Part 12
We think we can readily divine what the motive was, when we read in more than one English writer what use that nation contrived to make of the fact that the discovery of the Hudson River was achieved by an Englishman. Peter Heylin, who wrote before the surrender of New Netherland in 1664, remarks: “With him [i. e. Hudson] the Hollanders, in 1609, compounded for his charts and maps; but they were hardly warm in their new Habitations,” when Argall, Governor of Virginia, disputed their title to this region, which was looked upon as part of Virginia territory. The latter advanced this ingenious argument in support of his claim; “that Hudson, under whose sale they claimed that country, being an Englishman and licensed to discover those northern parts by the King of England, could not alienate or dismember it (being but a part or province of Virginia) from the Crown thereof.” This matter of a “sale” by Hudson, which was illegal, and the subsequent “right” of the English to New Netherland, is brought out again in a book written nearly a century later, or long after the problem which was unsolved in Heylin’s time—how to get the Dutch out and the English in—had been solved by Colonel Nicolls in 1664. In this book, William Smith’s “History of New York” (1757), we read, scarcely without a smile: “Henry Hudson, an Englishman, _according to our authors_[13] in the year 1608 [sic], under a commission from the King, his master, discovered Long Island, New York, and the river which still bears his name; and afterwards sold the country, or rather his Right to the Dutch. Their writers contend that Hudson was sent out by the East India Company in 1609 to discover a northwest passage to China. It is said however, that there was a sale; and that the English objected to it, though they for some time neglected to oppose the Dutch settlement of the country.”
Now we can readily appreciate why the Dutch West India Company might have a distinct and deliberate object in not being too exact in their history of Manhattan Colony. They would naturally be very shy of giving occasion or encouragement to a rival nation on the alert to press a claim avowedly made, however unjust, to territories entrusted to the Company’s care and government. It would to say the least have been very impolitic to give countenance to it in one of their own official papers. About twelve years later the directors, writing to Stuyvesant, while commending him for the reduction of New Sweden, at the same time remonstrated with him for having made a written agreement with the Swedish Commander. And they then put into so many words the shrewd policy which we suggest they followed in the present instance, saying; “What is written is too long preserved and may be produced when not desired, whereas words not recorded are in the lapse of time forgotten, or may be explained away” (O’Callaghan’s “New Netherland,” vol. II. p. 327). If Argall on the spot, and only a few years after the settlement; if Heylin in a book written and published before 1664, could make so much of Hudson’s nationality in the matter of his discovery, so that more than a hundred years after that event, sober historians could still cooly repeat the story of England’s supreme right, and quite cast aside the claims of the Dutch, then it may well have been considered in 1644 that it would be a dangerous concession to have even made an allusion to Hudson in a committee report. Under these circumstances, finding at home a possibly prevalent and convenient rumor about the Greenland Company and its vessels in New York bay and river, without any intention to deliberately falsify, the chairman of the committee simply incorporated the statement under discussion in his report. For business purposes, on a paper prepared by business men and not by historians, this may have been good enough history; but being preserved in this documentary form, and read in an age eager for documentary evidence and too ready to give undue weight to unpublished and original matter, the assertion derived an importance which it does not really deserve, and was not intended to possess. And so entirely unsupported is it by other proofs, or by the facts of history, that even the documentary character of this evidence has not prevailed to deceive wise and judicious investigators. It is clear that it did not commend itself as quite trustworthy for historical purposes to Dr. O’Callaghan. In quoting it, though it own assertion is entirely positive, he introduces its language by the cautious phrase, “it is said.” Brodhead, whose researches brought the paper to light, also deals very gingerly with it, holding it off at arms length, so to speak, and saying: “it needs confirmation”—and indeed, it certainly does.
DANIEL VAN PELT.
FOOTNOTES
[12] Groot Placcaet Book, I. Cols. 669, 673, 676.
[13] The italics are ours.
A FAMOUS POLITICAL CONTEST IN ILLINOIS.
HON. HENRY H. EVANS.
The most interesting political contest which has taken place in the State of Illinois since the days of Lincoln and Douglass, was that which ended with the election of General John M. Palmer to the United States Senate, on the 11th day of March, 1891. The contest was of historic interest because it elevated to the Senate, a man who had long been a conspicuous figure in American politics, and who had for many years cherished an ambition to occupy a seat in the Upper Bench of the national Legislature. It was of interest also because it gave to the Democratic party of Illinois, for the first time in many years, a representative in the United States Senate. It was moreover an intensely interesting and exciting contest—and greater interest attached to it on this than on any other account—because it developed a crisis in the political affairs of the State.
It is no harsh criticism of the Republican management of the State campaign of 1890, in Illinois, to say that the campaign was lazily conducted. At the Democratic Convention, held some months before the election, General John M. Palmer had been formally endorsed as the choice of his party for United States Senator, and his adherents at once entered upon a determined and aggressive campaign. The result of this spirited Democratic campaigning, of Republican apathy, and of disturbing “side issues,” was, that when the roll of the Thirty-seventh General Assembly was made up, it was ascertained that there were 101 Democratic members elect, 100 Republicans, and three representatives of the Farmers’ Alliance organization.
This being the political status of the body which was to choose a United States Senator, it was evident that the three independent or Farmers’ Alliance members held the balance of power as between the two great political parties. These three legislators thought they saw before them great opportunities for the advancement of their interests, and starting a political revolution. Once before it had happened in the history of the State, that a little band of five legislators—the representatives of the “Anti-Nebraska” party—had placed in the field a candidate for United States Senator, of their own choosing, and in full sympathy with their political views, and at the end of a long contest that candidate had been triumphantly elected, and a new political party had been brought into existence.
The triumvirate of the Thirty-seventh General Assembly of Illinois, hastily jumped to the conclusion that there was to be a repetition of history, and that what the “Anti-Nebraska” legislators had accomplished in 1885, could be accomplished by the representatives of the Farmers’ Alliance in 1891.
When the Legislature convened they accordingly placed in nomination as their candidate for United States Senator, Alanson J. Streeter, a farmer by occupation, whose large wealth had enabled him to take up politics as a diversion, and whose views had been of a sufficiently variegated character, to enable him to claim political kinship with any of the existing partisan organizations.
General Palmer was already in the field as the Democratic candidate for Senator, and the Republicans named ex-Governor Richard J. Oglesby as their nominee. Balloting began on the 20th day of January and continued from day to day—when the Legislature was in session—until the 11th of March, when the contest ended as already stated.
The attitude of the Farmers’ Alliance members, from start to finish, toward the Republican minority, was in effect, that they presented to them the alternative of electing the Alliance nominee with Republican votes, or of allowing the Democratic nominee to be elected by Alliance votes. The proposition was one as humiliating to the great political organization to which it was made, as it was inconsistent in those who made it. Nevertheless, it was adhered to and all counter-propositions were rejected. Republican diplomacy was tried without result, the Alliance members refusing to vote for a leading representative of their own interests when he was put forward as the Republican nominee.
As the contest was prolonged, the feeling between Republicans and Democrats became more intensely antagonistic, and a point was finally reached where some of the Republican leaders apparently determined to defeat General Palmer at any cost. To do this they determined to throw the support of the entire Republican membership of the Legislature to Streeter, thereby securing his election by a majority of two votes. Principles were for the time being lost sight of by those who favored this movement. Political trusts were relegated to the region of barren idealities, and rank heresies were to be swallowed without a grimace for the sole purpose of compassing the defeat of an old time political adversary.
That the dominant party of the third State in the Union was not in a sense, committed to the vagaries of a nondescript political organization, and made directly responsible for the acts of one of its most erratic representatives, was due to the sound judgment and positive convictions of a very small number of Republican Legislators, of whom Hon. Henry H. Evans, representing the Fourteenth Senatorial District, was the acknowledged leader.
While Colonel Evans had long been prominent in the politics of the State and had had much to do with shaping its legislatures for a dozen years or more, no other event in his life has brought him so conspicuously before the public as the determined stand which he took against, what could not have been regarded in the future, as anything else than a sacrifice of the political integrity of his party. While those who were engineering this movement may have been mistaken in their calculations, they frequently affirmed that they could deliver to the Alliance candidate for Senator, the entire Republican vote of the Legislature, provided Senator Evans would consent to have this vote so recorded, and it is reasonably certain that his colleagues of the opposition were largely influenced by him. The pressure brought to bear on him, to induce him to become a party to the combine with the Alliance, was of the most powerful kind, but to entreaties, arguments and threats alike, he returned the same answer, the gist of which is contained in a brief statement of his intentions, to which he gave utterance at one of the numerous Republican caucuses, at which this matter was considered. On that occasion he said: “I want to say to this caucus, that I will never vote for any of these men for United States Senator, no matter what this caucus may think. I am a Republican, and I am for a Republican. I was elected and sent here to vote for a Republican for United States Senator, and that I will do to the end of this contest. But I do not think we should humiliate the glorious old Republican party of Illinois, by bartering away our independence for the sake of sending to the Senate a political nondescript for whose official action we must be responsible.”
This was the ringing declaration of an honest and courageous representative of well defined political principles. It was a declaration of his purposes from which he did not deviate during the contest, and no public servant ever made a better record for consistency and a strict observance of his obligations to his constituency.
The prominence which he attained in this honorable contest, and through public services previously rendered, have made him one of the prominent figures among the public men of Illinois, and the story of his life becomes interesting.
Born at Toronto, Canada, March 9, 1836, he has been essentially the architect of his own fortune. His father, Griffith Evans, and his wife, (Elizabeth Weldon), were both natives of Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, being descendants of families ante-dating the Revolution—so that, although born on Canadian soil, Colonel Evans is of thoroughly American ancestry.
His father was a millwright by trade, who with his wife and family settled at Aurora, Illinois, in 1841. Colonel Evans was next to the eldest of ten children. The father was an industrious and intelligent mechanic who had more or less to do with the erection and equipment of several large mills in the neighborhood of Aurora, but he never accumulated any considerable amount of property, and his children had to depend mainly upon their own resources.
Col. Evans received his education in the public schools of Aurora, grew to manhood there, and then married Alice M. Rhodes, a lady of English birth and parentage. Soon after his marriage, he engaged in the restaurant business and continued in this business until September, 1862, when he enlisted in the One Hundred and Twenty-fourth Regiment of Illinois Volunteer Infantry. He was mustered into the service at Springfield, Illinois, went into action first at Jackson, Tenn., participated in the siege of Vicksburg and in successive campaigns, being mustered out of service at the end of three years days from the date of his enlistment.
Immediately after his retirement from the military service, he returned to his old business in Aurora. Enterprising, shrewd and capable, his business expanded and he became the proprietor and then owner of the leading hotel of the city, and one of its most enterprising and public spirited citizens. He became largely interested in real estate, laying out several large additions to the city, and realizing handsome profits from his investments. In 1882, he organized the Aurora Street Railroad Company, took charge of the construction of the road, and pushed to completion, an enterprise which has since been developed into one of the most perfect electric railroad systems in the West. He was also the projector of the Joliet and Aurora Northern Railroad, an enterprise with which he was most actively identified up to the date of its going into operation, and at a late date as one of its leading officials. In everything calculated to contribute in any way to the growth and prosperity of Aurora he has taken a most active interest, and as a natural consequence of this, coupled with a cheering geniality, he has always enjoyed great popularity.
His political life began in 1876, when he was elected an Alderman for one of the wards of Aurora. In the fall of the same year he was elected a member of the State Legislature. After serving one term in the House of Representatives, he was elected, in 1880, a member of the State Senate, and has been twice re-elected since that time. As a member of the General Assembly, he has become recognized as a careful and conscientious legislator, with a large stock of practical ideas, and a capacity for energetic and persistent efforts, which have made his services peculiarly valuable to his constituents. While serving his first term in the Legislature he introduced and succeeded in having enacted into a law, the bill providing for the establishment of a State Soldier’s Home in Illinois—an institution which does great credit to the State.
He was also the author of the law under which the National Guard is now organized, a measure which met with determined opposition at the time of its introduction. Despite the opposition however, it became a law, and the wisdom of the act has since been demonstrated on numerous occasions.
In recognition of his services in perfecting the organization of and rendering effective the State Militia, Governor Shelby M. Cullom made him a member of his military staff, with the rank of colonel. He was appointed to the same position on the staff of Governor Hamilton and Governor Oglesby, and is now serving on the staff of Governor Fifer.
The Police Pension bill was another of the important measures which had his successful advocacy.
The life of Col. Evans strikingly emphasizes the marvelous industry, tireless energy, and broad spirit of enterprise that are to-day so characteristic of the American man of affairs.
W. H. MAGUIRE.
EDITORIAL AND HISTORICAL NOTES.
The present (November) number of the Magazine of Western History, which is the first number of the new volume (Vol. XV) appears under a new name which will more adequately describe its present character.
The title chosen—“THE NATIONAL MAGAZINE—A JOURNAL DEVOTED TO AMERICAN HISTORY—” is in keeping with the enlarged scope and purpose of the publication. When it first came into existence, its proposed mission was to gather and preserve the history of that great West which lies beyond the Alleghanies, and while that labor has been pursued with results that have enriched American history, the boundaries have been gradually enlarged until the whole country has become its field of research, and readers and contributors are found in every State and territory.
The Magazine has become NATIONAL, and it is believed that the present name will be accepted as more appropriate than the one that has been outgrown.
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The new name defines, perhaps with sufficient fullness, both scope and purpose, but for the sake of clearness we add that it is proposed to confine our interest exclusively to the field of American History, and whatever directly illustrates it. By this we mean not alone or chiefly the history of our remote past with its discoveries, its early settlers, and its struggling colonies, but the history as well of the present century—the planting of colonies by railroads, the evolution of States, the founding of cities, the building up of a literature, the history of politics, and of all that unexampled material progress that makes America the wonder and admiration of the world.
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The great civil war has served necessarily as an extraordinary stimulus to historical writing and research concerning its antecedent causes, the tremendous conflict itself, and its far reaching and still potent consequences. It is plain however, that the history of the war has yet been written only in outline. The historical material which when gathered and sifted would give it completeness and fullness is as yet largely unwritten. This exists in the recollections of men yet living—actors and witnesses—in their letters, journals and other written memoranda, and in the traditions carefully cherished by families and friends of those that are gone. We propose to collect such material as far as possible, and give it a permanent record in our pages.
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One of the interesting features of our national life is the growth of societies for the encouragement of historical studies as well as the preservation of valuable historical material which would otherwise be lost. The historical societies having permanent homes, number nearly or quite two hundred and fifty, and while some of the largest support intermittent publications of their own, we believe there is no general organ devoted to their interests and furnishing a medium of intercourse between them. The National Magazine proposes, as far as possible, to supply this want and will conduct a separate department giving all notes of interest regarding the Historical Societies of the United States which we may be able to obtain.
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It is believed that a large amount of historical material of great interest both to the general reader and the historical student exists in the shape of papers prepared by members of these various Historical Societies for the interest and instruction of their particular organizations.
Such papers as we refer to are prepared for the most part by members who have both leisure and taste for historical research, or who find in such work a grateful relief from the exacting cares of successful professional and business careers, and although addressed to a limited circle, have frequently a value and interest that entitles them to a larger audience and to preservation in more permanent form.
It is proposed to present in the pages of the Magazine, in pursuance of our general purpose to broaden the field of its interest and usefulness, a selection from such papers. It is believed that the literature of American History would be greatly enriched from this source. Papers of even local interest are not without value to the student of history in any portion of the country, and all these various efforts at writing history are building up that great body of historical material from which American History at least in the nineteenth century is to be exhaustively and philosophically written.
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“In lighter vein” we propose to touch on the picturesque side of historical research, and to seek material in the legends and traditions that attach to certain localities. The very fact that a certain headland, valley, mountain or river has a legendary interest is not undeserving the attention of the scholar and is a matter of legitimate historical interest if not value. A country as new as ours can well afford to jealously preserve whatever of such legendary and historical lore it may have. It at least serves to “adorn the tale” which has a more solid basis. Other changes are contemplated that will add value, and interest to the pages of the Magazine.
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The present number contains the first installment of a series of articles from the advance sheets of the forthcoming Memorial History of New York, edited by Gen. James Grant Wilson. It is the intention to select for publication in the Magazine such parts of this work as will in our judgment be of great interest to its readers, and as far as possible present a continuous narrative. These articles will be amply illustrated from the plates prepared and selected for the original work with great care. The exhaustive character of the work, the time given to its preparation, the staff of contributors each pre-eminent in his special field, are fully set forth on the cover of the present number.
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In the August number of this Magazine we remarked upon the fact that the historic property of Valley Forge was in danger of being sold and divided among individual purchasers and that in this event the ancient ramparts of Fort Washington, the site of the forge, the cold spring, and the Headquarters of Washington, Lafayette and Knox would be obliterated. It is a pleasure to learn that the march of such “improvement” will probably be arrested. A meeting of the members of the National Society of the Daughters of the Revolution residing in Washington was held on Oct. 13th, and a plan was considered for purchasing and preserving this property. The Illinois chapter of the same organization has also held a meeting to advance the same cause. With the patriotic ardor of women thoroughly awakened there should be no question about preserving to the nation the field of Valley Forge with all its “visible history.”
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