have always claimed the range of the Tanos Mountains and the valleys of the upper Rio Grande and the Jémez Rivers as their ancestral heritage. The prehistoric remains in the romantic gorge of the Rito de los Frijoles are said by the Queres to belong to their people and especially to those who later settled permanently at Cochití. The medicine men of Cochití paid frequent visits to holy shrines there as recently as 1890.

VI. LANGUAGE

The ethnologists agree that there is no reason to suppose that only one language existed among the earliest dwellers in America. Certainly the Spaniards found the different languages, or dialects, a great source of confusion in their early expeditions from Mexico into the North. To know one well was no password to the next or to those beyond.

Dr. Franz Boas says that “at any rate when man began to increase, the number of languages was legion though sprung from the same root.” As some tribes grew more powerful and as inter-tribal wars did their fatal work, “many older stocks were eliminated, to be replaced by the dialects of a few groups.”[266]

The four pueblo linguistic stocks distinguishable to-day are:

(1) Shoshonean, to which belong all Hopi pueblos, except Hano; (2) Zuñian; (3) Tanoan; (4) Keresan or Queresan.

VII. KATZÍMO, A DISENCHANTED MESA

Professor Libbey, of Princeton University, describes in _Harper’s Weekly_, August 28, 1897, the way in which he went, with two assistants and two heavily laden wagons which contained “among other things a small cannon, and miles and miles of rope.” After the cannon had been charged, a large shot was fired to which had been attached a projecting shaft and ring in the gun. By throwing the shot to the far side of the mesa, it was possible to construct a kind of bo’sun’s chair which, with pulleys, lifted Libbey to a point on the smaller end of the rock. A ladder was now sent up to him, on which the explorer climbed down the face of the cliff to a point from which he could jump across to the other side of the chasm. “A few grasses and plants common on the plains below, and these with one grey rat and some lizards were all the evidences of life to be seen.”

Libbey admits that “a small cairn-like structure of stones” _might_ have been the work of human hands; but he was convinced not only that the mesa had never been a human habitation, but that no fragment of pottery or of implements of any sort could be found.

VIII. MEDICINE

According to Alexander, medicine has come to be applied to objects and practices controlling the animistic powers of Nature as the Indian conceives them. Medicine is, therefore, private magic and may “exist in the form of a song or spell known to the owner,” in some symbol upon his body or in some object that he carries in his “medicine bag.” It may appear in a ceremony or in a system of rites and practices known to the “medicine lodge.” “The essential idea varies from fetichism to symbolism.” When fetichistic, the objects are regarded as talismans. Disease comes from occult powers of wizards or from the anger of certain animals. Death is the result of necromancy practised by bad men or angry gods. Medicine ceremonials are quite unlike rain ceremonials.—H. B. ALEXANDER, _North American Mythology_, p. 269.

IX. SMOKE

Cigars and cigarettes are used by Navajo and Pueblo peoples even for ritualistic purposes. Smoke is an invocation to “those above” and, being always a preliminary to councils, came to be known to the white man as the Pipe of Peace. All Southwestern and California tribes used the straight tubular pipe of clay or stone. Elaborate pipes are found in prehistoric mounds, most often among the more northern tribes. However, in 1922 Dr. J. Walter Fewkes and his corps of archaeological assistants found on the Mesa Verde National Park a central _Kiva_ unique there so far as we yet know. Among the objects found in it “were a full dozen decorated tobacco pipes made of clay, some blackened by use, others showing no signs that they had ever been smoked.... For many years it had been suspected that the ancient inhabitants of the Mesa Verde cliff dwellings were smokers, but these pipes are the first objective evidence to prove it, and the fact that these objects were found in the shrine of a sacred room would indicate that they were smoked ceremonially, as is customary in modern pueblo rites.” The _Kiva_ is known as Pipe Shrine House.

X. SHAMAN

A word corrupted from the Sanskrit, meaning “ascetic.” A term more or less interchangeable with “medicine man,” “doctor,” or even “priest.” Many tribes give Shaman and priest not merely distinct, but antagonistic functions. The priest is keeper and demonstrator of rituals. The Shaman mystifies by jugglery, pretends to foretell events and control them by incantations, and by fetish-practice prevents the evil spirits to whom all mishaps are attributed from working harm. Since disease is mischief done by evil spirits, Shamans treat the sick. They are the workers of “good magic,” and preside over ceremonies peculiar to their healing powers. When they fail they become wizards and practisers of “bad magic,” and are feared and if possible are put out of the way.

XI. SERPENT

The great mythic serpent is as much a sky-being as one of earth. The lightning and the Milky Way are his sky attributes. He is the emblem of healing and of fertility in our Southwest.

“Any element or phenomenon in nature which is believed to possess a personal existence is endowed with a personality analogous to that of the animal whose operations most resemble its manifestations; e.g., lightning is given the form of a serpent, with or without the arrow-pointed tongue because its course through the sky is serpentine, its stroke instantaneous and destructive; yet it is named Wi-lo-lo-a-ne, a word derived not from the name of the serpent itself but from its most obvious trait, its gliding zig-zag motion. For this reason the serpent is supposed to be more nearly related to lightning than to man, but more nearly related to man than is lightning, because mortal and destructive.”—CUSHING, _Zuñi Fetiches, Second Annual Report_, Bureau of Ethnology and Anthropology, p. 9.

The writer is indebted to a California friend for the following examples of hypnosis by rattlesnakes.

“When I was a young girl visiting on a ranch in Napa County, California, I had the following interesting experience, which was unusual, in fact, unique. Napa County is infested with rattlesnakes; subconsciously we were never unaware of the danger and, as children, killed many of them. The country was a particularly well-favored spot for the raising of turkeys and as we often drove them into the stubble fields where the grasshoppers were to be found we became accustomed to the ways of these very sensitive domesticated birds. Their usual mournful whine would give way to an alert cry if a hawk or buzzard began to circle over us in the sky and we also noticed a very peculiar and distinct cry when a rattlesnake was seen by them: _Brrrup_, _Brrrup_, in a very high piercing key.

“One day we were in the house when we heard this peculiar snake cry from the throats of about one hundred young birds. They were only about four weeks old and were in a small, well-protected snake-proof enclosure. Two of us ran out to see what could have happened, and this is what we saw—a rattlesnake the size of a lead pencil coiled in one corner and surrounding him all the turkeys in a semi-circle with heads stretched to the fullest, slowly but surely hypnotized and moving towards the swaying head of the snake. So absorbed were they that neither the snake nor the turkeys heard us. We watched the performance long enough to be sure of what was happening and then, with the never forgotten stick, killed the snake. The little turkeys, released from the spell, shook themselves, blinked, yawned and stood around confused until their little brains registered safety.

“I was talking with a friend of mine about Lower California one day and he was telling me of the fascinating beauty of it. ‘However,’ he said, ‘it has one great drawback and that is the size and number of the rattlesnakes.’ He said that it was not at all unusual to see them five feet long with bodies the size of a quart bottle and heads that would cover the palm of his hand.

“One day while hunting he saw a thrush behaving in a most peculiar manner under a bush. It was jumping up and down in one spot, feathers ruffled and fairly crying in a terrified manner. He crawled under the bush and there he saw one of these huge rattlers hypnotizing the bird. As soon as the snake saw him and turned his head towards him the bird flew away unharmed. He had his gun and shot from the hip, killing the snake.

“Another experience he had that was interesting. A boy jumped down on to a ledge and failed to see a huge snake almost red in color that was coiled on rocks of the same color. A companion, afraid that he might hurt the boy, shot the snake near the tail. The snake writhed for some time and then, apparently realizing it could not move, turned and stung itself, dying within a few minutes.”

XII. LIGHTNING

Mrs. Stevenson records of the Queres people that the “lightning-people shoot their arrows to make it rain harder, the smaller flashes coming from the bows of the children. Thunder-people by making a great noise frighten the lightning and cloud-peoples to work harder.” The rainbow people were created to make the sky more beautiful for the earth people.

XIII. THE SWASTIKA AND PRIMITIVE CROSS-SYMBOLS

The swastika, a symbol in the form of a Greek Cross with the end of the arms bent at right angles all in the same direction, and each prolonged to the height of the parallel arm of the cross. Full discussion of the swastika is found in Mrs. Zelia Nuttall’s “Old and New World Civilizations.” She finds these symbols universally accompanied by vestiges of a certain set of cosmical concepts and a scheme of organization which can be traced back to an original pole-star worship. The calendar swastika or cross of ancient Mexico gives absolute proof of native association with ideas of rotary motion and progress of time, and furnishes an indication that it may have been used by primitive races as a sign for a year or a cycle. Cushing found almost precisely the same thing among the Zuñi priesthood.

XIV. RELIGIOUS IMPORT OF THE DANCE

“Not the epic song, but the dance, accompanied by a monotonous and often meaningless song constitutes everywhere the most primitive, and in spite of that primitiveness, the most highly developed art. Whether as a ritual dance, or as a purely emotional expression of the joy in rhythmic bodily movement, it rules the life of primitive man to such a degree that all other forms of art are subordinate to it.”—WUNDT, _Völker Psychologie_, 3rd ed. Bd. 1 Teil 1, p. 277.

FOOTNOTES

[1] “Mesas appear to furnish the most direct and convincing testimony we have of the tremendous power of the wind in effecting general erosion under conditions of aridity. That water could not possibly produce such effects is shown in a number of ways. On the continental divide the streams are smallest. Drainage features are necessarily insignificant. Rainfall is the scantiest. These summit plains of the continent are a region of continual high wind and constant sand-storm. By wind action alone there appears to be incontestable testimony that from the entire area of the vast arid region there has been lifted and exported in very recent geologic times a prodigious layer of rock not less than 5000 feet in thickness. Thus it is that arid regions have introduced us to an erosive agent more potent than stream-corrosion, more constant than the washing of rains, more extensive and persistent than the encroachments of the sea.”—CHARLES R. KEYES, _Wind-Graved Mesas and their Message_.

[2] Coronado did not pass Inscription Rock on his way from Zuñi to Ácoma, but went a little south of it. The earliest inscription on El Morro _with a date_ is that of Oñate, 1606, but we found an undated autograph of Luxan, a member of Espéjo’s force. It was easily identified by comparing it with his characteristic signature in an as yet unpublished manuscript. E. H. Vogt, describing some recently explored ice-caves near Ramah, N. M., mentions “two old Indian trails six or eight miles south of the road. One of these enters the lava bed and crosses it in line with El Morro and Ácoma. This was perhaps the way Coronado travelled with his Zuñi guides in 1540.”—_El Palacio_, February 1, 1924.

[3] Bandelier maintains that no tribe so influenced the fate of the Southwest as did the Apache. Twitchell affirms that “the word ‘Indian’ in all the laws whether Spanish or Mexican, and the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, was not intended to cover, nor to refer to any ‘Indians’ other than those living in villages ... who are invariably referred to and described as _naturales_ and _pueblos_ and as _indios de pueblos_. For the other Indians, such as the Apaches, Comanches, Utes or Navajos, the term savages—_Salvajes_ or _Indios barbaros_—was always the descriptive and differentiating form of expression.”—R. E. Twitchell, _Leading Facts in New Mexican History_.

[4] Espéjo called those Indians _Navajos_ who haunted the mountains near Ácoma. Castañeda describes the “Querechas and Teyas” (of the eastern plains) “as being better warriors, having better figures and are more feared. They travel like the Arabs with their tents and troops of dogs loaded with poles and having Moorish pack-saddles with girths.”

[5] “They” (the Sedentary Indians of New Mexico) “live some of them in the identical houses their forefathers occupied at the time of Coronado’s expedition (1541-2) as at Ácoma, Jémez and Taos, and although their plan and mode of life have changed in some respects in the interval, it is not unlikely that they remain to this day a fair example of the life of the Village Indians from Zuñi to Cuzco as it existed in the 16th century.”—Lewis H. Morgan, _Houses and House-life of the American Aborigines_, in Vol. IV, U. S. Geological Survey, _Contributions to American Ethnology_.

See Appendix I.

[6] An _estado_ is 5 feet, 7 inches—about the height of an average man.

[7] W. W. H. Davis, in his history of New Mexico, says ten acres in area—which must be either a slip or a misprint.

[8] George Wharton James, _Land of the Delight Makers_.

[9] Descriptions of Ácoma are in Bancroft, _Native Races_, Vol. IV, pp. 365, 366; Lummis, _The California Magazine_, January, 1892. Other references may be found in the bibliography, under Engelhardt, Hodge, Lummis, James, and Prince.

[10] For Ácoma,—George Wharton James, _The Land of the Delight Makers_.

[11] Called _piki_ in Hopi, and _hewe_ in Zuñi.

[12] According to Lummis, another reservoir on the southern mesa is reached by a toilful path up and down the craggy slope. We did not see this.

[13] Mt. Taylor, 11,389 feet high. At Ácoma it is called _Spi-nat_.

[14] Or else from twenty miles to the west from “the great frowning pine-fringed Mesa Prieta at whose feet lies the beautiful Vale of Cebollita.”—Hodge, _Land of Sunshine_, November, 1897.

[15] _Land of Sunshine_, Vol. 15, 1901, p. 320. The article is supplied with illustrations.

[16] Shelley, _Daemon of the World_.

[17] Hodge, _Handbook of American Indians_; also, _Notes to Benavides Memorial_. Lummis, _Poco Tiempo_; _Spanish Pioneers_.

[18] Goddard says Coronado’s Ácoma was partly burned in 1599 but that the village was not destroyed in the revolt of 1680, and therefore the walls now in use may be the same as those seen in 1540, partly rebuilt and repaired from time to time. _Handbook—Indians of the Southwest_, p. 73.

A writer in _El Palacio_ for August, 1918, mentions a tradition that Ácoma has the only church that survived the rebellion of 1680, but says that authorities do not agree upon this and that Hodge declares no trace of the old edifice remains except the carved beams found in one of the houses of Middle Row. It would seem as if the letter of the commanding Spanish officer should clear away all confusion about this building.

[19] A fuller account may be read in _El Palacio_ for January 1, 1925.

[20] An interesting article, _Painting the Town Red_, by Professor C. F. Crane, showing the relation of the color scarlet or some shade of red to burial wrappings and ceremonials, may be found in the _Scientific Monthly_ for June, 1924. On pp. 612, 613, the author cites instances among the Sioux tribes in the eighteenth century.

[21]

Four days is the spirit’s journey To the land of ghosts and shadows, Four its lonely night encampments; Therefore, when the dead are buried, Let a fire as night approaches, Four times on the grave be kindled, That the soul upon its journey May not grope about in darkness.

—LONGFELLOW, _Song of Hiawatha_.

[22] The _Cheani_ are the medicine men or curative shamans, who are officers also of weather control.

[23] The Indian word is _ha-chamoni_, meaning “they take the breath.” It is invariably a notched stick with plumes attached, and is illustrated in _Eleventh Annual Report_, Bureau of American Ethnology, p. 78. See Appendix II.

[24] The Warrior Dance.

[25] _Kasik_ is given as the Keres form of cacique.

[26] This is the same as the _asa_ at Hopi or the _ise_ at Laguna.

[27] To avoid confusion, it is wise to reserve the word _kiva_ for the ceremonial chamber of the Indian pueblo, and _estufa_ for the sweat-houses.

[28] _Final Report_, Pt. I, p. 268.

[29] Cosmos Mindeleff, Introduction to _Eighth Annual Report_, Bureau of American Ethnology, p. xxxi.

[30] _Relación de Father Fray Francisco de Escobar_, October, 1605. Also in Bandelier, _Final Report_, Pt. I, pp. 143-145.

[31] Description by Leslie Spier, _Havasupai Days_, in _American Indian Life_, edited by Elsie Clews Parsons.

[32] In certain tribes women have rites to perform that necessitate _kivas_ for their special use.

[33] Lummis, _The Land of Poco Tiempo_.

[34] Charles Alexander Eastman (Ohiyesa), _The Soul of an Indian. An Interpretation_.

[35] Translated by Alice Fletcher, in the _Path on the Rainbow_, edited by George Cronyn.

[36] _The Coronado Expedition by Castañeda_, _Fourteenth Annual Report_, Bureau of American Ethnology, translated by G. P. Winship; _The Journey of Coronado_, _Trail Makers’ Series_, 1904, translated by Winship; _The Narrative of the Expedition of Coronado by Pedro de Castañeda_, _Spanish Explorers in the Southern United States_, edited by F. W. Hodge.

[37] _Doc. Inéd. de Indios_, Vol. III, _Relación du Voyage de Cíbola_, translated by Ternaux Compans; abstract in English by Fewkes in _Journal of American Ethnology and Archaeology_, Vol. III, 1892.

[38] Very exhaustive studies and excavations were made of Háwikuh by Frank Hamilton Cushing, between 1879 and 1888. His reports can be consulted in the _Thirteenth Annual Report_, Bureau of American Ethnology, and in separate monographs. There are later studies by Fewkes and Stevenson.

[39] Hodge affirms that Jaramillo and Zárate-Salmerón say it was Háwikuh. _American Anthropologist_, April, 1895.

[40] There are many spellings of this name. According to Hodge, “Ako” is the Indian form. See Appendix I.

[41] Winship, _Coronado Expeditions_, Chapter XII, p. 490. “They described some cows, which from a picture that one of them had painted on his skin seemed to be cows, although from the hides this seemed not to be possible, because the hair was woolly and snarled, so that we could not tell what sort of skins they had.”

Best brief account in Bolton, _Spanish Borderlands_.

[42] Castañeda.

[43] Translated by Winship, and included in each of his works on the expedition; also _American History Leaflets_, No. 13.

[44] Winship, _The Coronado Expedition_, pp. 491, 560, 569, 575.

[45] Between June 7 and July 10, 1540.

[46] Three reliable records exist of this _entrada_. The translations of Pedro de Bustamente, and another by Barrado and Escalante, may be read in Bolton, _Spanish Exploration in the Southwest_. A third by Gallegos, “The Scrivener,” is translated by Mecham: MS. thesis in the Bolton Collection.

[47] Two manuscripts recently discovered prove beyond question that the Father had been put to death by the Indians of the Sierra Morena or Sandía mountains before the soldiers returned to Mexico. The viceroy, we now know, had incorporated this information in his report to the Spanish King. Bolton was the first person to make use of this material. It was further elaborated by J. Lloyd Mecham in a thesis for the Master’s degree at the University of California. See also the article by Mecham on the “Death of Fray Santa María” in _Catholic Historical Review_, October, 1920.

[48] Querecho was a pueblo name for the buffalo-hunting Apache Indians east of New Mexico (Hodge, _Handbook_, II, 338).

[49] The snake dance is now characteristically a Hopi ceremony, where it is primarily a prayer for rain. It was formerly widespread among the pueblo tribes and traces of it are still found at Ácoma and other places.—Walter Hough, in Hodge, _Handbook_, II, 605, 606.

[50] Bolton, _Spanish Exploration in the Southwest_, 182, 183.

[51] Bureau of American Ethnology, _Thirteenth Annual Report_, 327.

[52] _Historia de la Nuevo Mejico del Capitán Gaspar de Villagrá_, Año 1610, Con privilegio. En _Alcala_ por Luys Martínez Grande. Translated in part in Bancroft and in Read.

[53] Bancroft, _Arizona and New Mexico_.

[54] _Historical Documents relating to New Mexico_ (edited by Charles Wilson Hackett, Ph.D., Carnegie Institution, Washington, D.C.), pp. 264 _et seq._

[55] Translated in Bancroft, _Arizona and New Mexico_.

[56] A religious inspector.

[57] The Crossing. Here the trail crossed the river and threaded the pass through the mountains. It was a crossing in a double sense.

[58] Canto XVI, translated in Read, _History of New Mexico_, p. 213.

[59] It may not be entirely beside the point to note here that this same Bernabé de las Casas, a few years after this event, projected an expedition across the country from the Rio Grande to drive the English out of Jamestown.

[60] _Ytinerario de las Minas del Caxco._ Translated by Bolton, in _Spanish Exploration in the Southwest_.

[61] Read, _History of New Mexico_, pp. 226, 227.

[62] Villagrá, _Historia de la Nueva Mexico_, Canto XXV. Translated in Read, pp. 229-231.

[63] From Villagrá, Folio 222. Translated by Mrs. N. V. Sanchez.

[64] Villagrá, Canto XXX.

[65] Engelhardt, _Franciscan Herald_, February, 1920.

[66] Villagrá, _Historia_, Canto XVIII, gives the weapons used by the Ácomas as shields of buckskin, bows and flint-tipped arrows, war-clubs, and a helmet of buffalo hide.

[67] Read, _History of New Mexico_, p. 229.

[68] No satisfactory translation of Villagrá’s narrative has yet appeared, and the writer is indebted for the material used in this paraphrase to Lummis, _The Spanish Pioneers_.

[69] This is, so far as known, the only mention of subterranean passages cut in the Rock. Do they still exist and are they used?

[70] _American Historical Review_, October, 1917.

[71] A translation of this remarkable account may be found in the article by Bourke, _American Anthropologist_, Vol. VIII, April, 1894.

[72] Perea served as custodian until 1633 or 1636, and during that period founded the church and monastery at Sandía, where he was buried.

[73] A graphic description of the discomforts of the “Jornado del Muerto” in 1888 may be read in _The Land of the Pueblos_, by Mrs. Lew Wallace.

[74] The name Robledo is still on the map, sixty miles above El Paso.

[75] The text gives the celebration as the “Pascua del Espiritú Santo.” Hodge and Lummis translate this as Easter, which would make the march from Robledo to Santa Fé, including the delay of four days, only a week in passing. In the Roman church the Feast of the Holy Spirit is Pentecost, the celebration of the descent of the Holy Ghost upon the disciples of Christ, and comes fifty days after Easter. We need not infer that the party did not reach Santa Fé somewhat earlier than Pentecost, but only that it was this Holy Day they celebrated there.

[76] The _Encyclopaedia Britannica_ gives no such places as Abasia or Mount Amar. It does speak of _Amasia_ with an acropolis on a lofty cliff overhanging the town. This is a town in Anatolia (Turkey), splendidly situated in a narrow gorge on both sides of a river and eighty miles from its mouth. It contains remarkable antiquities such as the tombs of the kings of Pontus, described by Strabo. (Illustrated in the _National Geographic Magazine_, July, 1918, in article “Under the Heel of the Turk.”)

[77] Translated by Mrs. E. E. Ayer in _Land of Sunshine_, Vol. XIII.

[78] Vetancur, _Menológio Seráfico_, IV, pp. 246-248.

[79] C. W. Hackett, _Revolt of the Pueblo Indians in New Mexico in 1680_; (The Quarterly of Texas State Historical Association, October, 1911). Prince, _A Concise History of New Mexico_; Read, _History of New Mexico_; W. H. H. Davis, _The Spanish Conquest of New Mexico_.

[80] _Apach-u_, a Piman word meaning “man.”

[81] This method of reckoning time has been observed in many countries and in all ages. Herodotus describes it as a device of Darius for the Ionian chiefs: Boturini found it among the relics of ancient Mexico, and in the Polynesian islands it has not yet altogether disappeared. According to Fiske, the Spaniards were “astonished at seeing how many things the Peruvians could record with their _quipus_ (knotted cords).” _Discovery of America_, Vol. II, pp. 298-300.

[82] The Navajo, Havasupai and Walapai use knotted cords to-day in just this way to keep account of time, but not for other purposes.

[83] La Toma is within the present limits of Texas near the monastery of Guadalupe.

[84] Hackett, p. 155.

[85] Hackett, _The Pueblo Revolt of 1680_.

[86] Vetancur gives a list of all the missions as they existed just before the Revolt with valuable details about some of them. Of Ácoma he says it was dedicated to S. Estévan on a peñol east of Sía. It was one league in circumference and had fifteen hundred inhabitants who had been converted by Fray Juan Ramírez. “In 1680 they put to death their padre, Fray Lucas Maldonado, native of Tribujona of the same province.” Vetancur, _Crónica_, III.

[87] Escalante, _Carta_, 122, 123, translated in Bancroft, _Arizona and New Mexico_, Vol. XVII, footnote to p. 185.

[88] Between 1680-1692 we have the record of Don Carlos de Siguënza y Góngora, _Mercurio Volante_, Mexico, 1693. In this the number of soldiers is given as nine. Translated by Read, _History of New Mexico_, p. 288.

[89] From the Journals of De Vargas printed in translation in _Ola Santa Fé_, January, 1914, and October, 1916; Bandelier, _Final Report_, Part II, pp. 215, 216, also gives some details. Also in Twitchell, _Some Leading Facts in New Mexico History_.

[90] The same L’Archeveque who, when a younger man, traitorously helped to assassinate his leader La Salle in 1687. Now in middle age, he was serving Spain, and in the Franco-Hispanic War of 1720 he was sent on an errand to the junction of the North and South Platte rivers, where he met his death in a surprise attack on the Pawnee Indians just as he was breaking camp to return to Santa Fé.

[91] Bancroft, _Arizona and New Mexico_, p. 226.

[92] A letter to the _Procurador-General_, Fray José Miguel de los Ríos, from Father Trigo, July 23, 1754, concerning the Christian and political government of the mission of San Pedro and San Pablo in New Mexico.

[93] A _fanega_ equals two and one-half bushels.

[94] An _almud_ equals one-fifth of a bushel.

[95] For this and the preceding items the writer is indebted to Miss E. M. Healey (MS. thesis), University of California, Department of History.

[96] Good accounts are in James, _Land of Delight Makers_, and Prince, _Spanish Mission Churches of New Mexico_. It is this building upon which were based the designs for the exhibition house of New Mexico at the San Diego exposition in 1915-16, as well as part of the new art museum in Santa Fé.

[97] Elliott Coues, _On the Trail of a Spanish Pioneer_.

[98] Lummis, _Some Strange Corners of our Country_, Chapter XXII, and _Mesa, Cañon and Pueblo_, Chapter XXIX; Twitchell, _Spanish Archives of New Mexico_, pp. 458-462.

[99] The Judge was Hon. Kirby Benedict, in early manhood a personal friend of Abraham Lincoln, who was in 1858 appointed Chief Justice of New Mexico. A second judgment of his given in favor of Ácoma was a case of some celebrity. Several citizens of New Mexico sought to recover a sum of money on account of there having been delivered to the pueblo one hundred and sixty-six years previously the title deeds to its lands in New Mexico, for which these New Mexicans claimed the Indians of Ácoma had agreed to pay. The verdict of the Justice is a delicious piece of irony and satire, qualities for which he was renowned. _Old Santa Fé_, July, 1913, pp. 75-81.

[100] MS. as yet unpublished in English, in the Bolton Collection.

[101] In _The Indian’s Book_, recorded and edited by Natalie Curtis Burlin.

[102] W. H. Ketcham, 1919, Indian agent for the Rio Grande Pueblos.

[103] _Op. cit._

[104] _Report_, Department of the Interior, September 30, 1905.

[105] Senate Bill 3855—commonly known as the Bursum Indian Land Bill.

[106] It is but the obverse of the shield of 1680, when “Otermín called a council of war at which it was decided that it would be better to die fighting than of starvation and hunger.”—Hackett.

[107] Fynn, _The American Indian as a Product of Environment_, p. 62.

[108] F. J. Turner, _The Frontier in American History_. Elsie Clews Parsons, _Laguna Genealogies_. _Anthropological Papers of the American Museum of Natural History_, Vol. VIII, 1923. See Appendix III.

[109] Cushing, _Thirteenth Annual Report_, Bureau of American Ethnology, pp. 352-358. A “parallel example of the influence of salt sources on the movements of primitive peoples may be found in that all the great historic trade routes across Asia were first established along salt trails of prehistoric times.”

[110] Fewkes, _Twenty-eighth Annual Report_, Bureau of American Ethnology, p. 160.

[111] The Spanish word “pueblo,” meaning village, was given by the early explorers to any group of habitations, but it has to-day a derived and technical significance, restricted to a communal village, with separated but adjacent apartments in house-blocks, which, while providing privacy, are more easily defended than are isolated houses.

[112] Fewkes, _Twenty-eighth Annual Report_, Bureau of American Ethnology, pp. 158, 159.

[113] Fewkes, _Prehistoric Ruins in Gila Valley_. Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collection, Vol. LII.

[114] Leslie Spier, _Anthropological Papers of The American Museum of Natural History_, Vol. XVIII.

[115] Fewkes, _Preliminary Report on Navajo National Monument, Arizona_, 1911.

[116] Edgar L. Hewett, _Communautés Anciennes dans le Désert Americain_. See Appendix IV.

[117] Cosmos Mindeleff, _Localization of Tusayán Clans_. _Nineteenth Annual Report_, Bureau of American Ethnology, Pt. II.

[118] Stevenson, _The Sía_. _Eleventh Annual Report_, Bureau of American Ethnology.

[119] Bolton, _De Mézières_, Vol. II, pp. 279, 280, contains a vivid description of the use of the buffalo. A valuable sketch of migrations appears in Kroeber, Introduction to _American Indian Life_, edited by Elsie Clews Parsons.

[120] Fewkes, _Twenty-second Annual Report_, Bureau of American Ethnology, p. 194.

[121] Winship, _Fourteenth Annual Report_, Bureau of American Ethnology.

[122] The other pueblos of the Keresan nation are San Felipe, Santo Domingo, Santa Ana, Cochití, Sía, and to the west, near Ácoma, is Laguna, her daughter colony. “The Keresans are referred to in the creation legend of Zuñi, as ‘The Drinkers of the Dew,’ because their houses were scattered abroad on hills remote from water” “Cushing.”

[123] According to Hopi legend, clans called the Tcá-ma-hia left Snake clans at Wukoki, a ruin on the Little Colorado, still visible fifty miles west of the East mesa of Hopi. From here they made their way east to Ácoma, where they met other clans from the east, which were in all probability also Keresan. See Appendix V.

[124] _Nineteenth Annual Report_, Bureau of American Ethnology, Pt. II.

[125] _Investigations Among American Indians_, Pt. I, p. 34. But in Pt. II, p. 31, he refers to Taos, apparently a contradiction to the foregoing statement: “Taos, built on both sides of the swift and cool Rio de Taos, is the only village in New Mexico, ancient or modern, the situation of which corresponds with Castañeda’s description and location.”

[126] Mrs. Matilda Cox Stevenson, _Eleventh Annual Report_, Bureau of American Ethnology.

[127] Cebollita, a large stone pueblo surrounded by a noble stone wall already deserted and forgotten in Coronado’s days. The Keres Pueblos still tell the legend of their “Año de la Lumbre,” the year of fire, when their forbears were driven out of this valley by the river of lava that flowed over the region (Lummis).

[128] Bandelier, _Final Report_, II, 324.

[129] From the _Relación_ of Fray Marcos, Bandelier quotes, after describing Marata and Totonteac: “There is also another very large province and kingdom, named Acus. There is also Ahacus, and that word, with aspiration, is one of the Seven Cities, the largest of them all; and Acus, without aspiration, is a province by itself.”

[130] The Indians conceal information of all sorts about the various ruins, near and far, for knowledge of these ruins is often sacred and the prerogative of special branches of their ritual organization. Moreover, enquiring students are sometimes further baffled by the faking of ceremonial celebrations at unusual seasons for their special benefit.

[131] Fewkes, _American Journal of Art and Archaeology_, Vol. IV. See Appendix VI.

[132] Mrs. Stevenson also says that Sía has an Oraibí legend of a time when its tribe did not live as now upon the third mesa of Hopi.

[133] _American Anthropologist_, April, 1895, Vol. VIII.

[134] _Journal of American Ethnology and Art_, Vol. IV. More briefly given in _Annual Report_, Bureau of American Ethnology, Vol. XIX, Pt. II.

[135] A great variety of models of Hopi sand pictures may be seen at the Field Museum in Chicago.

[136] After leaving Si-pa-pu, the mythical place of origin in the north, the Ácomas traditionally occupied: 1. Kashkachuti; 2. Washpashuka; 3. Kuchtya; 4. Tsiama; 5. Tapitsíama; 6. Katzímo (the Enchanted Mesa) three miles northward from the Crag of Ácoma.

According to certain legends collected by Dr. E. L. Hewett from San Juan, the Keresans did not originate, as most of the others did, at Si-pa-pu, but at Cueva (the hole or cave) in Taos country. Dr. Parsons was once told at Ácoma that Si-pa-pu was “north of Taos” and at another time that it was at “Los Vegas.” Dr. Hewett also visited a brackish lake in the sand dunes north of Alamosa, Colorado, which the greater mass of legend identifies with Si-pa-pu. The road was treacherous from quicksands, and so fast did the dunes shift that they were hardly recognizable from week to week. Though this is not a volcanic region, the small lake of very black, forbidding-looking water was much like crater lakes. It measured about 300 feet across and emitted an offensive odor. There was a continuous line of dead cattle on its shores and no settlements within many miles. See Haeberlein for Si-pa-pu, in _Memoirs of the Anthropological Association_, Vol. III, 1916.

[137] Lummis puts this into a charming form in his collection of stories, _A New Mexico David_.

[138] Idem, _Land of Poco Tiempo_.

[139] Agnes C. Laut, _Through our Unknown Southwest_.

[140] “The Disenchanted Mesa,” _Harper’s Weekly_, August 28, 1897. Also in _The Princeton Press_, August 21, 1897. See Appendix VII.

[141] Hodge, _Land of Sunshine_, November, 1897; also _Century Magazine_, Vol. LVI, 1898.

[142] Kroeber, Introduction to _American Indian Life_, edited by Elsie Clews Parsons.

[143] Kroeber, _Zuñi Kin and Clan_.

[144] Elsie Clews Parsons, _Laguna Genealogies, American Museum Anthropological Papers_, Vol. XIX, Pt. V, 1923. Kroeber, _Zuñi Kin and Clan, American Museum Anthropological Papers_, Vol. XVIII, Pt. II.

[145] Mrs. M. C. Stevenson, _The Zuñi Indian_ (Bureau of American Ethnology, _Twenty-third Annual Report_). See also Bureau of American Ethnology, _Ninth Annual Report_, p. 116. Kroeber, _Zuñi Kin and Clan_.

[146] Kroeber, _op. cit._

[147] Part of the feeling about the _ettowe-iyatik_ type of fetish is the extreme reluctance to disturb it, or to remove it; so that as long as there is a woman who can be trusted to safeguard the fetish properly in its house, i.e., to feed it, and to preclude intrusion, the fetish will be left in the house it is associated with. On the other hand, it is the men who are supposed to know the songs and prayers associated with the fetish. Elsie Clews Parsons, _Laguna Genealogies, American Museum Anthropological Papers_, Vol. VIII, 1923. See Appendix VIII.

[148] A. L. Kroeber, “Thoughts on Zuñi Religion,” _Holmes Memorial Volume_.

[149] Full discussions of his functions in Bandelier, _Final Report_, Pt. I, 278 _et seq._

[150] There is a good account of this ceremony and duty in a story called _The Flute of the Gods_, by Marah Ellis Ryan, which gives a vivid impression of what is probably true of many of the tribes.

[151] A word meaning “person in authority.” One informant told the writer that any officer may be called _hócheni_.

[152] Because of the scarcity of game all through the pueblo region, save only in the mountains behind Taos, the rabbit hunt is now the only one pursued.

[153] A very holy shrine of the war captains of Laguna is southeast of Ácoma, an entirely detached mound, and Dr. Parsons was told by the sister of the Osach _cheani_ (Sun medicine man) that it would be visited by men of Ácoma, Zuñi, and other towns. This is described in figures in _American Anthropologist_, Vol. XX, No. 4, p. 382. There are also beautiful illustrations of war feather-sticks.

[154] _American Anthropologist_, Vol. XX.

[155] _Final Report_, Pt. I, p. 285.

[156] “Antelope Clan in Keresan Customs and Myths,” _Man_, December, 1917.

[157] _Notes on Ácoma and Laguna_, _American Anthropologist_, Vol. XX.

[158] This sketch outlines only the barest essentials of the winter festival. Anyone interested in more detail should read the careful description by Dr. Parsons.

[159] George Gwyther, M.D., in the _Overland Monthly_, March, 1871, p. 265.

[160] Natalie Curtis Burlin, _The Indians’ Book_.

[161] T. T. Waterman, _The Explanatory Element in the Folk-Tales of the North American Indians_, _Journal of American Folk-Lore_, Vol. XVII. Folk-tales are the art of fiction, in its varied “forms of satire and humor, romance, adventure” (Alexander).

[162] A. M. Espinosa. Collected by Miss Matilda Allen, _Journal of American Folk-Lore_, Vol. XXVII, 1914.

[163] Cushing, _Zuñi Folk-Tales_.

[164] A ruin at the foot of the mesa on which Ácoma is built. It lies on the eastern side. It is where their ancestors lived, the people say, before they built on the mesa.—E. C. Parsons, in _Journal of American Folk-Lore_, Vol. XXXI, No. 120, April-June, 1918.

[165] “Pueblo-Indian Folk-Tales, Probably of Spanish Provenience,” by Elsie Clews Parsons. No. 7, “Forgetting the Song; Inside the Lizard” (_Ácoma_). _The Journal of American Folk-Lore_, April-June, 1918 (Vol. XXXI, No. 120), pp. 225, 226.

[166] Elsie Clews Parsons, _op. cit._, pp. 219, 220.

[167] Collected by Miss Matilda Allen for Professor Espinosa.

[168] Presumably because Pascual did all the work.

[169] Because he had been told to do everything that others did.

[170] “_No señor, no se dan, se venden._”

[171] “_No señor, no cresen, las gaïnas los ponen._”

[172] _El Palacio_ (Paul A. F. Walter, Editor), Vol. XI, No. 11 (December 1, 1921), pp. 141, 142.

[173] Fynn, _The American Indian as a Product of Environment_.

[174] J. W. Powell, Introduction to F. W. Cushing, _Zuñi Folk-Tales_.

[175] Franz Boas, _Mythology and Folk-Tales of North American Indians_, _Journal of American Folk-Lore_, Vol. XXVII (1914).

[176] John R. Swanton, _Journal of American Folk-Lore_, Vol. XXIII, 1910.

[177] Matilda Coxe Stevenson, “The Sía,” _Eleventh Annual Report_, Bureau of American Ethnology.

[178] Alexander suggests that the uncannily large earth-nesting spiders which abound in this region may have caused the spider to be called the Earth Goddess wherever it is considered a female.

[179] There is a charming folk-tale of the sun myth in Katharine B. Judson, _Myths and Legends of California and the Old Southwest_.

[180] Here is no doubt the origin of an Indian custom in many tribes. When old men part, you see each take the other’s hand to his mouth and breathe upon it; and when they smoke they blow the first six puffs to the six different directions of the universe. See Appendix IX.

[181] _Eleventh Annual Report_, Bureau of American Ethnology.

[182] Death meant the end of life on this earth and of certain kinds of intercourse between the dead and living individuals, “but not by any means a cessation of all kinds of intercourse” (Boas, _Mythology and Folk-Tales of the North American Indians_).

[183] J. D. C. Pellow, _Parentalia_.

[184] John T. Short, _North Americans of Antiquity_, pp. 333, _et seq._ See also Sir J. G. Frazer, _The Golden Bough_, Chapter II of the abridged edition, 1922.

[185] The best-known of all such tales is that of “Quetzlcoatl” of the Mexicans, familiarized by Lew Wallace under the title, _The Fair God_. An interesting theory of the origin of this culture-hero is by Dominick Daly, in _Popular Science Monthly_, Vol. XXXIX, 1891.

[186] Readers are very naturally bewildered by the name, which is the same as that of the monarch whom Cortés overcame and destroyed. The two were not the same, since, according to the Pueblos, their god Montezuma was among them before ever they had known of Mexico, but, after the Roman Church crushed the native religions of Peru and Mexico, Montezuma the king and Montezuma the mythical high priest became somewhat confused in their legendary history.

[187] Emory, _Notes of a Military Reconnaissance of New Mexico, 1846-47_, p. 64.

[188] Morgan, _Contributions to North American Ethnology_, Vol. IV, pp. 151-153. Good account of “Montezuma of the Pueblos” in Bancroft _Native Races_, Vol. III, p. 171, _et seq._

“All [the Pueblos] held Montezuma to be their perpetual Sovereign.”—Josiah Gregg, _Commerce of the Prairies, 1831-39._

[189] Bandelier, _Final Report_, Pt. I, p. 262, and “The Montezuma of the Pueblo Indians,” _American Anthropologist_, October, 1892, where the matter of the Mexican servants is treated.

[190] Brinton, _Myths of the New World_, p. 190.

[191] See _Journal of American Folk-Lore_, Vol. XXIII; also Bandelier, _Final Report_, Pt. I, p. 306.

[192] Bourke says that in November, 1881, when he was at Zuñi, an old chief who talked Spanish told him that “in the day of long ago all the Pueblos, Moqui, Zuñi, Ácoma, Laguna, Jémez and others had the religion of human sacrifice, at the time of the Feast of Fire when the days were shortest. The victim had his throat cut and blood was allowed to flow freely but he generally recovered. Although the Mexicans undertook to prevent this ceremony, a modified form persisted for a long time thereafter.” _Snake Dance of the Moquis_, p. 164. Hodge, on the contrary, rejects emphatically the idea that human sacrifice ever existed among the Pueblos. He says, “It is just the kind of thing the Indian loves to pour into the eager ears of too gullible whites when they had the effrontery to pry too familiarly into their beliefs; but what fun they had the next moment among themselves. Give a Pueblo Indian a hint of the kind of answer you are seeking and he will accommodate you to the fullest extent.”

[193] Elsie Clews Parsons, _Journal of American Folk-Lore_, Vol. XXXI, pp. 260, 261; “Mothers and Children at Laguna,” Man, March, 1919; Full description of maternity myths in _American Anthropologist_, Vol. XX; “Mother and Children at Zuñi,” _Man_, November, 1919; “Zuñi Conception and Pregnancy Beliefs” (19th International Cong. Americanists, 1915).

[194] Undoubtedly corrupted Spanish for _Santo_ (Saint).

[195] Cushing gives a long list of these charming names never used by white visitors.

[196] A wild, ugly-looking man, or animal, that frightens bad boys; hence any terrible-looking person who frightens others is “el coco.” It is in general use in Spanish literature, “_meterle el coco a una persona_” (Espinosa, in _Journal of American Folk-Lore_, Vols. XXIII and XXIX).

[197] In Zuñi an exactly similar character is A’Doshle, though Harrington refers to him as _Tsabije_ or _t’ete_ (grandfather) (Elsie Clews Parsons, _Zuñi A’Doshle and Suüke_, in _American Anthropologist_, Vol. XVIII, 1916).

[198] In Holland on St. Nicholas Day, December 5, there is a tradition and a ceremony performed very similar to the _Agüelo_. In Brittany also there is the same curious custom.

[199] Paul Radin, _Religion of North American Indians_, _Anthropology in North America_.

[200] Clark Wissler, _The American Indian_.

[201] Charles Alexander Eastman, _The Soul of an Indian, An Interpretation_.

[202] H. B. Alexander, Introduction to _North American_, in _Mythology of all Races_, Vol. I, p. xvi.

[203] One of the most careful and interesting accounts of the dual worship of the sun and of the Christian God is in U. S. Geological Survey, _Contributions to Ethnology_, Vol. IV, pp. 151, 152, by Lewis H. Morgan, who had all his information from native men.

[204] “The conception of deities is quite clearly due to shamanistic systematization.... It is very rare to find any belief in a single supreme deity; when it does occur it is a thoroughly shamanistic construction out of some popular belief.”—Franz Boas, _Mythology and Folk-Lore of North American Indians_, _Journal of American Folk-Lore_, Vol. XVII, 1914. See Appendix X.

[205] _Second Annual Report_, Bureau of American Ethnology, p. 11.

[206] “The most highly developed priesthood north of Mexico is among the Pueblos of New Mexico and Arizona where it controls the civil and military branches of the tribe, transforming it into a theocratic oligarchy.”—Swanton, _Handbook of American Indians_, Pt. II, p. 523.

[207] Frazer, _The Golden Bough_ (abridged edition, 1922), pp. 61-80.

[208] Kroeber, _Anthropology_, p. 368.

[209] The placing of “symbolic objects so that they convey the wishes of the worshipper to the Powers,” is found only among the Pueblos (Franz Boas, _Mythology and Folk-Tales, Journal of American Folk-Lore_, Vol. XVII).

[210] See Appendix XI.

[211] Cushing, Fewkes, _et al._, _Second Annual Report_, Bureau of American Ethnology. See Appendix XII.

[212] One of the finest petroglyphs as yet found is at Tscherige, on the north side of the Pajarito Plateau. It is the plumed serpent, seven feet long, etched on the rock by a stone tool.

[213] Brinton has an interesting passage on this subject in his _Myths of the New World_.

[214] H. K. Haeberlein, _The Idea of Fertilization in Pueblos, Memoirs of the Anthropological Association_.

[215] Pliny E. Goddard, _The Masked Dancers of the Apache_.

[216] Brinton, _Myths of the New World_, Chapter V; Fynn, _The American Indian as a Product of Environment_, pp. 186-188.

[217] Mrs. Zelia Nuttall, _Old and New World Civilizations_. See Appendix XIII.

[218] The _Shiwanna_ are masked dancers representing cloud spirits or rain-makers. The oldest of all esoteric fraternities.

[219] Father Noël Dumarest, _Notes on Cochití_, translated and edited by Elsie Clews Parsons in _Memoirs of the American Anthropological Association_, Vol. VI, 1920.

[220] Dumarest, pp. 164, 165.

[221] A. M. Espinosa, articles on Witchcraft in _New Mexican Spanish Folk-Lore, Journal of American Folk-Lore_, Vol. XXIII, 1910, and Vol. XXIX, 1916.

[222] _Eleventh Annual Report_, Bureau of American Ethnology, p. 73.

[223] In North America the shamanistic theory is purely animistic; whether or not anthropomorphic seems to be relatively of small consequence (Franz Boas, _Mythology and Folk-Tales, Journal of American Folk-Lore_, Vol. VII).

[224] Paul Radin, _The Religion of the North American Indian_, _Journal of American Folk-Lore_, Vol. XXVII, 1914.

[225] Bancroft, _History of the United States_, Vol. II, p. 423.

[226] In southeastern Europe ceremonies are observed to-day for the purpose of making rain (Frazer, _The Golden Bough_, abridged edition, p. 69).

[227] Mrs. Matilda Coxe Stevenson, _Monograph on the Religious Life of the Zuñi Child, Fifth Annual Report_, Bureau of American Ethnology.

[228] H. B. Alexander, Introduction to _North American_, in _Mythology of all Races_, Vol. I, p. xvi.

[229] See Cushing, _Creation of Corn, Annual Report_, Bureau of American Ethnology, Vol. XIII, pp. 376, 377.

[230] _Journal of Ethnology and Archaeology_, Vol. II, p. 5.

[231] Introduction, _The Path on the Rainbow_, edited by G. W. Cronyn.

[232] Fasting is _par excellence_ the characteristic method of superinducing religious feeling in order to bring about a state of mind in which the world of sense-impressions was shut out and in which auto-suggestion or hallucinations were predominant (Boas).

For one ceremony at Taos eighteen months of self-isolation is exacted of the priests, when no message from family or home is permitted, whatever the emergency.

[233] “Whenever anyone is being named anew, or assuming a new personality or office he is invariably sprinkled or washed that he be cleanly revealed and the better recommended in his new guise and character to the gods and spirits invoked for the occasion.”—Cushing, _Thirteenth Annual Report_, Bureau of American Ethnology, p. 335.

Hair-washing is an indispensable preliminary of almost all Pueblo ceremonials. Hair-clipping of boys has been almost unknown. When, for any reason it was done, the cuttings were burned; if thrown out, it was thought that health and fortune had been scattered to the four winds. But now that the Indian children are sent to American schools in distant cities, one sees many boys and young men with the familiar “military cut.”

[234] Elsie Clews Parsons, _Anthropological Papers_, American Museum of Natural History, Vol. XIX, Pt. 4, 1920.

[235] _American Anthropologist_, Elsie Clews Parsons, Vols. XVII, XVIII, XIX, XX; _Man_, December, 1917, March, November, 1919; _Anthropological Papers_, American Museum of Natural History, Vol. XIX, Pt. V; _Memoirs of American Anthropological Association_, Vol. VI, No. 3, 1920; _Journal of American Folk-Lore_, Vol. XXXI.

[236] _American Anthropologist_, Vol. XVI, 1914.

[237] _Eleventh Annual Report_, Bureau of American Ethnology.

[238] Fewkes says that, while it is as yet impossible to determine the priority of Tusayán or Keresan snake dances, he is positive that the songs and incantations are more ancient than other elements of that ceremonial. “Legends say that the Snake dance is the Cult of the oldest people of Tusayán”; which means, among other things, “that the original Tusayán Cult has kinship with that of the Keresan, the oldest of the linguistic stocks of the pueblos.”—_Comparison of Sía and Tusayán Ceremonials, American Anthropologist_, Vol. VIII, April, 1892, p. 132.

[239] Best description in G. W. James, New Mexico, _Land of Delight Makers_.

[240] The officiating priest lives at Laguna, and goes to Ácoma only for the Feast of St. Stephen and on All Souls’ Day; but he is at the farm-colony of Acomita twice every month.

[241] _Journal of American Folk-Lore_, Vol. XXXI. Apparently a somewhat movable _fiesta_, always announced four days in advance by the Saint’s Crier. He also calls out that now it is time to bring in the wood. A portion of whatever is cooked that day is thrown on the house fire for _ahappa awan tewa_ (“the dead their day”). These words, by the way, are Zuñi in origin.

[242] _Ibid._, Vol. XXII.

[243] _Journal of American Folk-Lore_, Vol. XXXI.

[244] This dance and ceremony are fully described by Dr. Elsie Clews Parsons, in _American Anthropologist_, Vol. XX, N.S., 1918.

[245] _American Anthropologist_, Vol. XX, N. S., 1918.

[246] Stevenson, _Eleventh Annual Report_, Bureau of American Ethnology, pp. 14, 67.

[247] Stewart Culin in _Twenty-fourth Annual Report_, Bureau of American Ethnology, 1902-03.

[248] Culin, pp. 119-124.

[249] Hodge, _American Anthropologist_, Vol. III, 1890. Owens, _Popular Science Monthly_, Vol. XXXIX, 1891. Stevenson, _American Anthropologist_, n.s., Vol. V, 1903.

[250] _The Gallo Race_, in Lummis, _A New Mexican David_.

[251] John G. Owens writes that on the banks of the Zuñi River “you will behold a sight which for genuine mirth and romp will surpass any Eastern park for children. The stream less than ten feet wide winds through a sandy river-bed, which is the chief playground of the Zuñi child.” This spirit of play stays with the boys in later life but the girls age very rapidly—“the transition is from joyous frolicsome girlhood to sedate sober womanhood” after they are 13 to 14 years old. (_Popular Science Monthly_, Vol. XXXIX, 1891.)

[252] _American Anthropologist_, Vol. V, n.s., 1903.

[253] Culin, _Twenty-fourth Annual Report_, Bureau of American Ethnology.

[254] Bandelier, _Final Report_, Pt. I, p. 295.

[255] Clark Wissler, _The American Indian_, p. 68.

[256] W. H. Holmes, _Fourth Annual Report_, Bureau of American Ethnology, 1882-83.

[257] H. W. Henshaw, _Second Annual Report_, Bureau of American Ethnology, p. 124.

[258] Boas thinks representative decorative art, and geometric decoration are indications of two different sources of artistic activity which tend to merge into a development of graphic and plastic arts.

[259] _Fourth Annual Report_, Bureau of American Ethnology, p. 445.

[260] _Fourth Annual Report_, Bureau of American Ethnology, p. 510 (section on Decorative Symbolism).

[261] _Ibid._

[262] Fewkes, _Twenty-second Annual Report_, and _Thirty-third Annual Report_, Bureau of American Ethnology.

[263] _Second Annual Report_, Bureau of American Ethnology, 1880-81.

[264] See Hodge, _Handbook of American Indians_, 1902.

[265] See Wissler, _The American Indian_, pp. 239-241.

[266] President’s address, 1911, New York Academy of Sciences.

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⸺ _Les Communautés Anciennes dans le Désert Americain_, 1908.

⸺ Antiquities of Jémez Plateau, in Smithsonian Bulletin No. 32, 1906.

HODGE, F. W. Handbook of American Indians, 1907-10.

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⸺ Katzímo the Enchanted, in Land of Sunshine, November, 1897.

⸺ The Ascent of the Enchanted Mesa, in Century Magazine, May, 1898.

American Anthropologist

Vol. VI, Prehistoric Irrigation in Arizona, 1893.

Vol. VIII, The Early Navajo and Apache, 1895; First Discovered City of Cibalu, April, 1895.

Vol. IX, No. 4, Pueblo Snake Ceremonies, 1896.

⸺ Spanish Explorers in Southern United States. (Narrative of Coronado Expedition by Castañeda.) 1907.

HOLMES, W. H.

Annual Reports, Bureau of American Ethnology

Vol. IV, Origin and Development of Form and Ornament in Ceramic Art, 1882.

Vol. VI, Textile Art, 1884-85.

Vol. XIII, Prehistoric Textile Art of East United States, 1891-92.

Vol. XX, Pottery of East United States, 1898-99.

INDIAN AFFAIRS. Annual Report of Commissioner, 1854-1920.

JAMES, GEORGE WHARTON. New Mexico, Land of Delight Makers, 1920.

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KROEBER, A. L. Anthropology, 1923.

⸺ Zuñi Kin and Clan, Anthropological Papers, in American Museum of Natural History, Vol. XVIII, Pt. 2, 1917.

⸺ Thoughts on Zuñi Religion, in Holmes Memorial Volume, 1916.

⸺ Introduction to American Indian Life, 1922.

LAUT, AGNES C. Through our Unknown Southwest, 1913.

LIBBEY, WILLIAM. A Disenchanted Mesa, in Harper’s Weekly, August 28, 1897.

⸺ The Enchanted Mesa, Princeton Press, August 21, 1897. Reviewed by Lummis in Land of Sunshine; note by Hodge in Land of Sunshine, October and November, 1897.

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LUMMIS, C. L. A New Mexican David.

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⸺ Spanish Pioneers, 1920.

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⸺ Translation of Zárate Salmerón, in Land of Sunshine, Vols. XI and XII.

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MECHAM, J. LLOYD. The Martyrdom of Father Juan de Santa María, in Catholic Historical Review, October, 1920.

⸺ Translation of Gallegos from MS, in Bolton Collection.

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MORGAN, LEWIS H. Indian Migrations.

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⸺ Ancient Society, 1912.

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American Anthropologist

Vol. XVII, Links Between Morality and Religion in Early Culture, 1915.

Vol. XVIII, Holding Back in Crisis Ceremonialism. The Zuñi, A’Doshle and Suüke, 1916.

Vol. XIX, Ceremonial Friendship at Zuñi. War God Shrines at Laguna and Zuñi, 1917.

Vol. XX, Notes on Ácoma and Laguna, 1918.

Journal of American Folk-Lore

Vol. XXX, All Souls’ Day at Zuñi, Ácoma and Laguna, 1917.

Vol. XXXI, Nativity Myth at Laguna and Zuñi, Pueblo-Indian Folk-Tales, probably of Spanish Provenience, 1918.

Man

Vol. XVII, The Antelope Clan in Keresan Custom and Myth, 1917.

Vol. XIX, Mothers and Children at Laguna; Mothers and Children at Zuñi, 1919.

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ZÁRATE-SALMERÓN, FRAY GERÓNIMO. _Relación_ of events in New Mexico, 1538-1626. Translated by Lummis, in Land of Sunshine, Vols. XI and XII.

INDEX

INDEX

Abert, Lieutenant, cited on friendly attitude of Ácomas, 140.

Ácoma (Peñol), 14-19, 218; dwellings on, 19-21; industries, 21-22, 159; cisterns on, 25-26, 122; trails, 27-29; church, 34-39, 128; historical evidences of, 56, 58, 60-61, 63; Espéjo’s description of, 65; Oñate’s visit, 74; taken by the Spaniards, 80-85; rebuilding of, 88-89; Spanish administration of, 93, 97; aloofness and isolation, 95, 140; patron saint of, 104; size of, in 1680, 115; not active in revolt of that year, 115; the coming of Vargas (1692), 118-122; uprising and defeat (1696), 123-126; hostility to the mission, etc., 127-128; dispute with Laguna over painting of San José, 128-132; education in, under the Federal government, 139-140; the Bursum Bill, 143, and the appeal of the Ácomas, 144-146; racial origin relationships, 157, 162-164, 197; origin of pueblo, 157-159; rock-paintings and carvings at, 161; details concerning, in creation story, 164; present population, 164; folk-tales from, 198-208; corn clans of, 247; ritual celebrations at, 253-260. _See also_ St. Stephen, Trails.

Ácoma Indians. _See_ Pueblo Indians.

Acomita, farm-lands at, 33; summer migration to, of Ácoma (Pueblo) Indians, 159.

Agüelo (grandfather), 223.

A-Ko-Kai-Obi, Hopi name for Ácoma, 163.

All Souls’ Day, 257.

Alvarado, first white man to see Ácoma, 16, 57-60.

Amaya, Doña Casilda de, first white woman to enter New Mexico, 64.

Animism, 242.

Apache Indian, influence of, in the Southwest, 9 n.

Architecture, among the “Pueblo Arts,” 156.

Art, Pueblo, 156, 161; sand (dry) painting, 163. _See_ also Architecture, Pottery.

Awanyu, plumed serpent, 233.

Ayeta, Father, 113; part played by, in Pueblo Revolt of 1680, 114-115.

Bibliography, 299.

Bird cult, 233-234.

Bolton, Dr. H. E., acknowledgment to, viii; first use of Espéjo’s narrative, 65; unpublished translation of an anonymous diarist, 85-87; missions as agents of the State, 88, 92.

Buffalo, “humpbacked cow,” discovery of, 58, 61.

Burial, among the Pueblo Indians, 39 and n., 40-42.

Bursum Bill, 143-144.

Cacique (Kasik), tenure of office, 186; duties, 186-187, 224; chosen by, and from Antelope Clan, 188, 189.

Caypa (San Juan de los Caballeros), 73.

Cedar Brew, in purification ritual, 41.

Ceremonies (Ceremonials) among the Pueblo Indians, color scarlet in relation to, 39 n.; election, United States represented in, 135, description of, 189-190; effect of white man’s contempt for, 143; purpose, 152, 247-250; Snake, 163, 233, 246, 255; sacerdotal functions of war chiefs, 187; prerogatives of Antelope Clan, 188; purification (1864), 190, story of, 191-192; Santu, 221-222; christening, 222; priesthoods, 229, origin, 231; Painted Altar, 231; fertilization, psychological characteristic of, 234-235, 263; underlying motives, 245-246; classification of, 247-248; hunts, 252; friendship, 255; All Souls’ Day, 257; Christmas, 258; uses of pottery in, 276.

Chamuscado, Francisco Sanchez, with Rodríguez’ expedition, 62.

_Cheani_, 40, 40 n. 2.

Child-sacrifice, 220.

Children in the Pueblos, christening of, 222-223; obedience of, 223; participation in dance, 260.

Christianity, Indians’ attitude toward, 132.

Cíbola, discovery of, 61.

Clan, or Kinship, priority of, in pueblo social organization, 177, 180; clans grouped in pairs, 178; Kroeber’s differentiation of family and clan, 178; relation of clan to fraternity, 180-182.

Clans, ranking of, 188; maternal, and exogamous among Ácomas, 221.

Cliff dwellings, _vs._ those on level soil, priority of, 151.

_Colchones_, 22.

Color, scarlet, relation to burial wrappings and ceremonials, 39 n. 1.

Color-symbols, of respective six “points of the compass,” 214, 247.

Colorado River, discovery of, 61.

Corchado, Fray Andres, missionary to Ácoma, 93.

Corn (maize), ceremonial motive, 246.

Corn Clans of Ácoma, 247.

Coronado, expedition of, 57-61.

Creation story, 212-216; Ácoma detail in, 164.

Cross, symbol, 237-239; below the Rock of Ácoma, 239.

Culture-hero myth, 216.

December ceremonial at Ácoma, a complex of Christian and pagan customs, 258-260.

Diary, account of Oñate’s expedition, 85-86.

Duality of the American Indian, 224, 235.

Early Chroniclers, 14.

Education of the Pueblo Indian: under the padres, 138; under Mexico, 138; under United States government, 139-140.

El Paso, the Crossing, first home of European drama in the Southwest, 72.

Encomenderos, and encomienda system, 90.

Espéjo, Antonio de, expeditions of, 64-67; opened third pathway to New Mexico, 66.

Estévan, negro (“Black Mexican”), 52-53; death of, 54.

Estufas, 45; educational and council uses of, 48; distinction between, and _Kiva_, 48-49.

Family, differentiated from clan, 178-179; the family a partnership, 184; marriage and divorce, 184-185.

Fasts, 248.

Federal government. _See_ United States.

Fetishes, strong influence of, in Pueblo Indian organization, 182-183, 230-234.

Folk-tales defined, 194; scanty contribution of Pueblo Indians, 196; of Ácoma, 198-208. _See also_ Myths.

Four, the number a sacred symbol, 236-237.

Fraternity (phratry), relation of, to clan, 180-182; function of, 181.

Gallo Race, 268-269.

Games, Indians’ devotion to, 262-263; underlying socio-religious significance, 263-264, 271; purpose and periods of, 263-264; disciplinary training of, 264-265; two kinds of—chance and dexterity, 265-267, 269; of native origin, 266; implements used in, and derivation of, 266; ball-race, 267; shinny (by women only), 268; Gallo race, 268; cat’s cradle, 270.

Gaming, Indians’ passion for, 262-263.

_Gave_, 21.

Grand Cañon, discovery of, 61.

_Ha-chamoni_, 40 n. 3.

_Hamaha_, 31.

Háwikuh, 55-56.

_Hewe_, 21 n. 2.

_Hoinawe_, 41.

Hopi Indians, racial relationships, 161-164.

Inscription Rock, 6.

_Gonad del Muerto_, 96.

_Kahera_, 32.

Kasik, Keres form of Cacique, 42 n. 1. _See also_ Cacique.

K’at’sina or Katsina, or Cachina, 186, 235.

Katzímo (Enchanted mesa or Mesa Encantada), the “accursed,” 15, 118, 159, 166; legend of, 167-168; ritual performances at, 169-170; present-day knowledge of, 170-175; ascents of, by Hodge and by Libbey, 171-174; elevation of, 173; proofs of human occupation of, 175.

Keres (Queres), kindred nations, 157, n. 1; priesthoods of, 229.

Keresans, racial origin, 157, 161-164.

Kinship, place of, in pueblo social organization, 177-180.

Kisi, description of, 49.

Kivas, 45-49; number, 45; forms, 46; signification of, 46; educational uses, 47-48; distinction between, and estufas, 48; not temples, 49.

_Komanina_ (long house), 260.

Laguna, 15, founded, 129; church, decoration of, 36; hostility to missionary, 127; rivalry with Ácoma over painting of San José, 128-132; Santu a male deity in her cult, 221.

Lightning, symbol of serpent, 232.

Lincoln, President, presentation of official cane to Indian Pueblo governors, 134-135.

Maize. _See_ Corn.

Mendoza, Antonio de, Viceroy, 52.

Mesa Prieta, 27 n. 2.

Mesas, 4 n.

Metates, corn-grinding trough, 21.

Monster Viper, Myth, 219.

Montezuma, god of the Pueblos, 216 n. 3, 218.

Myths, 209-220; universality of a myth, 209; explanatory: (1) inclusive, (2) particularistic, 210-211; ritualization of, 212-215; culture-hero, 216; in connection with children, 221-224.

Navajo Indian, the, 9; Commissioner Leupp’s comment on white man’s attitude toward, 142.

Navajo Reservation, 7.

New Mexico, formal Spanish possession of, 72; missions and missionaries in, 94-96, 102; made a _custodio_ and named for San Pablo, 94; pueblos of, 135. _See also_ Pueblo Revolt of 1680, Sedentary Indians, United States.

Niza, Marcos de, 52, 54, 56.

Oñate, 6 n.; founder of New Mexico, 67; expedition of, 69-85; diary, 85, 86; his marriage connections, 69; official titles, 71; revenge taken on Ácomas, 79-85.

Padilla, Fray Juan de, proto-martyr of the north, 57.

Painted altar, ceremonial trait, 231.

Parentalia, 248.

Pecos (Cicuyé), 57, 218.

Peñol, “the Crag.” _See_ Ácoma.

Pictographs, expression of Pueblo art, 156.

Piki, 21 n. 2.

Plains Indians, contrasted with Sedentary Indians, 155, 156.

Popé, Indian instigator of Pueblo Revolt of 1680, 107-110; his chief assistants, 109; brief victory, 116; death, 117.

Pottery, art of, a determinator of time relations, 150; evidences of, at Katzímo, 171, 174; Thunder Bird motif in, 210; historical sketch of, in the Southwest, 272; the three pre-Columbian groups, 273-274; first incentive toward, 274; development of, 275, 278; use of color, 277-278; vessels set aside for ceremonial uses, 276; personality ascribed to, 279; decoration of, free-hand, but not haphazard, 280; fuel for firing, 281; importance of, in search for race origins, 284.

Pueblo, significance of word, 149 n. 1; Terraced, 19.

Pueblo (Ácoma) Indians, compared with Plains Indians, 10, 12, 217; dwellings of, 19-20; separateness of, family or clan, 20; industries, 21-22, 282; dress, 23-25; self-respect, 31; cleanliness, 33; evidences of American influence, 33; lack of domestic animals, 155; annual summer migration to Acomita, 159; clans, maternal and exogamous, 221; children, birth, christening, 221-223.

Political and civil organization, 50; relation to Federal government, 135; republican in form, 177; theocratic, 182, 185; property relations, 182; based on fetishism, 182-183; officials and their duties, 185-189; election of officers, and their installation, 189-190. _See also_ Ceremonies, Education, Lincoln, United States, World War.

Pueblo Indians, Social organization, in Stone Age, at time of Spanish Conquest, 277. _See also_ Ácoma, Burial, Ceremonies, Education, Myths, etc.

Pueblo region, extent of, 148.

Pueblo Revolt of 1680, 106-117; in 1696, 123-126. _See also_ Ayeta.

Ramírez, Fray Juan, 28; the church he built, 34-39, 103; Apostle of Ácoma, 96; brief sketch of, 99-102; death and burial, 104.

Rituals (religious beliefs), purification, 41, 247; foot-race, 55; sand mosaics, 163; myths ritualized, 212-215, 221-224; increase of children, 221; elaborate organization of, 225; myth and religion, 226-227; sun-worship, 227; contemplative quality of, 227; Nature, the Great Spirit, 228; priesthoods, 229; classification of, 247-248; at Ácoma, 252-253, 255; Smoking an essential element, 50, 274. _See also_ Bird, Ceremonies, Estufa, Fetish, Katzímo, Kisi, Kiva, Serpent, etc.

Rodríguez, Fray Agustin, expedition of, 62-64.

St. Stephen (San Estévan), church of, 34, 103, 104, 121; feast-day of, 256. _See also_ Ramírez, Vargas.

Salt, need of, a motive for migration, 148.

San Gabriel, headquarters of Oñate, 89.

San José, miracle-working painting of, 36, 130; rivalry for, between Ácoma and Laguna, 128, 132.

San Juan de los Caballeros (Caypa), second permanent colony in the United States, 73.

Sierra de San Mateo, mountain sacred to Keres people, 27.

San Pablo (New Mexico), 94.

San Pedro, patron saint of Ácoma church for short time, 37, 128.

Sanchez, Mrs. N. V., acknowledgment to, 196.

Sand painting (dry mosaics), 164.

Santa Fé, founded, 89.

Santa María, fate of, 63.

Santu Cult, male deity, 221.

_Saukin_, Ácoma word for friend, 255.

Sedentary Indians of New Mexico, 14 n.; contrast between and the nomad or Plains Indians, 155-156.

Serpent cult, 231-233.

Shamans (Shamanism), 241-242, 248.

Shoshonean, racial relationships, 161.

Sía (Zía, Tsía), nearest of kin to Ácoma as tribe, 157, 158.

Si-pa-pu, place of emergence for all created beings, 40, 41, 46, 215; “north of Taos,” 167 n., 234; the path to heaven, 215.

Six “points of the compass,” 213-214; separate color-symbols of, 214.

Smoking and ceremonials, 57, 274.

Songs, universal in Indian life and worship, 195, 250; corn-grinding, 21; of the corn-people, 195.

Spanish administration of the New World, 90-93.

Spier, Dr. Leslie, acknowledgment to, viii.

Swastika, 238.

Sweat-bath, 248.

Mt. Taylor (Spi-nat), 27 n. 1.

Thunder-Bird, myth of, 210.

Time, the reckoning of, 253.

To-ya-la-na, Thunder Mountain, shrine of the Zuñi, 261.

Trails from the mesa of Ácoma, 27-29; Burro, 29; Camino del Padre, constructed by Ramírez, 104; Deadman’s, 28, 192; Ladder, 23; New, 29; Runner’s, 28, 192; Split, 27, 29; Staircase, 29.

Treviño, Spanish governor of New Mexico, 107.

Tupatú, Popé’s assistant in 1680, 109, 117.

United States, the second permanent settlement in, 73; relations with Pueblo government represented in election ceremony, 134, 135; Reports of Indian Commissioners quoted, 136-139, 142; educational statistics, 139-140; increasing hostility and misunderstanding between the two, 140-144, 254; danger and tragedy in the Bursum Bill, 143-144; “Appeal of the Ácomas,” 144-146.

_Utinat_, 24.

Vaca, Cabeza de, 51.

Vargas, General Diego de, reconquest of New Mexico, 117-126; submission of Ácoma to, 118-122; his description of the shrine of St. Stephen, 121; final conquest of, 125-126.

_Vigas_, 20, 27, 38.

Villagrá, Gaspar de, soldier and poet, 69-70; adventure at Ácoma, 75-76, 82, 84; his famous leap, 30.

Walpi, 11, 255; the tie between, and Ácoma, 162.

Witchcraft, 153.

Witches, 239.

World-War, and the Pueblo Indians, 137-138, 215.

Zaldívar, Vicente de, leader of attack on Ácoma, 80-85.

Zárate Salmerón, Father, missionary and historian, 93-94; visits Ácoma, 93.

Zuñi (and Ácoma), 198; Zuñi name for Keres, means “Drinkers of the Dew,” 157.

Zutucapán, cacique of Ácoma, 75-76; plans foiled to murder Oñate, 76; attack on Spaniards with Zaldívar, 77-78.

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