book 1

-3/5 quires of paper, and taking twenty sheets to the quire, each book would contain 64 leaves. The middle part of _Lesclarcissement_ consists of 60 leaves without any title-page or prefatory matter. My theory is that this portion with a title and preface was issued in or soon after 1524. We see that Palsgrave was very chary of selling copies, so that many would remain in the printer’s hands. At a much later date the large third part containing the vocabularies was put in hand and finished in July, 1530, by John Haukins. The copies of the middle part were added to it, their old title and prefatory matter cancelled and a new title, index, and prefatory matter printed for the whole book some time after September 1530.

As the wording of the agreements mentioned above is slightly ambiguous, a word of explanation is necessary. The 6_s._ 8_d._ which Palsgrave paid per ream was the price of the paper itself and not the printing of it. Palsgrave was to pay for the paper and Pynson was to have so many copies to sell at a rate agreed upon as would repay him his outlay in printing. The average cost at that time for printing in comparison to paper was as four to one. The ream costing 6_s._ 8_d._, the printing and printer’s profit of the ream would amount to £1. 6_s._ 8_d._, thus the total cost of a ream, paper, printing, and all would be £1. 13_s._ 4_d._ I have collected many notices of the price of printing-paper from the time of Arnold’s _Chronicle_ (about 1496) during the whole of our period, and while writing-paper went so high as thirty-four shillings and fourpence a ream, printing-paper was invariably 6_s._ 8_d._

William Faques, who succeeded Peter Actors, the first stationer to the King, as the first King’s Printer, is but a very shadowy figure, and of his life we know nothing. He was a native of Normandy, and Herbert suggests, but without any reason, that he may have learned his art with Jean le Bourgeois. The only date connected with his books is 1504, in which year he printed a proclamation on the coinage, the _Statutes of the Nineteenth Year of Henry VII_, and a Latin _Psalter_. This last book shows that unknown or not Faques was a skilful printer, for it is one of the most beautiful books issued from the early English press. The type is sharp and brilliant, the printing in red well done, and each page is surrounded with a chain-like border. On the first leaf is the printer’s device, a very uncommon one, consisting of two triangles. On one is the verse (Psalm xxxvii. 16) in black letters on a white ground, “Melius est modicum iusto super divitias peccatorum multas.” On the second triangle in white letters on a black ground the text (Prov. xvi. 32), “Melior est patiens viro forti et qui dominat.” Thus stopping suddenly, not only in the middle of a verse, but the middle of a word.

In the centre is his monogram transfixed by an arrow. The presence of this arrow is very puzzling, for it also plays an important part in the device of Richard Faques, William’s successor. The early printers were very fond, where possible, of introducing punning allusions into their devices, and this arrow may have some connexion with the name Faques.

Of the _Psalter_ some six copies are known, and one printed upon vellum is in the library of Emmanuel College.

The _Statutes_, of which only the British Museum copy is known, has a fairly full colophon, “Here endeth the statutes holden at Westmestyr the xxv day of Janiuere in ye xix yere of ye moste nobyll reigne of kynge Henry the VII. Enprynted in London within Seynt Helens be Guillam Faques ye kyng Prynter.” St Helens was in Bishopsgate Ward. Two other books with Faques’ name are known, an edition of the _Vulgaria Terentii_, and the homily of Origen, _De beata Maria Magdalena_. Both these little books are without date and both are stated to have been printed in Abchurch Lane. Two copies are known of the Origen, of the _Vulgaria_ the only known copy is in the library of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge. These books are curious in having the top part of the title cut in wood, a peculiarity which Pynson copied immediately afterwards, perhaps employing the same woodcutter.

William Faques no doubt died in 1508 for R. Pynson was appointed King’s Printer in that year. He was succeeded in business by Richard Faques, who was presumably a near relation and a foreigner, and we may discard as a fable the statement made to Ames by “Mr Thomas Wilson of Leeds, in Yorkshire,” who in a letter 2 April, 1751, informed him that Richard Fawkes, printer, was second son of John Fawkes, of Farnley Hall, in the said county, Esq.; and in a pedigree he had of that family he was called printer, of London.

In 1509 Richard Faques issued the _Salus corporis salus anime_ of Gulielmus de Saliceto, a book printed with his predecessor’s type and with the chain ornament, and in 1511 issued with W. de Worde an edition of the Sarum _Missal_. His device, very well cut, is a copy of that used by Thielman Kerver, but with some alterations. Two unicorns standing amid flowers and foliage support a shield hung from a large arrow on which are the initials R.F. and a maiden’s head, in reference to the sign of the shop where he carried on business, the Maiden’s Head in St Paul’s Churchyard. Below on a ribbon his name is cut, Richard Faques. In 1521 when we next find a dated book he had removed to another shop in the churchyard with the sign of the A. B. C. He had also made a change in his device, anglicising his name by cutting out the “ques” of Faques and inserting “kes” in its place in type. It is interesting to notice that in all the five dated books which he issued he made a change in the spelling of his name, each time making it more English. In 1509 it was Fax, in 1511 Faques, in 1521 Fakes, in 1523 Faukes, and in 1530 Fawkes. In 1523 besides his shop in St Paul’s Churchyard he had a dwelling-house, where probably he printed, in Durham Rents, in the Strand. In the assessment of Aliens for the subsidy of 1524 as printed by the Huguenot Society a Richard Far is given in the Strand, and I think it is quite likely that Far is a misreading for Fax. A good deal of the Strand was in Westminster, and in the Westminster denization roll of 1544 is one Amelyne Faxe, widow, aged 70 years, in England 55 years. “Hath the Kinge’s Magestie’s proteccion of his grace gyft to Richard Faxe her husbond, late deceased, to remayn and dwell within this realm, but her landlorde will not suffre her to dwell in house.”

The Richard Fawkes here mentioned, if he was the same as the printer, died in 1538 and was buried in the parish of St Martin in the Fields.

The last book issued by R. Faques was the _Mirrour of Our Lady_ of 1530 printed at the desire and instance of the abbess and general confessor of the Monastery of Syon. It is a beautiful volume with several woodcuts, one of them signed E. G. similar to one in a Pynson book, and a number of curious initial letters. A certain Michael Fawkes was joined with Robert Copland in 1534-5 in printing an edition of the _Tree and_ XII _frutes of the holy goost_, and also printed the _Consolation of timorouse and fearfull consciencys_ of which there is a copy in the British Museum, but beyond this nothing is known of him.

Robert Redman began to print in the year 1523, his first book, of which there is a copy in the Cambridge University Library, being an edition of Fitzherbert’s _Diversite de courtz_. His next dated book, an edition of the _Magna Charta_, was issued in 1525, and in this his address is given at the sign of the George in St Clement’s parish, elsewhere described as just outside Temple Bar. Considering the custom of printers in successively occupying the same houses, it is probable that this is the same printing-office as that used first by Pynson and then by Julian Notary. Now at this time Pynson was at work close by on the other side of Temple Bar and his sign was also the George, and when Redman not only used his sign but began to issue editions of the books he had been accustomed to print, we can understand the older printer becoming very indignant. The publication of an edition of Littleton’s _Tenures_ by Redman apparently brought matters to a crisis, and Pynson in his edition of the same book issued in 1525 gave expression to his feelings in a somewhat strongly worded “letter to the reader.” In it he points out how much more correct and well printed his work is as compared with that of Robert Redman, or more properly Rudeman, for among a thousand it would be hard to find one more unskilled. He wonders how he can call himself a printer, unless the devil made him one when he made the cobbler into a skipper. Formerly the scoundrel professed himself as skilled a bookseller as ever came from Utopia, well knowing a thing can be called a book when it has merely the appearance of one and little else. He finishes up by abusing him for daring to promise that he could print the laws of England properly, and asks the reader to judge for himself. To this invective Redman returned no answer but continued to issue his books as before, and though Pynson on one or two other occasions repeated his attacks they produced no effect, unless perhaps the addition to his colophons which Redman sometimes printed, “Si deus nobiscum quis contra nos.”

It was suggested by Herbert and others that Redman removed into Fleet Street before April 18, 1527. There certainly is an edition of the _Modus tenendi unum hundredum_ of that date with a distinct colophon stating that the book was printed by Redman at the George in St Dunstan’s parish that is within Temple Bar, outside being St Clement’s parish. But this date must be a misprint, not only because colophons of 1528 again give him as living in St Clement’s parish, but also he could hardly have occupied Pynson’s house while the latter was still at work. It is a curious point to notice that during the period between 1528 and 1530 Redman gives no address in his books. Immediately on Pynson’s death, however, at the beginning of 1530 Redman not only moved into his house, but took over part of his material, and for the future made use of one or other of his old rival’s devices. Previous to this he had no distinctive device, but made use of some small cuts, one of the Infant Christ seated, another of St George, and a third of the Trinity. He used in all, three of Pynson’s devices, the original black block with the white monogram with which Pynson had first started, a rarer small metal device, not often used, which has a pierced ribbon at the bottom in which the printer’s name could be inserted in type, and the large late wood-block. On March 23, 1530, he issued the first book from his new address, an edition of the _Natura Brevium_. The book is dated March 23, 1529, but this must of course mean 1530, and shows that at any rate as regards law-books Redman began his year on March 25. To law-books Redman mainly confined his attention, and the books in other classes which he issued are not as a rule of much interest. He appears not to have had much initiative, but contented himself with reprinting popular books. In 1533 this practice led him into trouble, for in February of that year he was bound over in the sum of 500 marks not to sell the book called ‘_The division of the Spiritualty and the Temporalty_’ nor any other book privileged by the King. The printing of this book had been granted to Berthelet, who as King’s Printer would be in a position to enforce his rights. It was of this book that More wrote in his _Apology_, “And in this poynt they lay for a sample the goodlye and godlye, milde and gentle fashion used by him, whosoever he was, that now lately wrote the booke of the division betwene the temporaltie and the spiritualtie, which charitable mild manner they say that if I had used, my woorkes would have been read both of many moe, and with much better will.” The authorship though unknown to More is generally ascribed to Christopher St Germain.

Among the more interesting books printed by Redman may be mentioned editions of the _Life of Christ_, _The Frute of Redempcion_, _The Pomander of Prayer_, Fewterer’s _Myrrour of Christes Passion_ written in 1533 and printed the year after, and Whitford’s _Dayly Exercise_ in which he complains, like Caxton, that having been asked to write out his book over and over again he had thought better to print it and thus save himself so much labour.

A very curious border piece was sometimes used by Redman, as for instance in the English translation of Lyndewode’s _Constitutions_ of 1534 and the _Book of Justices of Peas_, which contains in the lower margin the initials I. N. and I. M. Who these initials refer to I have not been able to discover, but the design of the border was popular and was used by Pynson and at Antwerp by Michael Hillenius, while it is also found in some of Tindale’s books. It may have been engraved for some stationer and afterwards obtained by Redman. The last important work on which Redman was engaged was a folio edition of the _Bible_, which he printed in partnership with Thomas Petyt for Berthelet.

Redman died in 1540 between October 21, the date of his will, and November 4, when it was proved. He left his property to be divided into three parts. The first for bequests and funeral expenses, the second to his wife, and the third to his children. One of his executors was his son-in-law Henry Smith, a stationer and printer of law-books who lived at the sign of the Trinity, without Temple Bar, in St Clement’s parish, perhaps the very house which had once been in the occupation of Redman, who had used a device of the Trinity as one of his early marks. Redman’s wife Elizabeth, whose maiden name had been Pickering, continued to carry on the business by herself for a short while, but retired on her remarriage with Ralph Cholmondeley, when the printing-office and its effects passed to William Middleton.

[Illustration: TITLE-PAGE TO R. REDMAN’S EDITION OF LYNDEWODE’S ‘CONSTITUTIONS’ OF 1534.]

A certain John Redman, born in 1508 and who was in business as a stationer at least as early as 1530, may have been a relation, though there is no direct proof. He printed at Southwark a small work of Cicero for Robert Redman which lends some probability to the theory, and on Robert’s death in 1540 he appears to have moved to London to a shop in Paternoster Row with the sign of Our Lady of Pity.

Thomas Berthelet, Pynson’s successor as King’s Printer, seems to have been at one time in his employment as apprentice or assistant, and may most probably be identical with the Thomas Bercula or Berclaeus who speaks of himself as the printer in several books issued by Pynson. The earliest in which this name appears is an edition of the _Vulgaria_ of Whitinton issued in 1520, and after the editor’s preface is a short address to the reader by Thomas Bercula Typographus. There is no definite statement to connect Bercula and Berthelet and yet it is hard to see who else the name could apply to. Berthelet may have come into the business to take the place of Pynson’s son Richard who had died, but it is curious that there is no reference to him in Pynson’s will. In 1524 Berthelet married his first wife, for it seems most probable that he is the person referred to in the following entry in the register of marriage licences granted by the Bishop of London, “1524 August 23 Thomas Barthelett of St Dunstan in the West and Agnes Langwyth, widow, at St Bride’s, Fleet Street.” In 1528 he started business on his own account, his first book being Thomas Paynell’s translation of the _Regimen sanitatis Salerni_: ‘This boke techying al people to governe them in helthe.’ The colophon runs “Imprinted in London in Flete Strete in the House of Thomas Berthelet nere to ye cundite at ye signe of Lucrece. Anno domini 1528, mense Augusto.” Another work of Paynell’s, entitled _The Assault and Conquest of Heaven_, was issued in 1529. Berthelet’s shop must have been further east than Pynson’s and close by Wynkyn de Worde’s, though it is impossible to say on which side of Fleet Street it stood. Two other early books often quoted as earlier than 1530 may be noted here. One is a work by Wakefield on the divorce controversy, quoted by Wood in the _Athenae Oxonienses_ and dated by him 1528, the other is an edition of the _Statutes_, the first book of Berthelet’s given by Herbert and said to be dated 1529. The first of these, of which there is a copy in the Bodleian, is without date, but from the subject-matter cannot be before 1533 and from the fact that the printer is styled King’s Printer could not be earlier than 1530. For this latter reason also the _Statutes_ of 1529 must be non-existent. One or two books, such as Erasmus on the Lord’s Prayer, in which he does not style himself King’s Printer, may perhaps be assigned to before 1530.

On February 15, 1530, immediately after Pynson’s death, Berthelet was appointed Printer to the King with an annuity of four pounds. Just a few days before he had issued an edition of Paynell’s translation of the _Regimen sanitatis Salerni_ which is very interesting as illustrating a point I have several times referred to. The book is dated February, 1530, and Berthelet is not spoken of as King’s Printer, a fact he emphasized very particularly as soon as he had risen to that position. We may conclude therefore that in this colophon February 1530 does not mean February 1531 and that therefore Berthelet calculated his year as beginning on January 1.

After the Royal appointment Berthelet’s press started on an active career, and the first book issued, naturally one on the political question then engaging the attention of Europe, was an important work on the subject of the royal divorce. This was the first edition, in Latin, of the _Determinations of the most famous Universities_, written and collected for the purpose of strengthening the King’s position. It was issued in April and an English translation appeared in the following November. In June two proclamations were issued, one for the punishing of “vagabondes and sturdy beggars,” the other for “dampning” erroneous books and heresies, and prohibiting the translation of Scripture. The first of these is printed on one sheet of paper, the second on a sheet and a half, and the printer was paid for 1600 of the two £8. 6_s._ 8_d._, that is, one penny each for the single sheet and a penny halfpenny for the sheet and a half. In each penny the cost of the paper represented one-fifth, for “paper royall” which was then used for printing cost six and eightpence a ream, the remaining four-fifths representing all the cost of printing and the profit.

The number of proclamations printed by Berthelet now in existence is very large, but nothing to compare with the number which he must really have printed. Looking at such documents as his three year’s accounts which have been preserved, and casual entries in records, it is clear that not a tithe is represented by existing specimens, though we are more lucky in his case than in Pynson’s, almost every one of whose productions in this class has been destroyed.

In 1531 Berthelet issued the first edition of Sir Thomas Elyot’s _Book named the Governour_, a work he frequently reprinted, and he seems to have published all Elyot’s works, which with their various editions amount to a considerable number. In 1533 he issued the _Dialogue betwixte two englyshe men, wherof one was called Salem and the other Bizance_. This work written by Christopher St Germain was an answer to Sir Thomas More’s _Apology_, which in its turn was an attack upon St Germain’s _Division of the Spiritualty and Temporalty_.

More’s answer to the first mentioned book was printed by William Rastell in the same year and entitled _The Debellacyon of Salem and Bizance_.

Among the many beautiful borders which Berthelet used for his books there is one about which a word of warning should be said. It has engraved upon it the date 1534, and as it was in use for several years it has given rise to great confusion in the dating of books.

In 1537 was issued the celebrated _Institution of a Christian Man_, called the Bishops’ Book in contradistinction to the _Necessary Doctrine and Erudition for any Christian Man_, or King’s book, issued in 1543. Both are versions of the same work, but the first has a Preface of the Prelates to Henry VIII, the second has an introduction by the King.

In 1542 Sir Thomas Elyot published his Latin dictionary, and he appears to have issued or intended to issue a copy on vellum, for in the Bodleian are five leaves so printed, consisting of the title, the prologue to Henry VIII in English, an address to the reader in Latin, and the table of errata. In 1542 he printed another book upon vellum, Lily’s _Introduction of the Eight Parts of Speech_.

In 1540 a work by Nicholas Borbonius was issued at Basle in which there is a Latin poem addressed by the learned author to Berthelet and worded in a most laudatory style. There is no doubt that Berthelet’s printing and beautiful type were alone in England able to rival the work of the foreign printers.

On the accession of Edward VI in 1547, Berthelet lost his position as King’s Printer, and a new one, Richard Grafton, was appointed, a custom now for the first time introduced, as hitherto the appointment had been for life. For the succeeding eight years of his life we lose the familiar “Regius Impressor” of his colophons, and this helps in a small degree in the dating of undated books. He seems, however, to have become much less active after the loss of his privilege and probably left much of the printing business in the hands of his nephew Thomas Powell, who succeeded him, and his servants. The various purchases of land which he made from time to time point to his having built up a considerable fortune, and apart from his purchases in or about London he had estates in Hereford.

Besides being printer to Henry VIII Berthelet was also the Royal bookbinder, and it is hard to speak too highly of his skill and taste in this direction. The beauty of the Italian bindings seems to have greatly struck his fancy and it is supposed that he brought over some workmen from Venice both to work for him and to teach his own men. In his accounts rendered to the King, some of which fortunately have been preserved, he speaks of books decorated in the Venetian manner, and the tools used on them are direct copies of those used by Aldus of Venice and other contemporary Italian binders. He made use of one very distinctive tool, similar to some found on Oriental work, by means of which the design appears upon the leather plain while the whole background is gilt. A good deal of the King’s binding was done in velvet or white leather. To show the relative value of books and binding take the following entry, “Item delyuered to the kinges the XXIII day of January [1542] a booke of the psalter in Englishe and Latyne, the price VIII_d._, and a booke entitled Enarracones Evangeliorum Dominicalium, the price XII_d._ and for the gorgious byndyng of them backe to backe IIII_s._ IV_d._” Or again, “Item delyuered unto the kinges highnes the XV day of January [1542] a New Testament in Latyne and a Psalter Englishe and Latyne bounde backe to backe in white leather, gorgiously gilted on the leather, the bookes came to IIs. the byndynge and arabaske drawyng in golde on the transfile IIII_s._”

It is worth noticing, however, that such tenants of Berthelet as were bookbinders were all Frenchmen.

The date of Berthelet’s death has been only surmised and never given correctly by bibliographers. Fortunately he held land from the King, so that at his death an inquest was held by the escheator, and full and interesting details are preserved among the _Inquisitiones post mortem_. From this source we learn that his death took place on September 26th, 1555; that Margaret Berthelet was his second wife, and that his eldest son Edward was born on July 24th, 1553. His will, made two days before his death, was proved on November 9th, and by it he left estates to his widow and his two sons Edward and Anthony and legacies to apprentices, godchildren, and charities. A considerable bequest also went to his nephew Thomas Powell, presumably his sister’s son, who succeeded him in business.

We have an account of Berthelet’s funeral, preserved in Henry Machyn’s diary:

“The sam day at afternone was bered master Barthelet sqwire and prynter unto Kyng Henry; and was bered with pennon and cote-armur, and IIII dosen of skochyons, and II whytt branchys and IIII gylt candyllstykes and mony prestes and clarkes, and mony mornars, and all the craftes of prynters, boke-sellers, and all stassyoners.”

Among all the early presses that of Berthelet was preeminent for good workmanship. Though he avoided as far as possible the use of illustrations, all the ornamentation he used was in good taste, and in beauty and variety of type he surpassed all printers of the century.

John Rastell stands quite apart from other early English printers. Nearly all we know about them comes from the books they printed while we know little or nothing about their lives. In the case of Rastell we know a good deal about his career, but little about his books. He is said to have been born in London, and was educated at Oxford, afterwards entering Lincoln’s Inn and practising the law, in which he was very successful. He must have been of considerable social position, for he married Elizabeth More, the sister of Sir Thomas More. Some time before 1516 he printed an edition of the _Liber Assisarum_, in which he refers to the projected publication of Fitzherbert’s _Great Abridgement_, which appeared in three majestic volumes in that year.

About 1520 he moved his printing establishment to a house, “next Paul’s gate,” which he named the Mermaid, the same sign that he had previously used elsewhere, and a lawsuit which took place about 1534 in connexion with this house throws considerable light on the printer’s habits. He appears to have left all practical work to his assistants, going off to his house in the country for months at a time and subletting part of the printing-office to other tenants, among whom were successively William Bonham, John Heron, Thomas Kele, and John Gough, all of them stationers.

Up to the year 1526 Rastell had issued only four dated books, all connected with the law, but in that year he started out in an entirely new style and published two extraordinary books, _The merry jests of the widow Edith_, and the _Hundred mery tales_, neither such as we should have expected from so grave a printer. About 1529 appeared his _Pastime of People_, remarkable for a number of large, clumsy woodcuts. Much has been written about this book and its variations, and it is generally asserted that the British Museum copy is the only perfect one known. There is, however, a very fine and perfect copy in a private library in this country. Another curious book he issued is Lucian’s _Necromantia_, of which there is a copy at Shirburn Castle.

In 1530 Rastell was drawn into the religious controversies then becoming violent, and wrote and printed his _New Boke of Purgatory_ in defence of the Romish doctrine. This was answered by John Fryth in his _Disputation of Purgatory_. Several controversial pamphlets were written by the two opponents with the result that Rastell became a convert to the Protestant religion. This change appears to have been a cause of trouble to Rastell, who writing to Cromwell in 1536 laments the loss of both business and friends. His law earnings, which had been over twenty nobles a term, had fallen to under forty shillings a year and his printing business had fallen off proportionately, and there is no book definitely known to exist dated later than 1530. While most of Rastell’s books are legal in character, he is also the printer of several curious interludes or plays such as the _Interlude of the four elements_, the _Interlude of women_, _Play concerning Lucretia_, Skelton’s _Magnificence_, Heywood’s _Gentleness and Nobility_. The reason for his printing these is not far to seek. He was extremely fond of giving performances of plays at his house and the records have been preserved of a curious lawsuit brought against him by a theatrical costumier on account of dresses supplied. Rastell in 1536 freely expressed his opinions against the paying of tithes, and perhaps on this account or some other not now known was thrown into prison, where he shortly after died. His will dated April 20 and proved October 12 is a rather remarkable document. He had but little to leave. His house which had been made over to his wife on their marriage he bequeaths to her. To his eldest son William only forty shillings, and to his other son John a small annuity he had been left by his grandmother. Other small sums were left to Cromwell and the Lord Chancellor, and for one of his two executors he nominated the King himself, who very naturally renounced probate.

John Rastell’s son William was born about 1508 and went to Oxford in 1525, where though according to Wood he studied diligently he took no degree. His first book, issued in 1530, while his father was still printing, was an edition of Caesar’s _Commentaries_ in Latin and English. His books, like his father’s, may be divided into three distinct classes, legal treatises, controversial works mostly by More, and plays and interludes. Amongst the latter are Heywood’s _Play of Love_, _The Pardoner and the Friar_, the _Play of the Weather_, and _Johan Johan the husband and Tib the wife_, copies of them all being in the library of Magdalene College, Cambridge. Another play, Medwall’s _Interlude of Nature_, is in the British Museum. While still a printer he appears to have studied law, having been admitted a student in 1532, while he was called to the bar in 1539, where he practised with considerable success. Unlike his father he remained through life a staunch Catholic, and when Edward VI succeeded to the throne, he with many others of his faith sought refuge abroad. He lived in Louvain until Mary came to the throne when he returned to England and was rapidly advanced in his profession, until in 1558 he was made a judge in the Queen’s Bench, a position which he retained until 1563. Shortly afterwards he returned to Louvain, where he died on August 27, 1565. After he had given up printing on his own account William Rastell compiled and edited a considerable number of important law-books which continued to be reprinted for a long period. But the work by which he is best known is the edition of the complete works of his uncle Sir Thomas More, published in two volumes folio in 1557 by Richard Tottell.

LECTURE VII.

THE STATIONERS OF LONDON AND THE FOREIGN TRADE.

The history of the stationers and the book-trade in England during the period between 1500 and 1535 is very obscure and information is difficult to obtain. That the number of stationers was very considerable we know from incidental references, and though references are fairly numerous it is almost impossible in the present state of our knowledge to combine isolated facts into any connected story. One point is quite clear, and every new discovery only tends to emphasize it, and that is that the book-trade with the Continent and the dealings of foreign stationers in this country were infinitely more extensive and important than is usually supposed. While other countries had a perfectly adequate supply of printers and stationers of their own and imported little from their neighbours and practically nothing from England, here the reverse was the case. In the time of Richard III there were but four printers in England, one in Westminster, one in London, one in Oxford, and one in St Alban’s, so that we can quite understand the Act of 1484, which was so strong an encouragement to foreigners to trade here in books, and the resulting influx of aliens. There were hardly any restrictions upon foreign trade and there was a ready market for foreign printed books, so that it is not surprising that the more important foreign publishers dealt largely with this country. They appear to have set up stalls and shops in the neighbourhood of St Paul’s, where probably the Company of Stationers would not have power to interfere, and to have placed agents in charge of them. Besides this they sent agents round to the various provincial fairs, which at that time were the greatest business centres in the country, with waggon loads of books for sale.

Our sources of information about these stationers are very scattered and also very inadequate. Chief amongst them are of course the vast masses of documents, only partially explored, preserved in the Public Record Office. The list of denizations and the Returns of Aliens have been printed by the Huguenot Society, and these give a little information, though unfortunately the business of the person is often not stated and there is also the further difficulty of his being entered under his correct surname, a name which in the ordinary course of business he rarely made use of himself. The names too are most carelessly spelt and entered. One man for instance occurs under the following names, Frinnorren, Fremorshem, Formishaa, Bringmarshen, and Vrimors. The lists of denizations are of little use as far as our present period is concerned, for from 1509 to 1534 only 240 persons are entered, though in 1535 the large number of 172 was reached owing to pressure being put upon strangers from the Low Countries. In this total of 412 only seven are mentioned as having business connected with the book-trade; in fact in these lists of denizations the occupation of only about one in twenty-five is mentioned. The only returns of aliens before 1535 are the imperfect ones in connexion with the subsidies granted to Henry VIII in 1523-25, and in these the occupations are but very rarely entered. These returns are therefore useless in giving information about otherwise unknown stationers; we can only attempt to trace persons whose names are already known, and this is rendered the more difficult as people are arranged anyhow, according to the ward they inhabited, and there is as yet no index to the book.

Taking all persons residing in England connected with the book-trade, printers, binders, and stationers, from 1476 to 1535, it would not, I think, be far from the mark to state that two-thirds were aliens.

By the Act of 1484 they were exempted from the restrictions imposed on other workmen, and they could by residing close to St Paul’s or in the liberties of St Martin’s or Blackfriars escape from the jurisdiction of the wardens of the Stationers’ Company or the Lord Mayor. Though the immigration of foreigners was always encouraged by Government, it evoked the bitterest hostility from native craftsmen and was the frequent cause of those fights and squabbles which culminated in the famous Mayday riots of 1517. As a case in point may be mentioned the proceedings in the Star Chamber about the end of the fifteenth century, when Richard Pynson sued Harry Squire and others for assaulting and attempting to murder him and his servants. He stated that his assistants were so threatened and assaulted that they had been compelled to leave, and that consequently his business was at a standstill. This perhaps may have been the reason for his leaving St Clement’s parish and settling within the City in 1500.

Many aliens in order to obtain the privileges of a native took out letters of denization, but these privileges only commenced from the date of the grant and were not retrospective as in the case of a patent of naturalization. Letters of denization allowed a man to hold, but not to inherit lands; nor did they confer any benefit on the children born previous to the date of the grant. In 1512 an Act was passed for levying a subsidy, and it was ordained that every alien made a denizen should be rated like a native, but that aliens not denizened should pay a double rate. In 1515 this was reversed and denizens again compelled to pay a double rate.

In 1523 as a set-off for levying a subsidy Henry VIII gave assent to an Act which ordered that no alien, denizen or not, using any manner of handicraft within the realm should from henceforth take any apprentice except he be born under the King’s obedience; that no alien should keep more than two alien journeymen; and that aliens using handicrafts in London and two miles round should be under the search and reformation of the wardens of the handicrafts within the City of London. This Act seems to have been very laxly enforced, and was practically repeated by a decree of the Star Chamber in 1528, which contained the additional clause that no stranger, not being a denizen and who was not a householder before 15th February 1528, should keep house or shop where he should exercise any handicraft. Finally, in 1534 the celebrated Act against foreign printers and binders was passed, whose terms and effects will be noticed later.

From the earliest times London citizens had been forbidden by their oath of freedom from taking any foreign born apprentice, and the Act of 1523 laid a similar prohibition on all aliens, so that the foreign element was slowly and surely eliminated.

The authorities of the City of London were strongly opposed to admitting any foreigners to the freedom of the City. In a letter from Thomas Berthelet to Morisine written in 1540 he writes, “My lorde mayor told me ... that but one stranger born was made freeman these 40 years. I fear the answer is somewhat feigned, for instead of one stranger made freeman this 40 years, there have been six or more. Perhaps they do it to show that they esteem not the liberty of London so light as to admit a stranger born so suddenly when the King’s natural subjects must do so long and painful a service before they can enjoy it.”

The great centre of trade during this period was St Paul’s Churchyard, and the shops there were of two kinds. There were the substantial houses round the cathedral, where the printer or stationer could carry on his business and dwell, but clustered in every direction against the very walls of the church were booths and sheds and stalls. These were simply “lock up” shops of one story, many with flat roofs for people to stand on to view processions, and were used by booksellers and such printers as had printing-offices elsewhere. In Strype’s life of Parker we have a description of a shop set up at a later date by Day the printer, “Whereupon he got framed a neat handsome shop. It was but little and low and flat-roofed, and leaded like a terrace, railed and posted, fit for men to stand upon in any triumph or show, but could not in any wise hurt and deface the same. This cost him forty or fifty pounds.”

Even the most important printers had stalls before their houses, for we read in an account of a lawsuit in 1536 resulting from an attack on some Frenchmen in Fleet Street, that one of them, endeavouring to escape, concealed himself under the King’s Printer’s (_i.e._ Berthelet’s) stall. Thomas Symonds, a stationer, who was a witness in a lawsuit in 1514, speaks of himself as standing before his stall at seven in the morning, not so very early an hour at a period when the Privy Council assembled at eight.

Though London was the head-quarters of the trade, the stationers did not confine their attention to the City, but travelled about the country attending the various fairs, where so far as we can judge from such few early accounts as are still preserved, a very considerable portion of their trade was done. Great fairs such as that of Sturbridge brought booksellers from far and near, and so great was their fame as a bookselling centre that even at the end of the seventeenth century the great London dealers sent down vast consignments of books which were sold by auction by the leading London auctioneers. All the more important stationers too paid frequent visits to the Continent and attended the great fair at Frankfurt, the principal opportunity for seeing all the latest publications and the recognised time and place for the transaction of business.

In treating of these early stationers I propose first of all to take those who lived and carried on business solely in London, and then to pass on to those who traded both in London and on the Continent. Of very many we know little but the name, and these I can but pass over, touching only on those who are known as publishers of books, or about whom we have some definite information.

The first of these is a certain John Boudins, or Baldwin as he called himself in English, who lived in the parish of St Clement’s, Eastcheap. We know of him from one book, an edition of the Sarum _Expositio Hymnorum et Sequentiarum_ which was printed for him at Paris by André Bocard in 1502, and which is apparently the first edition with the preface of Badius Ascensius. Boudins died shortly after the publication of the book, for his will dated October 11, 1501, was proved March 30, 1503. He was a native of the Low Countries.

A certain Andrew Rue, who had succeeded his brother John, who had died in 1493, was a stationer like his brother in St Paul’s Churchyard. He died in 1517 leaving legacies to relations in Frankfort and others. To Thomas Wallis, priest of St Faith’s, he leaves a bound copy of the book of sermons called _Dormi Secure_, and to David Owen of the same church a copy of Quentin’s sermons. Two of the executors of his will were John Reynes and Joyce Pelgrim, both to be noticed shortly.

Richard Nele is mentioned as a stationer in a document of 1525, when he petitioned to be transferred to the Company of Ironmongers.

John Taverner, another stationer, was paid £4 in 1521 for binding the books for use in the Chapel Royal. He died in 1531 and his will was proved in November of that year. In the year following John Sedley, Warden of the Craft of Stationers, died.

It would be useless here, as well as extremely tedious, to go on enumerating the names of stationers of whom we know so little, so I will pass on to some about whom we possess some more definite information.

Joyce Pelgrim, a native of the Low Countries, was early settled in London and in 1504 issued the first book specially printed for him, an edition of the _Ortus Vocabulorum_ printed at Paris by Jean Barbier, who had himself but lately left England. This book is only known from some fragments preserved in a binding in Lord Crawford’s library. Before 1506 he entered into partnership with Henry Jacobi, and the two, assisted with money by a wealthy merchant, William Bretton, a grocer and member of the Staple at Calais, issued several books connected with the service of the Church. The first and most important was an edition of the _Constitutiones Provinciales_ of William Lindewode, issued some time after May, 1506. It was printed at Paris by Wolfgang Hopyl in a most ornate manner and the title-page is one of the most beautiful to be found in an early book, the combination of small woodcuts, woodcut borders, printer’s devices, and red and black printing forming a most rich and harmonious whole. Two service books, a Sarum _Horae_ and a _Psalterium cum Hymnis_, followed at the beginning of 1507. In 1510 for the same patron they issued the _Pupilla Oculi_ of Joannes de Burgo and the _Speculum Spiritualium_ of Richard of Hampole printed by Hopyl, as well as another _Horae_ printed by Kerver.

On their own account the stationers did little, issuing in 1507 and 1508 three school books. Pelgrim, after the publication of the _Ortus Vocabulorum_ of 1504 does not seem to have issued any books on his own account, but he was always connected with William Bretton, and acted as his agent in 1514. He lived in Paul’s Churchyard at the sign of St Anne, though nothing is heard of the shop after 1506. It may be that it was one of the many swept away to make room for the new schools built by Colet, for we know that the Trinity, where Pelgrim’s partner Jacobi lived, was close by.

Henry Jacobi, probably a Frenchman, was apparently a much more important stationer than Pelgrim and some things point to his having been a citizen of London. He is first mentioned in 1504 as a stationer, and in 1505, as we learn from a note in a MS. in the British Museum, he supplied a large number of books to the King. Shortly after this he joined as a partner with Pelgrim and together they printed books for William Bretton. In 1509 he appears to have separated from his partner, for in the colophon of the _Ortus Vocabulorum_ printed by Pynson his name is found alone. In 1510 he went over to France and his name is found in the colophons of some small tracts of Savonarola, printed in Paris in 1510 and 1511 by Badius Ascensius. In 1512 he was back in London, and issued an edition of the Sarum _Diurnale_ printed for him at Paris by Hopyl. Francis Byrckman also appears to have been concerned in the publication of this book for his device is printed at the end. About this time Jacobi issued a _Legenda Francisci_ printed for him by Jean Barbier at Paris and a _Regula Benediciti_ printed by W. de Worde.

Soon after 1512 Jacobi migrated to Oxford, where he opened a shop with his old sign of the Trinity and published there an edition of the _Formalitates_ of Antonius Sirectus, printed for him in London by Wynkyn de Worde. A copy of the title-page was found by Mr Proctor in a binding in New College, Oxford, and a copy of the book itself, minus the greater part of the title, was subsequently traced in the British Museum. Jacobi did not long survive his migration to Oxford, but died there in 1514, and on the 11th December administration of his effects was granted to William Bretton through his agent Joyce Pelgrim, while his will was proved the same year in London.

The devices used by Pelgrim and Jacobi were four in number. In the books printed for W. Bretton a large block containing his coat of arms is used. After its first appearance a mistake in the heraldry was discovered and the shield was cut out and a new one inserted in the block, a very early example of what is technically known as plugging. It is curious that this device, though a private coat of arms, was afterwards copied and used as a device by the Paris printer Egidius Gourmont. The device used by Pelgrim and Jacobi together was a blank shield on a ribbon with the motto “Nosce teipsum” with their initials and marks on either side. Jacobi used in the Sirectus a representation of the Trinity with his mark and name in full below on a ribbon. In the books printed for them by Hopyl another device of the Trinity is found.

The bindings produced by the Trinity stationers were of two classes. The folio books were tooled with small dies, the smaller books stamped with panel stamps. Several copies of the _Lyndewode_ of 1506 are in existence tooled with identical dies, and one of these copies is lined with unused sheets of the _Ortus Vocabulorum_ printed for Pelgrim in 1504. The panel stamps all appear to have belonged to Henry Jacobi, for at present none have been found with Pelgrim’s mark. Like many other stationers of the time he used the two panels, having on one side a shield bearing the arms of France and England and supported by a dragon and greyhound and on the other the Tudor rose between two scrolls, supported by angels and containing these verses,

Hec rosa virtutis de celo missa sereno Eternum florens, regia sceptra feret.

Of these he had three series. In the first his initials and mark are quite plain and simple, just as we find them printed on the title-page of the _Lyndewode_. In the second series the ornament was a little more profuse and the mark and initials are omitted under the rose, leaving the space blank. In the last series the ornamentation is more complicated and the initials and mark are so much elaborated that the I of Iacobi looks almost like an A. In conjunction with the second series of panels a square die containing the figure of a dragon is found which had belonged to Caxton and must have been obtained from W. de Worde. Two other panels which belonged to Jacobi are much more foreign in appearance. On one is a figure of Christ seated on a tomb surrounded by the emblems of the Passion, on the other Our Lady of Pity. Round both runs a legend, and at the end of the second the binder’s initials, H.I., occur joined by a knot.

The example of this binding in the Bodleian, very much rubbed and worn, is on some small tracts by Savonarola, two of which were printed for Jacobi in 1510. The binding has on the end fly-leaf an inscription saying that the book was bought by John Yonge, “Aconensis,” in 1510, and this must be after September 10 of that year, when Yonge was appointed Master of St Thomas of Acres. If Jacobi really was in Paris in 1510 and 1511, this book must have been bound there, and perhaps these two small panels were cut abroad for the purpose of stamping these small volumes for which his other panels would have been too large.

Though Jacobi died in 1514 and Pelgrim is not mentioned after this date, the business at the sign of the Trinity still continued. This we know from a unique but unfortunately imperfect book in the Bodleian. It is called “_Donate and accidence for children enprynted at Parys. Anno Domini 1515._” The imprint on the title states that it was to be sold at Paris at the sign of the Striped Ass by Philippus de Couvelance and in St Paul’s Churchyard at the sign of St Katherine or the Trinity. The last leaf which might have contained a colophon is wanting. This Philip de Couvelance was apparently the son of Jean de Cowlance, whose device was the striped ass (asinus riguatus) and who was the same person as Joannes Confluentinus or Jean de Coblentz, whose name occurs frequently in the prefaces of early books.

Birckman perhaps may have had something to do with the sign of the Trinity, for he seems to have been in partnership with Jacobi in 1512 and used the device of the Trinity on some of the service books of English use which he issued. However by 1518 the shop was in the occupation of Henry Pepwell, who has been noticed before.

The sign of the “striped ass” commemorates the exhibition of a zebra, the first seen in France, which was shown at the Saint-Germain fair towards the close of the fifteenth century.

John Reynes, in many ways the best known of these early stationers, was a native of Wageningen in Gueldres and took out letters of denization on June 7, 1510. Though described in the Subsidy rolls of 1523 as a stationer, he appears to have undertaken other kinds of business, for in 1524 we find him supplying cloth and cotton at the funeral of Sir Thomas Lovell. In 1527 he began his business as publisher by issuing a magnificent edition of Higden’s _Polycronicon_, printed for him at Southwark by Peter Treveris, which is remarkable for the excellence of the illustrations. Very fortunately too his mark is engraved at the foot of the title-page and thus gives us the only clue by which we can identify his large series of stamped bindings. In this same year, Reynes in partnership with W. de Worde and Ludovicus Suethon, which name is I believe a misspelling for Sutton, commissioned a magnificent edition of the Sarum _Gradual_, which was printed for them at Paris by Nicolas Prevost, and of which the fine copy, formerly Gough’s, is in the Bodleian. In 1530 another service book was printed for him abroad, an edition of the _Psalterium cum Hymnis_ for the use of Sarum and York. Ten years later he issued an _Introductorie for to lerne to rede Frenche_ written by Giles Duwes, sometime librarian to Henry VIII, and Tutor of the French language to the Princess Mary. The latest book which Reynes issued was a Sarum _Processional_ which was printed for him at Antwerp by the widow of Christopher van Ruremond.

Reynes was certainly in his time the most important stationer of foreign birth settled in England, and his goods valued in 1523 at £40. 3_s._ 4_d._ had risen in 1541 and 1544 to £100. The only other foreigner of like importance was Arnold Birckman, who, however, was not settled in this country, but only paid it passing visits and carried on business by an agent.

Reynes’s chief fame now, however, rests on his bindings, which are the most frequently found and best known amongst all the early English series. The commonest are those ornamented with a broad roll containing his mark and figures of a hound, a falcon, and a bee, with sprays of foliage and flowers. He had also several series of panels. One pair is particularly good. The first represents the baptism of Christ, who stands in the stream while St John, kneeling, pours the water on His head. The other is a spirited picture of St George and the dragon fighting within an enclosure, round which run various animals and huntsmen. Below are the initials I. R. joined by a knot which must stand for John Reynes, as I have found these two panels used in conjunction with his roll on a binding in the library of St John’s College, Oxford.

A more ambitious panel contains what is called the “Arma Redemptoris Mundi,” the emblems of the Passion displayed heraldically upon a shield with two unicorns as supporters, and two small shields with Reynes’s mark and initials. The companion panel is divided into two parts, one containing the shield with the arms of England and France supported by the dragon and greyhound, the other the Tudor rose with the scrolls bearing the usual verses and supported by angels. These contain, besides Reynes’s initials and mark, a shield with the arms of the City of London, so that when these were cut he was probably a freeman.

The last pair, which are late in style and were probably only made for him near the end of his career, contain busts of warriors in medallions between renaissance pillars, connected by ornamental arches, and the whole enclosed within an ornamental border. In the centre between the medallions is the binder’s mark.

Reynes died at the beginning of 1544 and his will, made April 8th, 1542, was proved on February 26th. It is a long document and contains many points of interest. His two apprentices, Thomas Holwarde and Edward Sutton, are to receive on coming out of their apprenticeship one hundred shillingsworth of books to be valued according to the way that Arnold and John Birckman sell them to the booksellers. Edward Wright and Robert Holder, his assistants, are left ten pounds in books on condition that they work for Lucy Reynes, the widow, for two years and assist her to realise the stock. Money is left to the poor and for a breakfast to the stationers who come to the funeral, and the residue to the widow Lucy Reynes. It is clear from the fact that Reynes had English apprentices, and from the way he speaks of the stationers, that he had been made a freeman and member of the Company in spite of his foreign birth.

Lucy Reynes did not long survive her husband, for her will, dated April 28, 1548, was proved October 25, 1549. She, like her husband, requested to be buried in the Pardon Churchyard near St Paul’s.

Another stationer and binder whose work can fortunately be identified is Thomas Symonds, a stationer of St Paul’s Churchyard. His name first occurs in 1514 when he was a witness in a lawsuit quoted by Foxe in his _Book of Martyrs_. He was employed by the officials of London Bridge, and in their accounts for 1525-6 is the entry “paid to Thomas Symonds for binding in boards 17 quires in parchment containing 17 accounts of the bridge works, 6_s._” This original binding is still preserved and is ornamented with a broad roll containing the binder’s mark, a castle and portcullis, a fleur-de-lys, a unicorn, a rose, a pomegranate and the royal arms.

Lewis Sutton was apparently a very important stationer, and must I think be identified with the Ludovicus Suethon who in partnership with John Reynes and W. de Worde commissioned the great Sarum _Gradual_ printed for them at Paris by Prevost in 1527. In foreign printed books mistakes in names are not uncommon, and the rare Christian name Lewis combined with two such similar sounding names as Suethon and Sutton, renders the suggestion probable. In 1526 he and Henry Pepwell were the two wardens of the Company of Stationers, which shows that he must have held a high position in the trade. In 1534-5 he was defendant along with Richard Draper, warden of the Goldsmiths, in an action brought by John Gough and John Rastell the printer concerning the latter’s printing-office. A later notice of him occurs in the letters and papers of Henry VIII under the date of August 12, 1539. “Receipt by Lewys Sutton, bookbinder of London, of 5 marks from William Hatton of Haldenby for lands in Northamptonshire sold to him.” The will of a Lewis Sutton described as belonging to the parish of St Michael le Querne, London, and dated 1541, is amongst those preserved in the Prerogative Court of Canterbury, and is probably that of the stationer. There was another Sutton named Nicholas who was a stationer in London and died shortly before 1531, who lived in St Paul’s Churchyard and was probably related to the stationers named Toy.

A stamped binding is known having upon it the initials N. S. followed by a tun, apparently a rebus on the name N. Sutton, and may very likely be his work.

Another person who ought to be mentioned, though neither printer nor stationer, is William Marshall, quoted by many writers as both. He was strongly interested in the Reformation, and spent both time and money in procuring the printing of books in support of the movement. He was a friend of Cromwell, who assisted him with money, and there are in the State papers many interesting letters from the one to the other relating to the publication of such works as the _Gift of Constantine_ printed by Godfray, and _Erasmus on the Creed_ by Redman, issued in 1534; _De veteri et novo Deo_, printed by Byddell, and the _Defence of Peace_ by Wyer, both of 1535. Of this latter book he sent twenty-four copies to the monks of the Charterhouse, which they, under the order of their superior, returned, with the exception of one copy which they burnt. Two books, his _Pictures and Ymages_ and _The Chrysten Bysshop and Counterfayte Bysshop_, were apparently printed by Gough, though according to Herbert the latter book has a distinct colophon “Emprynted by Wyllyam Marshall.” The most beautiful book printed for him was the reformed _Prymer_ of 1535, the work of John Byddell. It is much superior to the usual work of the time, and at least three copies are known printed upon vellum. Like William Bretton, Marshall has printed at the end of some of the books he had commissioned a large woodcut representing his coat of arms.

John Growte, stationer and bookbinder, lived in the Blackfriars next the church door. In 1532 and 1533 he commissioned the widow of Thielman Kerver to print for him two editions of the Sarum _Horae_, which were followed by another in 1534. Growte is identical with the mythical Rouen stationer Jean Groyat, an error which has arisen through the misreading of a colophon. An edition of the _Horae_ was printed in 1536 at Rouen “per Nicolaum le Roux pro Johanne groyat et Johanne marchant in parochia sancti Macuti ad signum duarum unicornium manente.” A hasty glance has assured someone that Groyat and Marchant were partners living at the sign of the two unicorns, overlooking the fact that the last word used in the colophon “manente” must apply to Marchant alone. Groyat may very well be the proper spelling of Growte’s name, for he was a foreigner, as we know from his being entered in the Returns of Aliens.

During the period of which we are now treating the presses of Paris and Rouen were actively at work producing books intended for the London market. At Paris, Hopyl, Kerver, Petit, Chevallon, Hardouyn, Prevost, Pigouchet, Higman, Rembolt, in fact all the best known printers and stationers were thus employed. At Rouen we find Morin, Caillard, Olivier, Violette, Bernard, Cousin, Richard, and others, and when we consider that many printed twenty or thirty different editions, we can arrive at some idea of the magnitude of the trade. The most important of the Paris printers was Hopyl; his _Lyndewode_, his Sarum _Missals_, and above all his _Antiphoner_, are splendid specimens of work which no English printer of the time could have attempted to rival. Prevost among other books is represented by a magnificent _Gradual_. Chevallon issued the great Sarum _Breviary_ of 1531. Pigouchet and Kerver continued the work they had done so well in the previous century, and issued many editions of the Sarum _Horae_, while Higman and Rembolt printed _Missals_.

Among the Rouen printers Martin Morin undoubtedly took the leading position for beautiful work. He and Olivier produced a large number of Sarum _Missals_ remarkable for their fine printing. With regard to these missals there is one point to which I should like to draw attention. Both Morin and Olivier possessed a very large initial M for the title Missale, round the middle stroke of which their name is engraved, Morin or Holivier. Now these letters being practically indestructible, passed to their successors and were still used. This at any rate in the case of Olivier has given rise to considerable confusion, for he is quoted as the printer of books, as for instance the York _Missal_ of 1530, which were issued long after he was dead. Among other printers and stationers connected with the English trade may be mentioned Macé, Bernard, Cousin, Violette, and Caillard.

Almost the entire French output consisted of liturgical books. Verard however issued three--well, British--books, for two were in Scottish, and we have it on Pynson’s authority that no one could understand them. The third was Barclay’s translation of Gringore’s _Castle of Labour_, printed when Barclay was himself in Paris about 1503.

Besides these a few grammatical tracts were issued, Violette issued an English Donatus and Jacques Cousin a Stanbridge at Rouen.

The series of beautiful liturgical books which came from the presses of Paris and Rouen afford us information also about many visiting foreign stationers. The _Missal_ issued in 1500 by Jean du Pré, but generally ascribed through a misreading of the colophon to 1502, speaks of several new prayers just brought over from England by Jean Antoine the stationer. A Terence of 1504, of which the only copy known is in the University Library (picked up from a small old-book shop in Liverpool), and a Sarum _Breviary_ of 1507 were printed for several stationers living in London, one of whom was a certain Michael Morin, no doubt a relative of the famous Rouen printer Martin Morin. Another stationer whose name is found in the Terence is John Brachius, but his name occurs nowhere else, and I have not been able to find out anything about him. Guillaume Candos, at whose cost a Sarum _Missal_ was printed in 1509 by Pierre Violette, was apparently in England for a time. Another Sarum _Missal_ quoted by Herbert, of which I can trace no copy, was printed for W. de Worde and Michael de Paule, both living in London. Jean Richard of Rouen, who printed so many fine Sarum service books, also came over and was one of the parties in a lawsuit in England at the beginning of the century. From another lawsuit we find that Frederick Egmont, an important stationer of London in the fifteenth century, was still in England, after 1500. I think it will be found, as more documents come to light, that all the principal foreign stationers paid visits to this country or kept agents in London. In very many foreign printed service books we find the expression “to be bought of the booksellers in Paul’s Churchyard.” I do not know whether that is the equivalent of the modern “to be obtained of all booksellers” or whether it only refers to a small clique of foreign stationers.

Of all the foreign stationers who traded in this country none was more important than Francis Regnault. He was the son of an earlier Francis Regnault, and when a young man started as a stationer in London towards the end of the fifteenth century. Though he returned to Paris about 1496 he still continued to keep a shop in London and probably paid frequent visits to this country. When on the death of his father, about 1518, he succeeded to the great printing business, his English sympathies at once showed themselves, and from that time onward he poured out a continuous flood of books for the English market. Between the years 1519 and 1535 by far the larger portion of the service books produced for England came from his presses. The Act of 1534, and perhaps other causes, seem to have hampered his business to a serious degree and in 1536 he addressed a letter to Cromwell on the subject. The writer states that he lived in London forty years ago and since returned to Paris and continued his trade as bookseller in London, and likewise printed missals, breviaries, and Hours of the use of Sarum and other books. That he has entertained at his house in Paris honourable people of London and other towns of England. He understands that the English booksellers wish to prevent him printing such books and to confiscate what he has already printed, though he has never been forbidden to do so, but his books well received. He asks permission to continue to sell the said “usaiges” and other books in London and the neighbourhood, and asks Cromwell to speak on his behalf to the King, the chancellor and others. He adds that if any faults have been found in his books he will amend them. Considering the date of this letter, it seems much more probable that his troubles were caused not so much by the jealousy of the English booksellers as by the falling off in the demand for the class of books he produced.

Besides printing on his own account, Regnault printed also for English printers. In 1534 he printed for Berthelet the _Interpretatio Psalmorum Omnium_ of Joannes Campensis, and in 1538 an edition of the English _New Testament_ for Grafton and Whitchurch, edited by Coverdale, and intended to supersede the incorrect version printed shortly before at Southwark by James Nicholson.

One of the latest important undertakings on which Regnault was engaged was a folio edition of the English Bible printed for Grafton and Whitchurch and overseen by Coverdale. The work was progressing favourably when pressure was brought to bear upon the French authorities, and the press, type, and the sheets already printed were seized, most of the printed matter being burnt. By the influence of Cromwell the type seems to have been recovered and conveyed to London, where the work was finished in 1539. The usual account speaks of the printers and presses being brought over as well, but that must, I think, be a little poetical exaggeration, for the presses of England were surely by that time adequate for such work.

In the library of St John’s College, Cambridge, is the unique copy on vellum which was printed specially for Cromwell. The titles, woodcuts, and all the initials throughout the volume are beautifully illuminated.

Regnault again attempted to obtain some favour for his books in England, and a letter was written to Cromwell by Coverdale and Grafton on his behalf. Speaking of him they write, “Whereas of long tyme he hath bene an occupier into England more than xl yere, he hath allwayes provyded soche bookes for England as they moost occupied, so that he hath a great nombre at this present in his handes as Prymers in Englishe, Missoles with other soche like: wherof now (by the company of the Booksellers in London) he is utterly forbydden to make sale to the utter undoying of the man. Wherfore most humbly we beseke your lordshippe to be gracious and favourable unto him, that he may have lycence to sell those which he hath done allready, so that hereafter he prynte no moo in the english tong, onlesse he have an english man that is lerned to be his corrector.”

From the concluding sentence it would appear that a special attack had been made on these foreign printed service books because of their incorrect printing, and everyone who has examined the very numerous editions of the _Horae ad usum Sarum_ printed abroad must admit that any complaints were fully justified. The booksellers evidently succeeded in their opposition, for no more Paris printed service books came to this country until the reign of Mary.

A solitary fragment, rescued like so many others from the binding of a book and now preserved in the Bodleian, is the only record we possess of the presence in England, nominally at any rate, of one of the most important Paris booksellers of the sixteenth century. The fragment consists of the first and last leaves of a little tract of four leaves entitled, “_Psalterium beate marie virginis cum articulis incarnationis passionis et resurrexionis domini nostri iesu xpi nuper editum_.” Of the liturgical interest of the fragment this is not the place to speak; our interest lies in the colophon, which runs “Imprynted at London in Flete aley the .xxi. daye of October by Simon Voter.” This, I take it, can refer to no one but the celebrated printer of that name, but whether the colophon exactly means all that it states is another matter. It would seem unlikely that so important a man should come to London to print so small a tract, and besides it has no appearance of English work. Like many others, he had probably an agent of his own in London and printing the tract in Paris sent it to London for sale. The type in which it is printed, a neat black letter, is what may be called a stock type, that is, it was made by a man who made type-founding his business and supplied various printers. On the title-page is a woodcut of the Assumption of the Virgin which I have seen in no other book, but which I hope may some day be the means of settling the real printer.

While speaking of these French stationers and their work, there is one book which though without name of printer or place was printed in English and intended for the English market and should certainly not be passed over, especially as it is in some ways the most remarkable book of the period. It is entitled _The Passion of our Lord Jesu Christ with the Contemplations_, and was translated from the French in 1508 and printed about the same time. The language is peculiar and uncouth and mixed up with foreign expressions. The book is a very large quarto equal in size to the ordinary small folio of the time, printed in double columns. But the extraordinary point about the book is the illustrations, large full-page woodcuts some twenty in number and obviously and unmistakeably German. The style of woodcutting, the dresses, the high-gabled houses, the storks nesting on the chimney-tops are all distinctive. This last gave the immediate suggestion of Strasburg and a very little search showed that the illustrations were almost exact copies of a series engraved by Urs Graf and first published in a volume entitled _Passio Jesu Christi_ printed in 1506 by Knoblouch at Strasburg.

One of these cuts, the Crucifixion, occurs in the York _Manual_ printed ostensibly by Wynkyn de Worde in 1509 for John Gachet and James Ferrebouc. Although the colophon of the book states emphatically twice over that it was printed in London for De Worde I have always thought it was printed abroad, not only because of this woodcut, but because the type both of text and music is not De Worde’s and because the device used in it is one only found in his foreign printed books and therefore presumably kept abroad.

Much seems to point to Paris as the place of production of both books, and a further piece of evidence exists in the fact that these cuts are found in an edition of _Les Exposicions des epistres et evangiles_ printed for Verard in 1511-12. I wrote on the subject of the English book to M. Delisle, who very kindly made some enquiries at the Bibliothèque Nationale, but at present no French original can be traced nor could the Keeper of the Prints throw any further light on the history of the cuts. The translation would appear to have been done in England as it was done at the command of Henry VII. The only perfect copy known is in the Bodleian, but there are fragments in bindings in several libraries, among others Westminster Abbey and Corpus Christi College, Cambridge.

While a serious blow was struck at the French book trade by the Act of 1534, which attacked the supply, Henry VIII himself did it much more serious damage by destroying the demand. Almost the whole of the trade done by the French booksellers consisted in the production and supply of service books; and the great change which was taking place in the services was gradually tending to do away with their use. After this time we find no more editions of the old _Breviary_ or the _Missal_ produced at all, except for a short time in Mary’s reign, and these two books had been mainly produced in France. The _Horae_ or _Primer_ still continued in use, but its character was so much changed and so much English introduced into it that it was as well produced in England. By this time too the taste for the elaborate borders and illustrations and sumptuous printing which marked the earlier work seems to have disappeared, so that as a general rule the editions sent over from abroad were as inartistic and badly printed as our own.

The competition of the Low Countries must also have had something to do with the decay of French trade, for the Antwerp stationers boasted they could undersell anyone, and certainly such later service books as were printed abroad were printed at Antwerp.

Be the explanation what it may, the fact is clear that the date which saw the passing of the Act of 1534 concerning books, saw the end of French book production for the English market.

LECTURE VIII.

THE STATIONERS FROM ANTWERP AND THE BOOKBINDERS.

Though in regard to books printed for the English market France is most important in numerical strength, it ranks far below the Low Countries in point of interest. The productions of Paris and Rouen consisted almost entirely of liturgical books and a few dictionaries and grammars. From Antwerp on the other hand from the time of Gerard Leeu in the fifteenth century onwards there was an almost unbroken output of books in the English language. Leeu began with reprints of some of Caxton’s books, Adrian van Berghen, the printer of _Arnold’s Chronicle_, followed, then came Jan van Doesborch with his many curious little English books, and then, most interesting of all, the various editions of the English _Testament_ and the multitude of controversial works caused by the religious dissensions in England.

Of Gerard Leeu, “an exceedingly pleasant person” as Erasmus called him, and his English books, I gave some account in an earlier Lecture; so I must begin the account of the sixteenth century with Adrian van Berghen, Adryan of Barrowe as he calls himself in his English imprints. He apparently began to print about the close of the fifteenth century, living in a shop with the sign of the Great Golden Mortar in the Market; in 1507 he had moved to the Corn Market behind the Town Hall, and at a later date he settled in a house by the Cammerpoort Bridge with the sign of the Golden Missal. In 1535 like many another stationer he got into trouble in religious matters and was accused of keeping and selling Lutheran books, of which a number had been found in his house. In vain he protested that he knew nothing about them and that they had been secretly put there by some enemy, for after a lengthy trial he was found guilty and on January 3, 1536, was sentenced to leave the state of Antwerp within three days, and perform a pilgrimage to, of all places in the world, Nicosia in Cyprus. Nothing further is known of him. But Adrian of Barrowe will ever be had in grateful remembrance as the printer of _Arnold’s Chronicle_, for in this he first published to the world the beautiful ballad of the “Nut-browne Maid.”

A description of _Arnold’s Chronicle_ is a difficult matter to undertake. It was one of the books which served as weapons to the late Professor Chandler in his campaign against the subject catalogue of the Bodleian. It contains a list of the London sheriffs, and a guide to writing business letters, a list of the London churches, recipes for making ink, and a variety of other miscellaneous information. And in the middle, apropos of nothing, “The Nut-browne Maid.” Chronicle is a misleading title, for the work is really a commonplace book and a very interesting one. Fortunately this and the later edition printed about 1520 by Peter Treveris are fairly common books and available in a considerable number of libraries. There is a copy in the Parker collection in the library of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, interesting to the typographer from an accidental cause. The printer when inking the forme accidentally pulled out a type which has fallen sideways upon the top of the rest and impressed on the page an exact full-length image of itself. From the few early examples of such faults as are known it has been possible to obtain a good deal of information as to the sizes and shapes of early types.

Adrian van Berghen printed also an English _Almanack_ for 1529 and an edition of Holt’s _Lac Puerorum_. This latter is known only from fragments, and some of these have a curious connexion with Cambridge. Among a parcel of unidentified fragments in the Bodleian I came across some pieces of this book which had at one time formed the pad or boards of a binding. From the well indented marks on the paper it was easy to identify the panel which had been stamped upon the binding as the picture of St Nicholas raising the three children, with the name underneath, Nicolas Spiernick, used by Nicolas Speryng, the Cambridge stationer. But the interesting point about the fragments was that on one of them was written the name of N. Speyrinck, thus connecting the Spiernick of the binding with the name as used at Cambridge, Speryng. It is perhaps not strictly right to have included Adrian van Berghen, since he had not so far as we know any personal connexion with England; but the interest of one at least of the English books which he printed must serve as an excuse.

The next printer to be considered is Francis Birckman, the first of the numerous bookselling family of that name, and himself a very important stationer. He was a native of Cologne, who had his headquarters at Antwerp while he carried on business in several other towns, and a great part of his trade was with England. Panzer in his _Annales Typographici_ does not mention him before the year 1513, but at an earlier date he was issuing books for the English market and had a shop in St Paul’s Churchyard. He is first mentioned in 1504, when in partnership with a certain Gerard Cluen of Amersfoordt in Utrecht he issued a Sarum _Missal_. Beyond the mention of his name in this one book we know nothing of Gerard Cluen, but I think we may take for granted that he was a relation of Birckman’s wife, Gertrude van Amersfoordt. Of the _Missal_ but two copies are known, one in Trinity College, Dublin, and the other, recently acquired, in the British Museum. Between 1504 and 1510 Birckman’s name is not found, but after that date he issued books continuously until about 1528. The history of the Birckman family is very confused, but I cannot help thinking that there were two branches both using the same Christian names. It seems impossible otherwise to account for the large number of books printed in various places almost at the same time, unless they were merely commissioned and Birckman’s name put in the imprint. The Birckmans were certainly always travelling about; at a little later date I find one of them within three months at Antwerp, Cologne, London, Oxford, and Cambridge. It is interesting to notice that he had combined his business in Oxford with a visit to young Christopher Froschover, nephew of the printer of the first English Bible of 1535, who was then an undergraduate there.

All the authorities I have been able to consult are unanimous in disagreeing on the history of the family of Birckman, but fortunately at the moment we are only concerned with two, Francis the elder and younger. The elder, whose place of business was in St Paul’s Churchyard, must have been an important and rich man and seems to have spared no expense in ornamenting his books. As an example I may mention the great Sarum _Antiphoner_ in two folio volumes, of which there is a copy in the Cambridge University Library. The fine title-pages were not the stock-in-trade of the printer Hopyl, but were specially engraved for Birckman, whose mark occurs in them. His Missals also were profusely illustrated, which was not the general rule with such service books.

Francis Birckman was dead before the year 1531, as we learn from the sentence delivered in a lawsuit on April 4, 1531, and registered in the sentence book of the Alderman’s Court at Antwerp. A certain John Silverlink had delivered to Birckman a large consignment, over 700 copies, of English New Testaments, for which he was to be paid £28. 17_s._ 3_d._ and had only received £3. 7_s._ 3_d._ The action was brought by the plaintiff against the guardians of Birckman’s children to recover the remainder, which was ordered to be paid minus a sum advanced by Francis Birckman to John van Remonde. His last book appears to have been dated 1529. In 1530 an edition of the Sarum _Processional_, printed at Paris by Prevost, was published in London with the following colophon, “Venundatur Londonii in edibus junioris Francisci Byrckman apud cimiterium divi Pauli.” This Francis was no doubt a son of the earlier Francis, for though his device is different his mark is the same. The device in the _Processional_ is the Hen with her Chickens, no doubt referring to the sign of the Birckmans at Cologne and Antwerp of the Fat Hen. This is the only book which I can trace as having been sold in England by the younger Francis Birckman, who probably returned abroad. He does not appear to have printed much, for the business was mainly carried on by Arnold. At a little later date there were certainly two Arnold Birckmans flourishing, one who dealt principally in London, and who had a brother there also in business named John. The other Arnold whose headquarters were at Cologne was dead before 1541, in which year a work of Rupertus, _De victoria verbi Dei_ was printed at Louvain for the widow of Arnold Birckman.

John and Arnold were certainly very important stationers in London. John Reynes was the only foreigner who surpassed them in wealth, and when his stock was valued at £100, each of theirs was valued at 100 marks, that is, £66. 13_s._ 4_d._ They appear to have acted as foreign agents for many of the London booksellers and to have travelled a great deal from place to place. They did not however always bear the best of characters, for Johann Ulmer writes to Bullinger, “The Byrckmans are careless and by no means to be depended upon, therefore beware”; and in another letter he complains, “The book has not yet reached me, the Byrckmans are not at all to be trusted.” Erasmus was even more abusive on the subject.

Jan van Doesborch, a printer of Antwerp who commenced business some time shortly before 1508, carried on the tradition of printing English books. Of some thirty-two books which he issued more than half are in English and many of them of a very curious nature. He appears to have inherited the business of Roland van den Dorp and his widow, and to have taken on their premises with the sign of the Iron Balance near the Cammerpoort. He is entered in the books of the St Lucas Gilde in 1508, the date of his first dated book, as an illuminator, and this taste is shown in the lavish, if careless, way in which he illustrated his books. Probably the first book he issued was the _Fifteen Tokens_, a little tract describing the signs coming before the Judgement and which he had himself translated from the Dutch. This was followed by three grammars, one of which, Holt’s _Lac Puerorum_, has but lately been discovered and is in a private collection. Then come an edition of _Robin Hood_, known from an imperfect copy in Edinburgh, and a fragment of _Eurialus and Lucrece_ also at Edinburgh. To the year 1518 may be ascribed the _Life of Virgilius_ and a dated book of that year, beginning “This mater treateth of a merchauntes wife that afterwarde went lyke a man and becam a great lorde and was called Frederyke of Jennen.” Then we have the _History of Mary of Nemmegen_, an edition of _Tyl Howleglas_, and the story of the _Parson of Kalenborowe_. A last book worthy of mention is one beginning “Of the newe landes and of ye people found by the messengers of the kynge of portyngale named Emanuel.” Though naturally a much spoken of book as being about the earliest of English books relating to America, really only one leaf of the book is devoted to that subject.

Who the translator of these various books may have been is uncertain. Two were definitely stated to have been done by Lawrence Andrewe, the London printer, and Douce without any apparent reason suggested that others might be the work of Richard Arnold. I think that perhaps several were translated by Andrewe. In some verses appended to his translation of the _Book of Dystyllacyon_ he writes,

After sondry volumes that I dyd deuyse As tryfels of myrthe, which were laudable Now mynded agayn, my pene to exercyse In other maters to the reder more profitable And thus abydynge pacyently, for a time seasonable My mynde longe vexing with ymaginacyons That my work before shold apere more comendable Now have I performed a boke of dystyllacyons.

The “sundry trifles of mirth” might well be such books as _Frederick of Jennen_, _The Life of Virgilius_, or _The Parson of Kalenborowe_. The only two books to which he put his name as translator, _The wonderful shape and nature that our Saviour Christ Jesu hath created in beasts, serpents, fowles_, etc., and the _Valuation of gold and silver_, hardly come under the head of “trifles of mirth.”

No doubt this large production of English books must have entailed frequent visits to England and a shop or agent there, but the only clue we have to John of Doesborch’s residence in this country is afforded by the entry in the lists made for the subsidy of 1523, “De Johanne van Dwysborow, extraneo, pro xls per annum ijs.,” and he is entered in the parish of St Martin in the Fields.

I now come to two printers of Antwerp, in many ways the most interesting of all, but of whom little is known and less has been written. These are Christopher and Hans van Ruremond or Rémonde, who were concerned very specially with the printing and dispersal of the first English New Testaments. Whether or not these two men were related is not very clear, but from the way they were connected in business it seems very probable. Christopher, the more important of the two, was known also as Christopher van Endhoven, which is the name used on his device and under which he is entered in 1524 in the registers of the St Lucas Gilde at Antwerp. Many have thought that Christopher van Ruremond and Christopher van Endhoven were two persons, but as all the books in the two names have the same type and woodcuts, and as in three cases at least we find the device of Christopher van Endhoven and the name of Christopher van Ruremond together, we may take them to be the same. Besides if they were different persons it would be a very marvellous coincidence that they should die on the same date, and their widows simultaneously begin to carry on their businesses.

[Illustration]

Christopher began to print in 1523, issuing a Sarum _Manual_ and _Processional_; this was followed by four more Sarum service books in 1524 and five in 1525. Until after February 6, 1525, all were printed for Peter Kaetz, the later ones for Francis Birckman. In 1526 he entered on a task which was destined to bring him into considerable trouble, the printing of the _New Testament_ in English. In the beginning of the year he printed a Sarum _Breviary_, but for the next year we have nothing else from his press, for a reason to be noted shortly. In 1527 he printed three _Missals_, one of Sarum use, and in 1528 three Sarum service books and a _New Testament_ in Dutch. For 1529 we have no books, and 1530 is represented by an English _Almanack_ and two editions of the Sarum _Horae_.

In 1525 Christopher and Hans had printed a _Bible_ in Dutch, Hans printing the greater part of the Old Testament and Christopher the remainder and the New Testament. On October 30, 1525, Hans was summoned before the town council of Antwerp for printing a book tainted with Lutheran heresies, was ordered to leave the town and district immediately, and go on pilgrimage to the Holy Blood at Wilsenaken in Prussia, and was further forbidden to return to the town or neighbourhood until he could produce a certificate that the pilgrimage had been carried out. This he apparently objected to do and crossed over to England.

Christopher, left in Antwerp, soon afterwards started on the very dangerous undertaking of printing English New Testaments, which were sent into England and sold there by Hans. In 1528 in the table of certain persons abjured within the diocese of London we find “John Raimund a Dutchman, for causing fifteen hundred of Tyndale’s New Testaments to be printed at Antwerp and for bringing five hundred into England.” John Raimund is clearly the English form of Jan Roemundt and is probably identical with the Dutchman who earlier in the year was in the Fleet for having sold to Robert Necton some 200 or 300 copies of the Testament. At the end of 1526 when these Antwerp printed Testaments had found their way into England, a strong effort was made by the English authorities to have them suppressed and the printer punished. On November 24 John Hackett wrote to Wolsey saying there were two printers in Antwerp who printed these books but that a proclamation would soon be issued against them. On the 12th January, 1527, Hackett again wrote that the Margrave had declared that according to the Emperor’s last mandment these English books must be condemned to be burnt, the printer Christopher Endhoven banished, and the third part of his goods confiscated. The prisoner’s counsel however protested against this judgement, saying that the Emperor’s subjects ought not to be judged by the laws of other countries, and his plea seems to have been successful, for Christopher does not appear to have been banished, and continued to print at Antwerp. About the end of 1530 he appears to have crossed over to England in connexion with the sale of English Testaments, and the last act of the drama is tersely stated by Foxe under the year 1531. An Antwerp bookseller named Christopher for selling certain New Testaments in English to John Row, bookbinder, was thrown into prison at Westminster and there died.

On the death of Christopher, Hans wished to return to Antwerp, but in order to do so a certificate of his pilgrimage had to be obtained. In the archives of the city there is an entry dated March 29, 1531, that letters of the pilgrimage having been presented he was free to reenter the city and district. He did not stay long abroad but returned to London, and as an assistant to his fellow-countryman John Nicholson, the printer of Southwark, has been the source of much puzzle to commentators on the English New Testament; for I believe him to be no other than John Hollybush, the so-called reviser of the edition of 1538. The name John Hollybush has generally been considered a pseudonym, and most modern authorities consider the person so designated to have been Miles Coverdale. But Hollybush was a real person, and in the troubled times of 1535, when inhabitants of the Low Countries dwelling in England were forced to become denizened, we find entered amongst others, “John Holibusche alias Holybusche of London, Stationer otherwise bookbinder, born in Ruremund, under the obedience of the Emperor.”

Now considering the prominent part that Hans van Ruremond, otherwise John Raimund, had taken in the production and dispersal of the New Testament, he is just the man to be identical with a stationer who revised for the press a new edition. The whole family was identified with the issue of English Testaments. Christopher printed them at Antwerp, and after he had died in England for selling them, his widow continued to print further editions. John had suffered penance for selling them and was now, in more peaceable times, helping to print them. Christopher’s son, also named John, became a printer in Antwerp and printed Dutch Bibles and Testaments. One of the very last Sarum service books printed, the _Processional_ of 1558, again links Christopher van Endhoven and Christopher van Ruremond together. Upon the title-page is the device with mark and initials, C. E. of Christopher van Endhoven, while the colophon runs “Finit Processionale ad usum Sarum Antverpie impressum per Melchiorem Endovianum, typis Christophori Ruremunden. Anno m.c.lviii. mensis xxiii. Junii.”

Another stationer connected with Christopher and Hans van Ruremond was a young man named Peter Kaetz, who acted for a while as their agent in London and had a shop in St Paul’s Churchyard. The seven Sarum service books, two _Manuals_, two _Processionals_, a _Horae_, a _Psalter_, and a _Hymni cum notis_, which Christopher van Ruremond printed before February 6, 1525, were all to be sold in London by Kaetz; after this date his place was taken by Birckman. In the spring of 1525 Kaetz returned to Antwerp and carried on business at the sign of the House of Delft in the Cammerstraete, a house formerly occupied by Henri Eckert van Homberg. Here he issued an edition of the _Bible_ in Dutch printed by Hans van Ruremond. After this date we hear no more of him. Perhaps like Hans van Ruremond he was involved in the religious troubles, and, banished from Antwerp, found refuge in England. He was in communication with Siberch, the first Cambridge printer, and amongst some fragments rescued from a binding of Siberch’s in Westminster Abbey library was a letter addressed to him by Peter Kaetz. In it Kaetz says he is waiting in London for his master, on whose arrival he intends to cross over. He also says, “I send you 25 prognostications and three New Testaments, small size. The prognostications cost one shilling sterling the 25, and the three New Testaments cost 2_s._ and 6_d._ sterling.” The puzzling part about the letter is the date to which it should be assigned. Many things point to its being before 1523 and yet the references to the New Testament are not easily explained. The price is that at which the English New Testament printed at Antwerp in 1526 by Christopher van Ruremond was sold, and Hans van Ruremond had come into England about this time to sell it. We know also that Christopher van Ruremond printed prognostications in English. I should have been inclined to put the letter down to some time in or after 1526, and to suppose that the master for whom Kaetz waited was Hans van Ruremond. A person named “Gibkerken” is mentioned in the letter, who may perhaps be a Dutch stationer, John Gybken, who was first an assistant to John Cockes and who afterwards rose to considerable eminence and was admitted as a member of the Stationers’ Company. His son was also admitted a member of the Company, although he was deaf and dumb.

The history of the printing and dispersal of the early editions of the English Testament and the various prohibited controversial books offers a very fascinating subject of study, and it is extraordinary, considering the amount that has been written on the question, how little is really known. I suppose the reason is that it has usually been taken up from the theological rather than the bibliographical side, and that writers on the subject though well versed in the history of the Reformation knew nothing of scientific bibliography.

It is obvious that where the printer by his work placed himself in very considerable danger, he would not be anxious to advertise himself and would therefore let his books go out without any imprint or with a fictitious one. Then comes in the study of type. It affords a far more conclusive argument than any theories drawn from where the author was living or where he would probably like to have his book printed. Then again there is the common danger of taking for an early or original edition what is merely a reprint with the original colophon unaltered. An important English library purchased not very long ago at a high price, a so-called first edition of Tindale’s _Parable of the Wicked Mammon_, printed at Marlborowe in the land of Hesse by Hans Luft, 1528. But in spite of its having this information emblazoned in gold upon its morocco cover, it is a reprint made about twenty years later by Berthelet, a fact that should have been patent to anyone at all conversant with English printing, seeing that the title-page is within one of Berthelet’s best-known border frames.

Then, again, many of the books with foreign imprints were certainly printed in this country. Upright Hoff of Leipsic and Ian Troost of Aurich are both names assumed by John Oswen, the printer of Ipswich.

Cambridge has made an important start towards a real bibliography of this subject by the publication of the third volume of Mr Sayle’s most admirable _Catalogue of the Early English Books in the University Library_. Only those who have worked on the subject can understand how much patience, how much untiring labour, and how many often disappointing searches must have been expended on every small fact chronicled in the volume.

To return to these Early English Testaments printed in Antwerp. It is quite clear that as soon as the edition printed by Schoeffer in 1525 had been issued and found a ready sale, the Antwerp printers set to work to print rival editions. Fortunately we have a very clear and contemporary account which there seems no reason for doubting. It occurs in Joye’s _Apology_, written about 1534, and I will abbreviate it as far as possible. “Thou shalt know that Tyndale translated and printed the New Testament in a mean great volume but yet without Kalendar, Concordances in the margin, and Table in the end. And anon, after, the Dutchmen got a copy and printed it again in a small volume adding the Kalendar in the beginning, Concordances in the margin, and the Table in the end.” After speaking of the many faults in it he continues: “After this they printed it again also without a corrector in a greater letter and volume with the figures in the Apocalypse which was therefore much falser than their first. When these two prints (there were of them both about five thousand printed) were all sold more than a twelvemonth ago [that is about the middle of 1533] Tyndale was pricked forth to take the Testament in hand. But Tyndale prolonged and deferred in so much that in the mean season the Dutchmen printed it again the third time in a small volume like their first print, but much more false than ever it was before.” Before this edition was put in hand Joye had been asked to correct it, but refused, saying that Tindale was about to bring out a revised edition: however two thousand copies were printed and sold almost at once. A fourth edition was then put in hand and Joye was again asked to correct it. He continues: “I answered as before that if Tyndale amend it, with so great diligence as he promiseth yours will be never sold. Yes, quod they, for if he print two thousand and we as many, what is so little a number for all England? and we will sell ours better cheap and therefore we doubt not of the sale.” Joye seeing clearly that they were determined to print whether he corrected or not, and seeing he was more qualified than a native, undertook the task, and for the modest remuneration of fourpence halfpenny for every sheet of sixteen leaves corrected the edition published by the widow of Christopher van Endhoven in August, 1534. According to this statement, which is a very lucid one, between the issue of Tindale’s octavo version in 1525 and Joye’s revision in 1534, three other Antwerp editions had been issued. The first in a very small volume with a Kalendar, marginal notes, and a table. This must be the edition printed by Christopher van Endhoven in 1526 for which he was prosecuted. The second was of a larger size and had woodcuts to the Apocalypse. The third was similar to the first, but much more incorrectly printed. Here then are three editions as yet entirely unidentified, and there are most probably more. The late Dr Angus possessed the title-page of an edition of 1532 which from the tracing reproduced in Demaus’ book on Tindale must have been a quarto.

Antwerp continued to print Testaments in increasing numbers. In 1534 and 1535 four editions were issued, and in 1536 when they were more freely circulated, no less than seven. These are beyond our period, but I cannot resist chronicling a fact lately come to light, which gives the solution of a long-standing puzzle. In all the three quarto editions of 1536, none of which has a printer’s name, is a woodcut of St Paul with his foot resting on a stone. These cuts though almost exactly similar are not identical. In one cut nothing is engraved on the stone, and the edition containing it is known as the “blank stone” edition. In another cut a mole is engraved on the stone, and the edition is known as the “mole” edition. In the third there is what is called an engraver’s mark, with the initials A. K. B., and that issue is called the “engraver’s mark” edition. Now about this engraver’s mark nothing was known. Not long ago, however, in turning over a large volume of miscellaneous woodcuts in the Bodleian I came across an example of this cut on what was manifestly the last leaf of a book. Below the cut was this colophon, “Antwerp. Mattheus Cromme voor Adriaen Kempe van Bouckhout, 1537.” Between 1537 and 1539 Crom printed for Kempe several editions of Branteghem’s _Vita Jesu Christi_. In 1536 the cut occurs in the _Storys and prophesis out of the holy scriptur_ printed by Simon Cock. It would thus seem that Kempe first employed Cock as his printer, but left him for Crom when the latter began printing about 1537.

The specimens of bookbinding of this period, the best so far as stamped bindings are concerned, offer a very difficult problem to the student. What are English bindings and what are not, and how are they to be distinguished? The more the subject is studied, the more difficult these questions appear. There are bindings which are obviously English just as there are others obviously foreign, but the great majority are doubtful. It must be remembered that a very large number of binders in England were foreigners, who would very likely bring their dies and stamps with them from abroad, and finish their work in a foreign manner. As their bindings were produced in England, they must be called English bindings though in a foreign style, for we would not call the Berthelet bindings, produced for Henry VIII in London by foreign workmen with foreign dies, anything but English.

As an example of this confusion I would mention the binding on a copy of the _Horae ad usum Sarum_ of 1506, printed for Pelgrim and Jacobi, and now in the Bodleian. In the centre of the cover are two purely Netherlandish panels, while round these runs a frame composed of two dies which had belonged to Caxton. We know that the partners owned several of Caxton’s dies, because they are found in conjunction with Jacobi’s signed panels. As the _Horae_ was printed for them and has their dies on the binding, it is clear they are the binders, but had the Caxton dies been absent, no one could have put down the binding as anything but Netherlandish.

The favourite English binding of this time consisted of two panel stamps, one having the Royal Arms, the other the Tudor Rose with mottoes, which I described before. In the base of these panels the binder’s initials and mark generally occur. In some cases these initials can with certainty be ascribed, because they occur with the mark and full name in some printed book. Thus there is no mistake about the bindings of Pynson, Notary, Jacobi, or Reynes. But in a large number of cases there are merely initials, or initials with a mark which has not been identified. Here the imagination steps in with usually fatal results.

One set of these panels is signed R. O., and as O is an uncommon initial for a surname the natural inclination is to attribute the binding to Reginald Oliver. Another set has the initials R. L.: who more likely than Richard Lant? All such suggestions are worthless without proof, and until proved are not worth setting down. Other binders using these panels were H. N. and G. G.

A binder whose initials were G. R. had two very handsome pairs of panels. One panel contains the Royal Arms surrounded by the verse beginning, “Confitemini dominum quoniam bonus,” while the corresponding panel contains figures of four saints. The first of the second pair is also the Royal Arms with the verse beginning “Laudate Dominum de terra,” and the other has the figures of the four saints, George, Barbara, Michael, and Katherine.

The Annunciation was a very favourite subject with bookbinders. One of the handsomest panels of this kind was used by a binder, A. H., who used also a panel with the Tudor Rose. Though this shows that the bindings were produced for the English market, the leather employed, apparently sheepskin, suggests that they were executed abroad, perhaps at Rouen.

Two other panels were in common use containing figures of St Sebastian and St Roche. These were extremely popular, for at that time the country was periodically visited with outbreaks of the plague, against which these two saints were considered the guardians. Very often the saint chosen for the binder’s panel had reference to his own Christian name. John Reynes has a panel with St John Baptist. St George as the patron saint of England was naturally popular. One beautiful binding has on one side St George and the Dragon, and on the other St Michael with the binder’s devices, a maiden’s head on a shield. This might be the work of Richard Faques, who lived at the sign of the Maiden’s Head.

The roll binding, as apart from the panel binding, was ornamented by means of a rolling tool, and at first these were large and ornamental, but they gradually narrowed, and so became meagre or weak in detail.

Those in use at Cambridge are perhaps the finest of all, but this is not the time to speak of them. Among London binders John Reynes produced the best known roll, containing figures of a hound, a falcon, and a bee with flowers and foliage. Another with an unknown binder’s mark, contains a hound, a falcon, and a double-headed eagle on a shield. The roll of another unknown binder bears a Tudor Rose, a pomegranate, a shield with the arms of France and England, a turreted gateway, a portcullis, a fleur-de-lys, and the binder’s mark.

Another handsome roll has the initials of I. G. and W. G. with figures of a dragon, a gryphon, and foliage, and is not at all uncommon. In Archbishop Marsh’s library at Dublin there is an example of such a binding, tooled entirely in gold, the only example I have ever seen of such work.

In the main design of all these English rolls there is very little variation, the various royal emblems amidst foliage and flowers.

It is unfortunate that while we have so many initialled bindings which cannot be definitely ascribed to particular binders, so also we have the names of plenty of binders to whom we cannot allot bindings; Alard and Noel Havy, De Worde’s binders, Giles Lauret, who lived close to Havy in Shoe Lane, and John Rouse, who lived next door. John Richardson, and John Row who was punished for buying Testaments. John Pollard and Thomas Stoke who received pardon for some unknown offence in 1533. Martin Dotier, the third offender, we do find afterwards, for he commissioned one edition of a Sarum _Manual_ in 1543, and ended his days as a brother of the Stationers’ Company.

Few binders or stationers of the time have left any definite record. I have notes of at least four hundred persons connected with the English book-trade between the years 1500 and 1535, but of very few is anything known beyond the name. A mention in a will, an entry in a record or tax-roll, or a mention in church or municipal accounts, is all that remains to tell us of their existence.

I have referred before to the various difficulties with which the foreign stationer had to contend, and year by year these difficulties grew worse. The educated man was still entirely dependent on the Continent for such books as he required, for before 1535 the literature of the Renaissance was untouched by the native printers. Wynkyn de Worde from start to finish, roughly speaking, never printed a classic, but was content to turn out rhymes and romances to catch the popular taste. Pynson, the more scholarly worker, was engaged on official or semi-official publications. There was no press that could print in any but ordinary type; even the most learned printer had not sufficient Greek letters to print quotations; and this when foreigners came to England to learn Greek.

No doubt the large importation of books was galling to the native printers, but they do not seem to have lacked work, or if they did it was only through their own want of energy. The bookbinders were in a much worse case, because so many binders in this country were foreigners, and no doubt large consignments of books came over ready bound. The probability is that the foreigners had been better trained, and could turn out cheaper and better work, and though that might appeal to the purchaser, it would certainly injure their native rivals. While for forty years the Italians had been issuing beautiful little volumes in gilt bindings, the use of gilding on bindings was almost unknown in England. It was not as though English printing was improving as time went on. Indeed it became more and more careless and slovenly. A printer here and there who had a subsidy and was sure of work, such as Pynson and Berthelet, cast fine type and produced handsome books. But the majority lagged far behind, and worn-out type and broken cuts were the stock-in-trade of the ordinary printer. Then was passed the Act of 1534, which declared the English printers to be at least the equals of any foreign competitors, and restricted the importation of foreign books. With the removal of the foreign competition native work sank to its lowest level, and it was only when the religious persecutions abroad drove numbers of refugee foreign printers to England that English printing began to revive--for the time.

On Christmas Day, 1534, probably but a few days before the death of Wynkyn de Worde, the famous Act of 25 Henry VIII concerning printers and binders of books came into operation. The preamble is extremely clear and interesting: “Whereas by the provision of a statute made in the first year of the reign of king Richard III [1484] it was provided in the same Act, that all strangers repairing into this realm, might lawfully bring into the said realm printed and written books to sell at their liberty and pleasure. By force of which provision there hath come into this realm sithen the making of the same a marvellous number of printed books, and daily doth; and the cause of making of the same provision seemeth to be, for that there were but few books, and few printers, within this realm at that time, which could well exercise and occupy the said science and craft of printing; nevertheless, sithen the making of the said provision, many of this realm, being the king’s natural subjects, have given themselves so diligently to learn and exercise the said craft of printing, that at this day there be within this realm a great number of cunning and expert in the said science or craft of printing, as able to exercise the said craft in all points, as any stranger in any other realm or country. And furthermore, where there be a great number of the king’s subjects within this realm, which live by the craft and mystery of binding of books, and that there be a great multitude well expert in the same, yet all this notwithstanding there are divers persons, that bring from beyond the sea great plenty of printed books, not only in the Latin tongue, but also in our maternal English tongue, some bound in boards, some in leather, and some in parchment, and them sell by retail, whereby many of the king’s subjects, being binders of books, and having no other faculty, wherewith to get their living, be destitute of work, and like to be undone, except some reformation be herein had. Be it therefore enacted by the king our sovereign lord, the lords spiritual and temporal, and the commons in this present parliament assembled, and by authority of the same, that the said proviso, made the first year of the said king Richard III, from the feast of the nativity of our Lord God next coming, shall be void and of none effect.”

This part of the Act, which seems to me essentially fair, simply removed special privileges and put the foreign printers and stationers on an equal footing with all other aliens. Then come two special new enactments.

“And further, be it enacted by the authority aforesaid, that no persons resiant or inhabitant within this realm, after the said feast of Christmas next coming, shall buy to sell again, any printed books, brought from any parts out of the king’s obeysance, ready bound in boards, leather or parchment, upon pain to lose and forfeit for every book bound out of the said king’s obeysance, and brought into this realm and bought by any person or persons within the same to sell again contrary to this Act, 6_s._ 8_d._”

This enactment was a great protection to native binders as prohibiting all dealing in foreign bound books. The next paragraph was for the benefit of the printers. “And be it further enacted, by the authority aforesaid, that no person or persons inhabitant or resiant within this realm after the said feast of Christmas shall buy within this realm of any stranger born out of the king’s obedience, other than of denizens, any manner of printed books brought from any the parts beyond the sea, except only by engross and not by retail upon pain of forfeiture of 6_s._ 8_d._ for every book so bought by retail contrary to the form and effect of this estature.”

The remainder of the Act treats only of penalties and restrictions as to the price of books and bindings.

The clause about printing amounts to this, that no person not a native or denizen could retail foreign printed books, and it seems pretty clear that it was not so much intended for the advantage of printers, as for giving fuller power to suppress the importation and surreptitious sale of controversial books.

The alien printer, stationer, or binder, when denizened, was in this position. He paid double subsidies and taxes, he could have none but English-born apprentices and only two foreign workmen. He was under the rule of the Warden of the Craft. He could not deal in foreign bound books, nor buy books from foreigners except by engross. The alien not denizened had the further restrictions that unless he had been a householder before February 1528, he could not keep any house or shop in which to exercise any handicraft, nor could he sell any foreign printed books by retail.

Weighed down by these various disabilities the small foreign stationers rapidly disappeared. A certain number who had lived here for some time took out letters of denization and stayed on, but it was only to struggle on.

If you wish to have a practical idea of what foreign work meant to England, just glance at the list of Contents in Mr Sayle’s admirable _Catalogue of the Early_ _English books in the University Library_. Taking all the persons given in the list, from the earliest printing to 1510 connected with English books, we have the astonishing result of three Englishmen, Caxton, a printer, Hunte, the Oxford stationer, and W. Bretton, merely a patron of printing. The foreigners on the other hand number forty-two. After 1510 the relative numbers rapidly alter, and by 1535 the great majority were English. The hatred of the natives, and the various Acts levelled against him, compelled the foreign workman to disappear, and I am afraid that with his disappearance the necessary competition which produced good printing disappeared also.

The fifty years of freedom from 1484 to 1534 not only brought us the finest specimens of printing we possess, but compelled the native workman, in self-protection, to learn, and when competition was done away with his ambition rapidly died also. Once our English printing was protected, it sank to a level of badness which has lasted, with the exception of a few brilliant experiments, almost down to our own day.

INDEX.

Aberdeen University Library, 81

_Abridgement of the Statutes_, 44, 46, 114, 124

Actors, Peter, 77, 98, 169

Acts affecting printers and stationers, 74, 129, 187, 189-191, 208, 212, 236-239

Adryan of Barrowe. _See_ Berghen, A. van

_Advertisement_, Caxton’s, 9

Aeneas Sylvius. See _Eurialus_

Aesop, _Fables_, Caxton, 15; Andrewes, 156

Alard, bookbinder, 107, 139, 140, 235

Albertus, _De modis significandi_, Notary, 37; _Liber aggregationis_, Machlinia, 48; _Secreta mulierum_, Machlinia, 48

Alcock, John, _Gallicantus_, Pynson, 1498, 66; _Mons perfectionis_, Pynson, 1497, 66; W. de Worde, 1501, 132

Aldus bindings, 124

Alexander VI., pope, 55

Alexander Grammaticus, _Doctrinale_, Pynson, 59, 60, 66, 109

Alien printers and stationers, 74-76, 120, 188-191, 235-240

_Almanack_, 1529, A. van Berghen, 216; 1530, C. van Ruremond, 223

Alost, 5

Althorp Library, 7, 8, 9, 10, 20, 114

Ames, Joseph, 8, 11, 50, 152, 171

Andreae, A., _Questiones_, Lettou, 1480, 42

Andrewe, Lawrence, 140, 155, 156, 221

_Anelida and Arcyte_, Caxton, 10

Angus, Dr, 230

_Antiphoner, Sarum_, W. Hopyl, 205, 218

Antoine, Jean, 206

Antwerp printing, 79, 85, 88, 91, 148, 149, 153, 155, 176, 200, 213

Antwerp stationers, 214-231

Anwykyll, J., _Grammar_, 79

Appleby Grammar School, 60

Arnold, Richard, 221; _Chronicle_, 169, 214-216

_Ars Moriendi_, Caxton, 21, 22, 90

_Art and Craft to Know Well to Die_, Caxton, 64; Pynson, 64

Arundel, Earl of, 14, 16

Ashburnham sale, 30, 53

Atkyns, R., _Original and growth of printing_, 1

B., A. K., engraver, 231

Badius, J., 96, 193, 195

Bagford, John, 8, 11, 148

Baldwin, John, 193

Baligault, Felix, 84, 86

Bankes, Richard, 125, 154, 155

Barbanson, John, 139

Barbier, Jean, 37, 38, 194, 196

Barclay, Alexander, 162, 206; _Introductory to French_, 147

Barker, Christopher, 76

Barnes, Robert, 125

Barrevelt, Gerardus, 92, 93

Bars, John, 69

Bartholomæus, _De proprietatibus rerum_, 4, 29

Barton, Elizabeth, 151

Basle, 78

Bath, Marquis of, 54

_Battle of Agincourt_, J. Skot, 151

Beauchamp, Earl, 66

Bedford, Duke of, _Epitaph of_, 63

Bedfordshire General Library, 106

Bellaert, Jacop, 88, 89

Berclaeus, Thomas, 177

Bercula, Thomas, 177

Berghen, Adrian van, 91, 214-216

Bernard, St, _Meditations_, W. de Worde, 90

Berthelet, Anthony, 183

Berthelet, Edward, 183

Berthelet, Margaret, 182

Berthelet, Thomas, 156, 157, 158, 175, 176, 177-183, 192, 208, 228, 236; bindings, 124, 232

_Bible_, Grafton and Whitchurch, 1539, 209; Petyt and Redman, 1540, 176; Dutch, C. & H. van Ruremond, 1525, 223, 226

_Bible, New Testament_, English, 208, 222-231; Dutch, 1528, 223

Bibliothèque Nationale, 68, 73, 136, 137

Binder, royal, 181

Binders, 97, 101-126, 231-235

Bindings, 101-126, 231-235 Armorial, 123 Cambridge, 108, 117, 120, 122, 234 Characteristics, 122-3 Clasps and Ties, 123 Durham, 102, 104 Early English, 101-111 Foreign, importation prohibited, 76, 238 Fragments in, 107, 110, 124-5 Gilt, 182, 234, 236 Greek books, 123 Italian, 123 London, 102 Norwich, 108 Oxford, 103-4 Panel stamps, 111-121, 145, 197-8, 200-1, 232-4 Prices, 182 Roll ornaments, 120, 200, 202, 234 Rouen, 121, 233 Venetian style, 124, 182 Winchester, 102-4

Birckman, Arnold, 198, 200, 201, 219

Birckman, Francis, 195, 217-219, 222, 226

Birckman, Francis, jun., 218, 219

Birckman, John, 201, 219

_Birth of Merlin_, W. de Worde, 1510, 136

Blades, Wm, 3, 8, 19, 22, 23, 58, 106, 107

_Blanchardin and Eglantine_, Caxton, 19, 20

Blandford, Marquis of, 9, 61

Bocard, André, 97, 142, 193

Bodleian Library. _See_ Oxford

_Body of Policy_, J. Skot, 1521, 150

Boethius, A. M. T., _De consolatione philosophie_, Caxton, 106-7

Bonaventura, _Speculum vitae Christi_, Caxton, 16, 20, 58; W. de Worde, 26; Pynson, 58, 62

Bonham, William, 149, 184

_Book of Cookery_, Pynson, 1500, 69, 71, 159; Bankes and Lant, 1545, 155

_Book of Courtesy_, Caxton, 10, 25; W. de Worde, 24, 25

_Book of Divers Ghostly Matters_, Caxton, 21

_Book of Dystyllacyon_, 155, 221

_Book of Herbs_, J. Skot, 151

_Book of Justices of Peas_, R. Redman, 176

_Book of Kerving_, W. de Worde, 134

_Book of maid Emlyn_, J. Skot, 150

_Book of St Alban’s_, W. de Worde, 1496, 29

_Book of Songs_, W. de Worde, 1530, 138

_Book to lerne to speak French_, Pynson, 65

Book trade in sixteenth century, 187-192

Bookbinders. _See_ Binders

Borbonius, Nicholas, 181

Borde, Andrew, 147

Borders, 21, 27, 38, 49, 56, 157, 169, 176, 180, 194

Boteler, John, 152

Boudins, John, 97, 193

Bourman, Nicolas, 140

Brachius, John, 206

Bradshaw, Henry, 8, 11, 12, 18, 19, 21, 43, 50, 80, 99, 108, 109, 125, 156

Brand sale, 9

Brant, S., _Ship of Fools_, Pynson, 162; W. de Worde, 135

Branteghem, G. de, _Vita Jesu Christi_, 231

Braunschweig, H. _See_ Jerome of Brunswick

Bretton, William, 194, 195, 196, 204

_Breviary_: _Aberdeen_, 1509-10, 7 _Hereford_, 1505, 82 _Sarum_, 92; Cologne, ab. 1475, 73; Venice, 1483, 73; Paris, 1494, 84; Venice, 1495, 93; Rouen, 1496, 81; Louvain, 1499, 80; Pynson, 1507, 162; 1507, 206; Antwerp, 1526, 223; Paris, 1531, 205 _York_, 1493, 92

Bright, B. H., 61

British Museum, 8, 9, 14, 16, 20, 44, 49, 50, 53, 54, 58, 60, 61, 68, 69, 70, 81, 95, 105, 109, 114, 134, 138, 142, 159, 165, 170, 172, 184, 186, 196, 217

Brito, John, 52

Britwell Library, 40, 145

_Bull of Innocent VIII._, Machlinia, 55

Bulle, J., 41

Bumgart, Herrman, 115

Burgo, J. de, _Pupilla Oculi_, Paris, 1510, 194

Burgundy, Duchess of, 3

Butler, John, 139, 152

Byddell, John, 138, 139, 140, 203, 204

C., N., binder’s stamp, 116

Caesar, _Commentaries_, W. Rastell, 186

Caillard, J., 205

Cambridge bindings, 108, 117, 120, 122, 216, 234

Cambridge printing, 11, 99, 125

Cambridge libraries: Caius College, 54, 86, 115 Christ’s College, 165 Clare College, 156 Corpus Christi College, 11, 103, 110, 161, 170, 212, 216 Emmanuel College, 161, 170 Jesus College, 43, 108 King’s College, 62 Magdalene College, 186 Pepysian Library, 14, 28, 34, 61, 63, 149, 163 St Catharine’s College, 81 St John’s College, 92, 110, 209 Trinity College, 68, 96 University Library, 4, 8, 10, 25, 32, 35, 36, 37, 38, 44, 48, 49, 51, 53, 61, 73, 80, 82, 84, 88, 92, 95, 96, 116, 132, 143, 147, 150, 153, 165, 172, 206

Campensis, Joannes, _Interpretatio Psalmorum Omnium_, 1534, 208

Campion, Amye, 166

Campion, Joane, 166

Campion, William, 166

Candos, Guillaume, 206

Canutus, _Treatise of the Pestilence_, Machlinia, 53

Caorsin, Gul., _Siege of Rhodes_, 45

Capgrave, J., _Nova Legenda Angliae_, W. de Worde, 137

Carmelianus, Petrus, 79, 164

Castellain, George, 69, 161

_Castle of Labour_, A. Verard, 206

_Castle of Pleasure_, H. Pepwell, 1518, 147

_Cato_, Caxton, 10, 12

Caxton, Elizabeth, 23

Caxton, Maud, 20

Caxton, W., 3-24, 46, 57, 58, 73, 78, 88, 90, 130, 146 Binding stamps, 108, 139, 140, 197, 232 Bindings, 105-107 Border used by, 21, 27 Death, 23 Device, 18, 38, 58 Family, 23 Foreign reprints of his books, 24 Number of books printed, 22 Situation of printing office, 6, 39 Translations by, 14, 23, 28 Types, 6, 12, 22, 26, 56 Vellum books, 20, 125 Wife, 20 Woodcuts, 12, 13, 15, 16, 17, 21, 22, 27, 33, 142

_Charles the Great_, Caxton, 16

Chasteleyn, George. _See_ Castellain, George

_Chastising of God’s Children_, W. de Worde, 24, 25

Chatsworth Library, 81, 88

Chaucer, G., _Works_, Pynson, 1526, 165; Godfray, 1532, 156, 157; _Canterbury Tales_, Caxton, 8, 15; Pynson, 57, 58; W. de Worde, 30; _Hous of Fame_, Caxton, 15; _Mars and Venus_, Notary, 39; _Troilus and Cressida_, Caxton, 15

Chepman, Walter, 115

Chevallon, Claude, 205

Cholmondeley, Ralph, 176

_Chorle and the Bird_, 10, 16

_Christmas Carolles_, W. de Worde, 1521, 137

_Chronicles of England_, Caxton, 13; Leeu, 88, 90; Machlinia, 52, 60; Notary, 142-144

Cicero, _Paradoxes_, Redman, 177; _De officiis_, Mainz, 1466, 4; _Pro Milone_, Oxford, 66

Claudin, A., 17

Cluen, Gerard, 217

Coblentz, Jean de, 198

Cock, Simon, 231

Cockes, John, 227

Colet, John, 148

Cologne printing, 4, 65, 73, 79, 142, 219

Combe, Dr Charles, 73

_Commemoratio lamentationis beate Marie_, Caxton, 21

_Commendations of Matrimony_, J. Skot, 1528, 150

_Complaint of the too soon maryed_, W. de Worde, 138

Confluentinus, Joannes, 198

Congregational Library, London, 61

_Consolation of timorouse and fearfull consciencys_, 172

Constable, John, _Epigrammata_, Pynson, 1520, 124

_Contemplacyon or meditacyon of the shedynge of the blood_, W. de Worde, 35

_Conversion of Swearers_, W. de Worde, 135; J. Butler, 152

Conway, Sir W. M., 88

Copenhagen printing, 30

Copland, Robert, 7, 139, 146-7, 154, 172

Copland, William, 147

Corsellis, Frederick, 2

Cotton, Henry, 19

Cousin, Jacques, 205, 206

Couvelance, Philippus de, 199

Coverdale, Miles, 208, 209, 225

Cowlance, Jean de, 198

Cox, Leonard, 153

Cranmer, Thomas, 159

Crawford, Earl of, 194

_Criblée_ engravings, 142

Crom, Matthew, 231

Cromwell, Thomas, 149, 154, 157, 185, 203, 209

Croppe, Gerard, 23

Cuthbert, St, 101

Darby, Robert, 139

Dating, method of: Berthelet, 179; Notary, 135, 141; Pynson, 68, 159, 160; Redman, 175; W. de Worde, 31, 135

Davidson, Thomas, 115

Day, John, 191

_De veteri et novo Deo_, J. Byddell, 1535, 203

_Debate and stryfe betwene Somer and Wynter_, L. Andrewe, 156

_Defence of Peace_, 1535, 203

_Demaundes Joyous_, W. de Worde, 1511, 136

_Determinations of the most famous Universities_, Berthelet, 179

Deventer printing, 79

Devonshire, Duke of, 16, 74. _See also_ Chatsworth Library

Dewes, G., _Introductorie for to lerne French_, T. Berthelet, 157; J. Reynes, 200

_Dialogue betwixte two englyshe men_, T. Berthelet, 180

Dibdin, T. F., 8, 27, 46, 53

_Dictes or sayengis of the Philosophres_, Caxton, 6, 7

_Dictionary of National Biography_, 22, 131

_Directorium sacerdotum_. See Maydeston, C.

_Directory of the conscience_, L. Andrewe, 156

_Diurnale_, Sarum, W. Hopyl, 1512, 195

_Dives and Pauper_, Pynson, 54, 61

_Division of the Spiritualty and the Temporalty_, 175, 180

Dockwray, Thomas, 148, 149

_Doctrinal of Sapience_, Caxton, 20

_Doctrynale of good servantes_, J. Butler, 152

Doesborch, Jan van, 91, 130, 155, 214, 220-222

_Donate and accidence_, Paris, 1515, 198

_Donatus_, P. Violette, 206

_Donatus Melior_, Caxton, 17, 125

Dorne, John, 98

Dorp, R. van den, 220

Dotier, Martin, 235

Douce, Francis, 10, 25, 221

Douglas, Gavin, 20

Draper, Richard, 202

_Drunkardes, The IX_, R. Bankes, 154

Dublin: Marsh Library, 143, 234; Trinity College Library, 84, 86, 88, 89, 217

Duff, E. Gordon, 60, 115, 116

Du Pré, Jean, 206

Durham bindings, 102, 104

Durham Cathedral Library, 34, 102

_Dying Creature_, W. de Worde, 1514, 146

Eckert van Homberg, Henri, 226

Eckius, J., _Enchiridion_, 1531, 148

Edinburgh printing, 151

Edinburgh, Advocates’ Library, 37 Signet Library, 67 University Library, 81

Edwards, bookseller, 161

Egmond, Count of, 67

Egmont, Frederick, 66, 67, 91-94, 97, 207; bindings, 114-5

_Elegantiarum viginti praecepta_, Pynson, 67

Elyot, Sir T., _Book named the Governour_, T. Berthelet, 180

Endhoven, C. van. _See_ Ruremond, C. van

_Eneydos_, Caxton, 20

_Epitaph of Jasper, Duke of Bedford_, Pynson, 63

Erasmus, D., _Christiani hominis institutum_, H. Pepwell, 148; _Colloquiorum formulae, De copia verborum, Enchiridion militis christiani_, W. de Worde, 138; _Exposition of the commune crede_, Redman, 203; _Good manners for children_, W. de Worde, 138; _Treatise upon the pater noster_, Berthelet, 178

Esteney, John, 130

_Eurialus and Lucrece_, J. van Doesborch, 220

_Every Man_, J. Skot, 150

_Exposicions des epistres et evangiles_, Verard, 1511-2, 212

_Expositio hymnorum_, A. Bocard for J. Boudins, 97, 193; H. Quentell, 65; Pynson’s Supplement, 65

_Expositiones terminorum legum Anglorum_, 1527, 152

Faques, Richard, 170-172, 234

Faques, Wm, 158, 162, 169-171

Far, Richard, 172

Farmer, Richard, 10, 39, 132

Fawkes, Michael, 172

Fawkes. _See also_ Faques

Faxe, Amelyne, 172

Faxe, Richard, 172

Ferreboue, James, 212

_Festum nominis Jesu_, Pynson, 61, 65

_Festum transfigurationis_, Caxton, 61; Machlinia, 54; Pynson, 65

_Festum visitationis_, Machlinia, 54

Fewterer, J., _Myrrour of Christes Passion_, R. Redman, 175

Ficinus, M., _Epistolae_, 1495, 103

_Fifteen Joys of Marriage_, W. de Worde, 135

_Fifteen Oes_, Caxton, 21, 22, 27

_Fifteen Tokens_, J. van Doesborch, 220

Fisher, John, _Sermon_, W. de Worde, 1508, 134

Fitzherbert, Sir A., _Diversite de courtz_, R. Redman, 1523, 172; _Great Abridgement_, J. Rastell, 184

Fitzjames, R., _Sermo die lune_, W. de Worde, 28

Fletewode sale, 35

Foreign book-trade with England, 72-100, 187-8, 205-213, 214-231, 235-240

_Foundation of Our Lady’s Chapel at Walsingham_, Pynson, 63, 64

_Four Sons of Aymon_, Caxton, 19, 20

Frankenberg, Henry, 77

Frankfurt fair, 192

_Frederyke of Jennen_, J. van Doesborch, 220, 221

Freeling, Sir F., 61

Froissart, J., _Chronicle_, Pynson, 164

Froschover, Christopher, 218

_Frute of Redemption_, R. Redman, 175

Fryth, John, _Disputation of Purgatory_, 184

G., E., engraver, 172

G., G., bookbinder, 233

G., I., bookbinder, 234

G., W., bookbinder, 49, 109, 234

Gachet, John, 212

Galfridus Anglicus, 79

_Game and Playe of the Chesse_, Caxton, 6, 12

Garlandia, J. de, 63, 79

Gaver, James, 107, 139-141

Gavere, Ioris de, 112

Ghent binding, 112

Ghent University Library, 21

Gibkerken, 227

_Gift of Constantine_, T. Godfray, 157, 203

Gloucester Cathedral Library, 82

Godfray, Thomas, 156, 157, 203

_Golden Legend._ See Voragine, J. de

_Golden Litany_, J. Skot, 151

Göttingen University Library, 9

Gouda printing, 30

Gough, John, 139, 184, 203, 204

Gough, Richard, 92, 199

Gourmont, Egidius, 196

_Governayle of Health_, Caxton, 90

Gower, J., _Confessio amantis_, Caxton, 15

_Gradual, Sarum_, 1527, 199, 205

_Gradus comparationum_, J. Toy, 1531, 150, 153

Graf, Urs, woodcuts by, 211

Grafton, Richard, 155, 181, 208, 209

Gray, William, 154, 155

Greek type, 235

Grenville Library, 61

Gringore, P., _Castle of Labour_, Verard, 206

Growte, John, 204

Groyat, John, 204

Gryphus, P., _Oratio_, Pynson, 163

Gueldres, Duke of, 67

Guilford, Sir Richard, 163

Guilibert, John, 112

Gulielmus de Saliceto, _Salus corporis salus anime_, R. Faques, 171

_Guy of Warwick_ (Pynson), 70

Gybken, John, 227

H., A., bookbinder, 121, 233

H., I., printer, 37, 38

Hackett, John, 224

Haghe, Ingelbert, 82

Hain, L., _Repertorium Bibliographicum_, 39

Halberstadt Library, 14

Hampole, Richard de, _Devout Meditacions_, 134; _Speculum Spiritualium_, 194

Hardouyn, Gilles, 205

Haukins, John, 158, 166, 167, 168

Havy, Noël, 139, 140, 235

Hawes, S., _Pastime of Pleasure_, W. de Worde, 1509, 135

Hazlitt, W. C., 136

Heber sale, 35, 40

Heerstraten, E. vander, 77

_Helias, Knight of the Swan_, W. de Worde, 1512, 136

Henry VII., 55, 68, 212

Henry VIII., 68, 164, 165, 212

Herbal, _The Grete Herball_, 1529, 156

Herbert, William, 35, 39, 114,143, 152, 169, 174, 178, 204, 207

Hereford bookseller, 82, 83

Herford, John, 149

Herolt, John, _Sermones discipuli_, J. Notary, 1510, 143

Heron, John, 184

Hertzog de Landoia, Joh., 91-93

Heywood, J., _Gentleness and Nobility_, J. Rastell, 185; _Johan the Husband_, _Pardoner and the Friar_, _Play of Love_, _Play of the Weather_, W. Rastell, 186

Hieronymus de Sancto Marcho, _De universali mundi machina_, Pynson, 161

Higden, R., _Polycronicon_, Caxton, 13; Treveris for Reynes, 1527, 199

Higman, J., 18, 205

Higman and Hopyl, 87

Hillenius, Michael, 148, 176

Hilton, W., _Scala perfectionis_, J. Notary, 1508, 143

_History of Jacob_, J. Skot, 150

Hoe, Robert, 16, 136

Hoff, Upright, 228

Holder, Robert, 201

Holkham Library, 26

Hollybush, John, 225

Holt, J., _Lac Puerorum_, A. van Berghen, 91, 216; J. van Doesborch, 220

Holwarde, Thomas, 201

_Homiliarius_ (? Cologne, ab. 1475), 73

Hopyl, Wolfgang, 84, 87, 95, 96, 194-196, 205, 218

_Horae_, Paris editions, 84-86; undated editions, 85; J. Poitevin, 86

_Horae_, Sarum: number of editions, 85; Caxton, 17, 21, 33; Leeu, 80; Machlinia, 48, 49, 109; Notary, 38, 39; C. van Ruremond, 226; W. de Worde, 27; Venice, 1494, 91; Paris, 1498, 96; 1506, 232; 1507, 194; Paris, 1510, 194; Paris, 1532, 1533, 1534, 204; Rouen, 1536, 204; Antwerp, 1530, 223

_Horologium Devotionis_, Zel, 142

_Horse the Shepe and the Goose_, Caxton, 10; W. de Worde, 22

_Howleglas_, 89; J. van Doesborch, 220

_Hundred mery tales_, J. Rastell, 184

Hunte, Thomas, 98

Hunterian Museum, Glasgow, 19, 64, 155

Huvin, Jean, 37, 38

Hylton, W., _Scala perfeccionis_, W. de Worde, 26

_Hymni cum notis_, C. van Ruremond, 226

_Hymns and sequences_, J. Notary, 143

_Imitatio Christi_, Pynson, 114, 160

Imposition, wrong, instance of, 50

Indulgences, 104, 106; Caxton, 12, 19; Lettou, 12, 43, 108

_Infancia Salvatoris_, Caxton, 9

_Informatio Puerorum_, Pynson, 69

_Information for Pilgrims_, W. de Worde, 28

Initial letters, 93, 142; filled in by hand, 51

Inner Temple Library, 39

Innocent VIII., 55

_Institution of a Christian Man_, T. Berthelet, 1537, 180

_Interlude of the four elements_, J. Rastell, 185

_Interlude of women_, J. Rastell, 185

_Introductorium linguae latinae_, W. de Worde, 28

Ipswich, 228

Jacobi, Henry, 105, 108, 148, 194-199, 232; bindings, 119, 197, 198

Jacobus, illuminator, 112

Jean le Bourgeois, 169

_Jeaste of Sir Gawayne_, J. Butler, 152

Jehannot, Jean, 96

Jerome of Brunswick, _Boke of Distillacyon_, Andrewe, 155, 221

Joannes de Lorraine, 82

John of Aix-la-Chapelle, 98

John Rylands Library, 26, 30, 53, 55, 68, 84, 161, 162. _See also_ Althorp Library

Johnson, Maurice, 152

Joye, G., 229, 230

_Justice of Peace_, R. Copland, 1515, 147

Kaetz, Petor, 222, 226-7

_Kalendar of Shephardes_, Pynson, 1506, 161

Kamitus, _Treatise of the Pestilence_, Machlinia, 53

Katherine of Aragon, 159

Kay, J., trans. _Siege of Rhodes_, 45

Kele, Thomas, 184

Kempe, Adriaen, 231

Kempe, Margerie, 132

Kendale, John, 43

Kerver, Thielman, 171, 205

Kerver, Thielman, Widow of, 204

Keyser, Martin de, 153

_King Apolyn of Tyre_, W. de Worde, 1510, 7, 136, 146

King’s bookbinder, 181

King’s printers, 133, 158, 162, 169, 170, 171, 175, 177, 178, 181

King’s stationer, 169

Kinnaird Castle Library, 81

_Knight Paris and Fair Vienne_, Caxton, 16

Knoblouch, Johann, 211

L., R., bookbinder, 233

Lambertus de Insula, 111

Lambeth Palace Library, 4, 61, 92, 162

Landen, John, 142

Langton, William, 110

Langwyth, Agnes, 177

Lant, Richard, 155, 233

Lauret, Giles, 235

Laurentius of Savona, _Rhetorica Nova_, Caxton, 10

Lauxius, David, 96

Lecomte, Nicholas, 95-97; bindings, 116

Leeu, Gerard, 36, 78, 80, 88-91, 215

Lefèvre, R., _History of Jason_, 88

_Legenda Francisci_, Barbier for Jacobi, 195

_Legenda_, Sarum, 18

Legrand, J., _Book of good manners_, W. de Worde, 36

Leicester, Earl of, 26

Leland, John, 156

Le Roux, Nicolaus, 204

Le Talleur, G., 55, 57, 59

Lettou, John, 11, 41-44, 130; bindings, 108; with Machlinia, 44-47, 51

Levet, Pierre, 84

Lewis, J., _Life of Caxton_, 39

_Liber Assisarum_, J. Rastell, 184

_Liber Equivocorum_, Baligault, 84; Paffroed, 79; Pynson, 63

_Liber Festivalis._ _See_ Mirk, J.

_Liber Synonymorum_, Martens, 1493, 79; Hopyl, 1494, 84, 95; Pynson, 1496, 63

Lidgate, J., _Assembly of the Gods_, 15; _Chorle and the Birde_, 10, 16; _Falle of Princes_, Pynson, 1494, 62; _Horse, Shepe, & Ghoos_, Caxton, 10; W. de Worde, 32, 37; _Life of our Lady_, Caxton, 14; _Sege and Destruccyon of Troye_, Pynson, 1513, 163

_Life of ... Charles the Great_, Caxton, 16

_Life of Christ_, R. Redman, 175

_Life of Hyldebrande_, W. de Worde, 138

_Life of Petronylla_, Pynson, 64

_Life of St Katherine_, W. de Worde, 24

_Life of St Margaret_, Pynson, 61

_Life of St Wenefrede_, Caxton, 15

_Life of Virgilius_, J. van Doesborch, 220, 221

Lily & Erasmus, _De octo orationis partium constructione_, Cambridge, 125

Lily, W., _Grammar_, H. Pepwell, 1539, 149

Lily, W., _Introduction of the Eight parts of Speech_, T. Berthelet, 181

Lincoln Cathedral Library, 49, 132

Linton, W. J., 13

Litill, Clement, 81

Littleton, Sir T., _Tenores Novelli_, Letton and Machlinia, 44, 46; _Tenures_, Machlinia, 48; Pynson, 57, 173; Redman, 173

London: introduction of printing, 11, 41; bindings, 102

Louvain: printing, 5, 77, 80, 219; binding, 111

Lucianus, _Necromantia_, J. Rastell, 184

Luft, Hans, 228

Lugo, Peregrinus de, _Principia_, Pynson, 1506, 69, 161

Lumley, Lord, 14

Lyndewode, W., _Constitutiones Provinciales_, W. Hopyl, 1506, 194, 197, 205; _Constitutions_, R. Redman, 1534, 176

M., I., border-piece, 176

Maas, Robert, 139

MacCarthy, Count Justin, 73, 74, 162

Macé, Robert, 206

Machlinia, W. de: with Lettou, 44-47; alone, 47-56, 77, 109, 130; bindings, 108

Machyn, Henry, 183

Madan, F., 2, 98

Madden, J. P. A., 95

Magdalen College School, 79

_Magna Charta_, R. Redman, 1525, 173

Malory, Sir T., _Morte d’Arthur_, Caxton, 16; W. de Worde, 30

Manchester. _See_ John Rylands Library

Maudeville, Sir J., _Travels_, W. de Worde, 1499, 32; Pynson, 64

_Manipulus Curatorum_, W. de Worde, 1502, 132

Mansion, Colard, 5, 6

_Manual, Sarum_, B. Rembolt, Paris, 86; Rouen, 1500, 82; Pynson, 1506, 161; C. van Ruremond, 1523, 222, 226; for M. Dotier, 1543, 235

_Manual, York_, W. de Worde, 1509, 136, 212

Marcant, Nicole, 84

Marchant, John, 204

Marsh Library, Dublin, 143, 234

Marshall, William, 203, 204

Martens, Thierry, 79

Martinus de Predio, 112

Martynson, Simon, 139

_Mary of Nemmegen_, J. van Doesborch, 220

“Master of St Erasmus,” engraver, 142

Maydeston, C., _Directorium sacerdotum_, Caxton, 9; Leeu, 80; Pynson, 70, 71, 159, 161

Maynyal, George, 17

Maynyal, William, 17, 18

Medwall, H., _Interlude of Nature_, W. Rastell, 186

_Merry gest ... Johan Splynter_, J. Notary, 144

_Merry jests_, J. Rastell, 184

_Mery geste of a Sergeaunt and Frere_, J. Notary, 145

Meslier, Hugo, 161

Metal engravings, 26, 65, 142

Middleton, William, 124, 125, 176

_Miraculous work ... at Court of Strete in Kent_, 151

Mirk, J., _Liber Festivalis_, Caxton, 14, 105; Hopyl, 96; Morin, 80, 82; Notary, 38; Pynson, 61, 62; Ravynell, 83; W. de Worde, 25, 62, 83

_Mirror of Christes Passion_, R. Redman, 175

_Mirror of Consolation_, W. de Worde, 28

_Mirror of Golde_, 1522, 137, 150

_Mirror of the Life of Christ_, Pynson, 1503, 161

_Mirror of the World_, Caxton, 12; L. Andrewe, 140, 156

_Mirrour of Our Lady_, R. Faques, 1530, 172

_Missal, Sarum_ (? Basle, ab. 1486), 78; Maynyal for Caxton, 1487, 17, 80, 81, 84; M. Morin, 1492, 80, 81; Hertzog for Egmont, 1494, 92, 93; Notary and Barbier, 1498, 38; Pynson, 1500, 68, 159; Higman and Hopyl, 1500, 87; Jean du Pré, 1500, 87, 206; Birckman and Cluen, 1504, 217; Pynson, 1504, 161; Violette, 1509, 207; W. de Worde and R. Faques, 1511, 171; C. van Ruremond, 1527, 223; for W. de Worde and M. de Paule, 207

_Missal, York_, 1530, 206

_Modus tenendi unum hundredum_, R. Redman, 174

Montaigne, M. de, 164

Montpellier, Library of Faculty of Medicine, 103

Moore, John, bp of Ely, 8

More, Sir Thomas, 158, 183; _Works_, 1557, 186; _Apology_, 175, 180; _Debellacyon of Salem and Bizance_, 180

Morgan, J. P., 106

Morin, Martin, 80-82, 205-6

Morin, Michael, 206

Morton, Cardinal, 68, 159

Musée Plantin, 80

Music. See _Book of Songs_, 138

N., H., bookbinder, 233

N., I., border-piece, 176

_Natura Brevium_, R. Redman, 175

_Necessary Doctrine and Erudition_, 1543, 180

Necton, Robert, 224

Nele, Richard, 193

Newton, Lord, 17

Nicholson, James, 208

Nicholson, John, 225

_Nicodemus Gospel_, J. Notary, 142; J. Skot, 150-1; W. de Worde, 134

Norwich binding, 108

Notary, Julian, 31, 33, 129, 131, 173; at Westminster, 37-40; at London, 141-6; bindings, 119, 145, 232; device, 37-8; method of dating, 135, 141

_Nova Festa_, Machlinia, 54; Pynson, 61, 65

_Nova Rhetorica_, St Alban’s, 1480, 52

_Nova Statuta_, Machlinia, 48, 51

Novimagio, Reginaldus de, 74

Nowell, bookbinder, 107, 139, 140

_Nut-browne Maide_, 151, 215

O., R., bookbinder, 233

_Of the newe landes_, J. van Doesborch, 220

Offor collection, 39

Oliver, Reginald, 233

_Oliver of Castile_, W. de Worde, 1518, 137

Olivier, Petrus, 82, 205

_Orchard of Syon_, W. de Worde, 1519, 137

_Ordinale_, Sarum, Caxton, 9, 22

_Ordynaunce ... Kynge’s Eschequier_, Middleton, 124

Origen, _De beata Maria Magdalena_, W. Faques, 170

Ortus Vocabulorum, 194, 197

Os, Govaert van, 30, 33

Osborne, Thomas, 9

Osterley Park Library, 16

Oswen, John, 228

Ovidius, _Metamorphoses_, 14

Owen, David, 193

Oxford libraries: Bodleian, 10, 21, 25, 28, 58, 59, 61, 68, 81, 82, 83, 90, 95, 106, 108, 112, 132, 153, 154, 180, 198, 199, 210, 212, 216, 231, 232 Brasenose College, 80 Corpus Christi College, 49, 92, 112, 115, 139 Merton College, 8 New College, 17, 125, 196 St John’s College, 160, 200

Oxford, printing, 1, 2, 41, 79, 187; booksellers, 69, 77, 98, 161, 196; bindings, 103, 104

Paffroed, R., 79

Palsgrave, J., _L’eclarcissement de la langue Française_, 166

Panzer, G. W., 217

Paper-making in England, 29

Paris printing, 17, 18, 84, 85, 87, 96, 97, 161, 193, 194, 195, 196, 199, 205, 210, 214

_Paris and Vienne_, G. Leeu, 88

Parker, H., _Dives and Pauper_, Pynson, 1493, 54, 61

_Parliament of Devils_, W. de Worde, 135

Parron, William, 68

_Parson of Kalenborowe_, J. van Doesborch, 220, 221

_Parvula_, N. Marcant, 84

_Parvulorum institutio_, J. Butler, 1529, 152

_Passio Jesu Christi_, Strasburg, 1506, 211

_Passion of our Lord_ (ab. 1508), 211

_Pastime of People_, J. Rastell, 184

Paule, Michael de, 207

Paynell, T., _Assault and Conquest of Heaven_, 1529, 178; trans. of _Regimen sanitatis Salerni_, T. Berthelet, 177, 178

Pelgrim, Joyce, 193-198, 232

Penketh, Thomas, 42

Pepwell, Arthur, 150

Pepwell, Henry, 139, 147-150, 199, 202

Pepwell, Ursula, 149

Pepysian Library. _See_ Cambridge libraries

Perez de Valentia, J., 42

Perott, N., _Regulae Grammaticales_, Louvain, 77

Peter Post Pascha, 66, 67, 93

Peterborough Cathedral Library, 132

Petyt, Thomas, 176

Pigouchet, Philippe, 115, 205

_Pilgrimage of Sir Richard Guylforde_, Pynson, 1511, 163

_Play concerning Lucretia_, J. Rastell, 185

Poitevin, Jean, 86

Pollard, John, 235

_Pomander of Prayer_, R. Redman, 175

Powell, Thomas, 181, 183

Prevost, Nicolas, 199, 205

Prices of paper and printing, 169, 179

_Processional, Sarum_, Pynson, 1502, 160; N. Prevost, 1530, 218; C. van Ruremond, 1523, 222, 225-6; Antwerp, for J. Reynes, 200

_Proclamation on the coinage_, W. Faques, 1504, 169

_Proclamations_, T. Berthelet, 179

Proctor, R., 17, 125, 196

Prognostications, 68, 226-7

_Promise of Matrimony_, Machlinia, 48, 51

_Promptorium parvulorum_, 67

_Promptorius puerorum_, Pynson, 1499, 66, 93

_Propositio Johannis Russell_, Caxton, 4, 9

_Prymer_, J. Byddell, 1535, 204

_Psalter, Latin_, Caxton, 13; W. Faques, 1504, 169, 170

_Psalter, Sarum_, C. van Ruremond, 226

_Psalterium beate marie virginis_, S. Voster, 210

_Psalterium cum hymnis_, 1507, 194; 1530, 199

Pudsey, Bishop, 102

Pynson, Margaret, 166

Pynson, R., 55-71, 158-169, 173, 174, 177, 189, 206, 235, 236 Arms, 162 Bindings, 109, 113-115, 165, 232 Borders, 49, 56, 176 Books printed by, 93, 124, 145, 195 Devices, 59, 62, 65, 174 King’s printer, 133, 162, 171 Method of dating, 68, 159, 160 Printing office, 40, 71, 141, 158, 159, 173 Types, 58, 60, 61, 62, 70 Woodcuts, 57, 62, 64

Pynson, R., junior, 166, 177

Quarto leaves in a folio volume, 52

_Quatre derrenières choses_, Caxton, 6

_Quattuor Sermones._ See Mirk, J., _Liber Festivalis_

Quentell, H., 65, 79

R., A., bookbinder, 116

R., G., bookbinder, 233

R., P., device, 83

Raimund, John. _See_ Ruremond, Hans van

Rastell, Elizabeth, 183

Rastell, John, 152, 156, 158, 183-186, 203; _New Boke of Purgatory_, 184

Rastell, John, junior, 185

Rastell, William, 158, 180, 185, 186

Ratcliffe, John, 79, 162

Ravynell, James, 83

Rawlinson Collection, 134

_Recuyell of the Historyes of Troye_, Caxton, 3, 6

Redman, Elizabeth, 176

Redman, John, 125, 177

Redman, Robert, 155, 158, 165, 172-177, 203

Regnault, Francis, 207-209

_Regula Benedicti_, W. de Worde for Jacobi, 196

_Regulae et ordinationes_, Machlinia, 55

Rembolt, Berthold, 87, 205

Remonde. _See_ Ruremond

_Revelation of St Nicholas_, Machlinia, 48, 50

_Reynard the Fox_, Caxton, 13; W. de Worde, 37

Reynes, John, 119, 193, 199-202, 219; bindings, 232-234

Reynes, Lucy, 201, 202

Richard, Jean, 81, 82, 205, 207

_Richard Cœur de Lion_, W. de Worde, 1509, 135

Richardson, John, 235

Richmond, Countess of, 133, 134

Ripon Cathedral Library, 70, 159

Rivers, Earl, 6

_Robin Hood_, J. van Doesborch, 220

Roce, Denis, 150

Rolle, Richard. _See_ Hampole, Richard de

Rome, 41

Rood, Theodore, 104

_Rosary_, J. Skot, 1537, 151

Rosse, Denis, 150

_Rote or mirror of consolation_, W. de Worde, 33, 34

Rouen: printing, 37, 55, 80, 82, 83, 204-6, 214; bindings, 233

Rouse, John, 235

Row, John, bookbinder, 224, 235

Roxburghe sale, 35, 39

_Royal Book_, Caxton, 16, 106

Rue, Andrew, 193

Rue, John, 193

_Rule of St Benet_, Caxton, 21; Pynson, 160

Rupertus, _De victoria verbi Dei_, 1541, 219

Ruremond, C. van, 130, 200, 222-227, 230; Widow of, 230

Ruremond, Hans van, 218, 222-7

Russell, J., bp of Lincoln, 4

St Alban’s, printing, 41, 149, 187; binding, 109

St Alban’s Grammar School Library, 106, 107

St Andrews printing, 151

Saint Germain, C., _Answer_, 157; _Division_, 175, 180; _Dialogue_, 180

St Paul’s Churchyard, 191

Savonarola, _Sermo_, R. Pynson, 1509, 163; Tracts, H. Jacobi, 1510, 198

Sayle, C. E., 228, 239

_Scala Perfectionis_, J. Notary, 1508, 143

“Scales” binder, 110

Schoeffer, J., 229

Schoiffer, P., 4

Scotland, introduction of printing, 7

Scott, E. J. L., 130

_Scriptores rei rusticae_, Reggio, 1496, 80

Sedley, John, 194

Selden, John, 106

_Sermo pro episcopo puerorum_, W. de Worde, 28

_Sermones dormi secure_, 193

Service books printed abroad for the English market, 78, 80-82, 84-87, 91-93, 205-210, 212-213, 222, 225, 226

_Seven Points of True Love_, Caxton, 21

_Seven wise masters of Rome_, W. de Worde, 36

_Sex quam elegantissimae epistolae_, Caxton, 14

_Shepherdes Calendar_, 145

Shirburn Castle Library, 184

_Short treatyse_ (Margerie Kempe), W. de Worde, 132

Shrewsbury School Library, 133

Siberch, John, 99, 130, 226

_Siege of Rhodes_, 45

Signatures first used, 3; in England, 11

Signs: A.B.C., R. Faques, 171 Fat Hen, Birckman, 219 George, Pynson, 71, 159, 173; R. Redman, 173 Golden Cross, L. Andrewe, 155 Golden Missal, A. van Berghen, 215 Great Golden Mortar, A. van Berghen, 215 Iron Balance, R. van den Dorp, J. van Doesborch, 220 Lucrece, T. Berthelet, 178 Maiden’s Head, R. Faques, 171, 234 Mermaid, J. Rastell, 144, 184 Our Lady of Pity, W. de Worde, 135; J. Byddell, 144; J. Redman, 177 Red Pale, Caxton, 6 Rose Garland, R. Copland, 146, 147 St Anne, J. Pelgrim, 195 St John Evangelist, G. Chasteleyn, 69; J. Butler, 152; R. Wyer, 156 St Katherine, 198 St Mark, J. Notary, 144 St Nicholas, N. Lecomte, 95; J. Toy, 153 Striped Ass, P. de Couvelance, 198, 199 Sun, W. de Worde, 33, 131, 146; J. Byddell, 140, 144; J. Gaver, 140 Three Kings, J. Notary, 141, 143, 144 Trinity, 198, 199; H. Pepwell, 147; H. Jacobi, 148, 195; H. Smith, 176 Wodows, P. Treveris, 115

Silverlink, John, 218

Singer, S. W., 2

Sirectus, Antonius, _Formalitates_, 196

Sizes of books, 49

Skelton, John, 64; _Bowge of Court_, W. de Worde, 37; _Magnificence_, J. Rastell, 185

Skot, John, 137, 138, 150-53

Smarte, _Epitaph of Jasper, Duke of Bedford_, Pynson, 63

Smith, Henry, 176

Smith, Richard, 142, 149

Smyth, Thomas, 154, 155

Snowe, John, 166

Society of Antiquaries Library, 55, 102, 155

_Solomon and Marcolphus_, G. Leeu, 88, 89

Southwark printing, 177, 199, 208

_Speculum Christiani_, Machlinia, 53, 77

_Speculum Spiritualium_, W. Hopyl, 1510, 194

_Speculum vitae Christi._ _See_ Bonaventura

Spencer, Earl, 8, 16, 74. _See also_ Althorp Library

Spering, Nicolas, 117, 120, 216

_Spiritus Guidonis_ (Pynson), 59

Squire, Henry, 158, 189

Stanbridge, John, 79, 206; _Accidence_, J. Gaver, 140; J. Skot, 150; _Shorter Accidence_, 1534, 153

_Stans Puer ad Mensam_, 10

Statham, N., _Abridgement_, Rouen, for Pynson, 57

Stationer, business of, 72, 76

Stationer to the King, 1485, 77

Stationer, University, at Oxford, 77

Stationers: foreign, in England,54; fifteenth century, 72-100; of London, 187-213; aliens, 187-191; from Antwerp, 214-231

Stationers’ Company, 76, 94, 95, 148, 188, 189, 227

Statutes first written in English, 56

_Statutes_, Machlinia, 54; W. Faques, 169, 170; T. Berthelet, 178

_Statutes of War_, Pynson, 1513, 163

Stewarde, William, 141

Stewart, W., bp of Aberdeen, 124

Stillingfleet, Bishop, 143

Stoke, Thomas, 235

Stokeslay, Bishop, 148, 149

Stondo, Bernard van, 53, 77

Stonyhurst Library, 32, 161

_Storys and prophesis_, S. Cock, 1536, 231

Strasburg printing, 211

Strype, John, 191

Sturbridge fair, 192

Suethon, Ludovicus, 199, 202

Sulpitius, J., _Grammar_, W. de Worde, 1504, 133

Sutherland, Duke of, 38

Sutton, Edward, 201

Sutton, Lewis, 148, 199, 202-3

Sutton, Nicholas, 154, 203

Sykes sale, 40

Symmen, Henric van, 90

Symonds, Thomas, 192, 202

Tab, Henry, 149

Tanner, Thomas, 11, 90

Tate, J., papermaker, 29

Taverner, John, 193, 194

Taverner, Richard, 154

_Temple of Brass_, Caxton, 10

_Temple of Glas_, Caxton, 10

Terentius, Pynson, 66; Paris, 1504, 206; _Hecyra_, Pynson, 1495, 63; _Vulgaria_, Machlinia, 48, 51, 54; G. Leeu, 78; Oxford, 79; W. Faques, 170

_Three Kings of Cologne_, W. de Worde, 28, 34, 90

Thwaytes, Edward, 151

Thynne, William, 156

Tindale, W., 228, 229, 230

Title-page, first English, 53; first Westminster, 25

Title-pages, Collection of, in British Museum, 8

Toy, John, 150, 153, 154, 203

_Treatise of Love_, W. de Worde, 24, 25

_Tree and_ XII _frutes of the holy goost_, 172

Treveris, Peter, 115, 156, 199, 216

Trevisa, John, 29

Trinity stationers. _See_ Jacobi, Henry; Pelgrim, Joyce

Triphook, bookseller, 53

Troost, Ian, 228

_Troylus and Cressede_, W. de Worde, 1517, 137

Tuke, Sir Brian, 156

Tunstall, C., _De arte supputandi_, Pynson, 1522, 165

_Twelve Profits of Tribulation_, Caxton, 21

_Tyl Howleglas._ _See_ Howleglas

Type, side impression of, 216

Ulmer, Johann, 219

Upsala University Library, 11

Utrecht printing, 5, 217

_Valuation of gold and silver_, J. van Doesborch, 155, 221

Vanduffle, Woter, 112

Vatican Library, 164

Vaughan, Stephen, 168

Veldener, J., 5, 52, 54

Vellum, books printed on, 20, 30, 68, 73, 125, 134, 136, 137, 150, 160-5, 170, 180, 181, 204, 209

Venice printing, 73, 85, 91, 93

Verard, Antoine, 145, 161, 206, 212

Vergilius, _Eneydos_, Caxton, 20; _Life of_, J. van Doesborch, 220, 221

_Very declaration of the ... will of man_, St Alban’s, 149

Violette, Pierre, 205, 206, 207

_Vitas Patrum_, W. de Worde, 1495, 28

Voragine, J. de, _Golden Legend_, Caxton, 15, 18, 23, 24; W. de Worde, 24, 25, 30, 31, 135, 141; Notary, 31, 141; Pynson, 162

Voster, Simon, 210

Vrankenbergh, H., 53

Wakefield, R., _Kotser codicis_, T. Berthelet, 178

Wallensis, T., _Expositiones super Psalterium_, Lettou, 42, 43, 108

Wallis, Thomas, 193

Walsingham, _Foundation of Our Lady’s Chapel_, Pynson, 63, 64

Wanseford, Gerard, 94

Warde, son-in-law to Pynson, 166

Watson, Henry, 135, 136

Watton, John, 53

Way, Albert, 67

_Way to the Holy Land_, W. de Worde, 137

Waynflete, William, 79

Weale, W. H. J., 111

_Wednesday’s Fast_, W. de Worde, 8

Wenssler, Michael, 78

Westminster Abbey Library, 68, 99, 103, 113, 125, 148, 212, 226

Westminster printing, 1-40, 187

Whitchurch, Edward, 208, 209

Whitford, R., _Dayly Exercise_, R. Redman, 175

Whitinton, R., _Grammar_, W. de Worde, 124, 137; Pynson, 1515, 62; _Vulgaria_, Pynson, 1520, 177

Wilcock, William, 42, 45

Willett sale, 61

Winchester bindings, 102-104

_Winchester Domesday Book_, 102

Windsor, Royal Library, 20, 81

Wislyn, John, 139

Withers, Richard, 166

Wolsey, Cardinal, 164, 224

_Wonderful shape and nature_, J. van Doesborch, 155, 221

Wood, Anthony á, 178

Woodcut of Crucifixion, 21, 27, 33, 132-3

Woodcuts, 12, 57, 62, 64, 86, 88, 89, 91, 135, 141, 154, 156, 162, 172, 184, 194, 199, 211

Worde, Elizabeth de, 130, 139

Worde, W. de, 23-38, 56, 129-141, 146-7, 149, 150, 152, 162, 178, 199, 235 Bindings, 107, 108, 113, 139, 140, 197 Books printed by, 4, 7, 8, 90, 124, 145, 196, 207, 212 Death, 138 Devices, 25, 26, 32, 132, 133, 212 Method of dating, 31, 135, 141 Number of books printed, 34, 137 Printer to the King’s mother, 133-4 Printing office and shop, 33, 131, 135 Quarto tracts, 32 Removal to London, 33, 131 Types, 19, 24, 25, 26, 30, 131 Woodcuts, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 32, 33, 36, 37, 131, 133, 135, 142

Wright, Edward, 201

Wyer, Robert, 156, 203

_Year-books_, Lettou and Machlinia, 44; Pynson, 57, 59

Yonge, John, 198

York, printing, 87; stationer, 94

Zel, Ulric, 142

CAMBRIDGE: PRINTED BY JOHN CLAY, M.A., AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS.

Transcriber's Notes:

Italics are shown thus: _sloping_.

Variations in spelling and hyphenation are retained.

Perceived typographical errors have been changed.