Part 15

A Cabinet last night upon the subject of Buenos Ayres and S. America; there is much difference of opinion on these questions. Ld. Howick and Mr. Grenville are averse to the diversion of any part of our force to such distant objects, and think every part should be employed in Europe. Ld. Grenville looks to conquest in S. America as useful to our trade in war, and as objects of barter in making peace. He is therefore against the adoption of any system which would prevent us from reducing our conquests at the time of peace. Ld. H. objects to any attack upon S. America, except for the purpose of revolutionising, but is very desirous some such system should be adopted. Windham is eager for the attack anyhow; tho’ he would prefer a systematic plan, yet he will support any measure of that tendency. It was at length agreed that two general officers should be sent out to take command of the difft. bodies of troops re-united before Buenos Ayres, which make an effective force of 9000 men. General Whitelocke[268] is one, with discretionary powers to fortify or defend Maldonado, to take or destroy Monte Video, and to take Buenos Ayres or enter into terms with the inhabitants, as they shall judge best for the King’s service; but to send back to Spain all persons who took an active part against the English in the late transactions. The desire of effacing our recent disgraces there had its effect in determining this measure.

_19th Feb._--Went to Brighton to see my children, who are living there for the sake of the good air, or rather to avoid the thick, bad air of London and its neighbourhood. Mr. Allen only went with us. We stayed Friday and Saturday; returned to town on Sunday.

The Norfolk Committee unseated Coke and Windham; Serjeant Lens made an admirable speech.

Petty wrote to me that the Princess had determined to publish, and that on my return I should find the ‘fire burning and cauldron bubbling’ with all the inflammable ingredients I knew of already.

Dined on Monday with Ld. Granville Leveson to meet Lady Stafford,[269] whom I had not seen for many years except in a crowd. Seized at night with a violent headache and cold, and some indications of fever. Confined from that night until this day, the 2nd March, and not yet recovered.

[Sidenote: ABOLITION OF SLAVE TRADE]

_2nd March._--The abolition of Slave Trade was carried in the H. of C. by an immense majority, nearly 18 to 1; the opposition only 16. Mr. Windham came to town to attend, but was prevented by a hoarseness; wrote to Ld. Howick to notify he should oppose it in the Committee. Ld. Castlereagh and Rose[270] absent. The Doctor’s men intended to oppose some part in the Committee.

Catholics becoming more reasonable in Ireland. The Petition is to be sent to Mr. Grattan instead of Ld. Howick, and it is to be brought over by Lord Fingall[271] alone, and not by a Catholic Committee. This will be advantageous to Ministers, as Ld. F. is open to various modes of conciliation. Ld. Ponsonby’s[272] private letters to Ld. Howick throw blame on the Irish Governt. He says, ‘His uncle George, the Chancellor, is stark mad, and as rank an Orangeman as any in Ireland’: that Elliot,[273] who knew of the Petition since July, has been greatly to blame, and has by his cold manner repulsed the Catholics: that Plunket,[274] the Attorney-General, is a secret enemy to the Administration: that the Solicitor-General[275] is not good for much, and Curran is so bad in his office, where he has almost nothing to do, that he ought to be removed. Secret abuses are every day discovered by the investigating accountants, but are kept very secret, especially the two following. Mr. Eden, since his succession to Ld. Thurlow’s Tellership, it appears, has compelled his deputy, whose place is 1000_l._ pr. ann. and was always considered as one held for life, under a threat of dismissal, to give him 400_l._ pr. ann. for his brother. The deed was Ld. Auckland’s, so the poor fellow is sconced of his 400_l._ pr. ann., a scandalous transaction, and one that the honest will suffer by, as Ld. Howick swears the American Commission shall not be paid as he originally designed, thus Mr. Allen will suffer for his colleague’s dirtiness.[276] This proceeding will not be revealed, as Ld. Buckingham was guilty of a similar action in favour of Ld. Grenville’s family.

[Sidenote: PUBLIC ACCOUNTS INQUIRY]

T. S., one of Pitt’s oldest friends, and a man of a _studiously_ fair character, frank and honest to bluntness and a variety of other such descriptive features peculiar to English worth, coarseness, grossness, rudeness, and all leading to saying he was honest, turns out to be _franchement_ a rogue; having, it appears, appropriated to his own private use balances of Governt. money to the amount of 9000_l._ He is now refunding principal and interest, imploring secrecy. It is not however determined whether he is to be prosecuted; but until it is decided, the business is kept secret and is not revealed even to the Cabinet. These sturdy, plain characters often prove to be the greatest thieves. These discoveries are owing, I believe, to the Commissioners of Public Accounts. Mr. Biddulph’s Committee of the H. of Commons[277] has struck a general alarm into sinecure placemen and peculators, as it is known to be composed of very active, ardently zealous reformers. Ld. Ellenboro’, who has several lucrative offices of that sort in his gift, complains of its taking from the Chief Justice the only recompense for his services, which consist in having the means to provide for his children, the salary not being sufficiently great. The Commissioners have issued precepts for inquiry into the Colonial Establishments, a measure not very acceptable to Windham, and they are endeavouring to negotiate with the Bank to manage the National Debt on more reasonable terms, from which they expect to save from 60,000_l._ to 80,000_l._ pr. ann.

The affair of the Princess is drawing to a public disclosure of the whole proceedings. The Prince has been advised by Romilly and Garrow[278] to make application to the King that the charges against the Princess may be tried in a Court of Common Law; and, on the other hand, the Princess has been advised by her law counsellors to publish her defence, which must lead, of course, to a publication of the charges and evidence against her. It is said that her defence is printing, and will be published on Wednesday.[279]

The Opposition are a disjointed, incoherent body, dissatisfied with their situation, and with one another. Canning has made private overtures to Ld. Grenville to be taken into office when an opportunity presents itself, declaring himself greatly discontented with his present associates. His demands are:--a high appointment for himself, a place for Sturges, and a peerage for Sr. Hy. Mildmay. Ld. G. seems not entirely disinclined to listen to such overtures. He is very much out of humour with Whitbread for his speech on the first day of the session, which, he scrupled not to say to Ld. Howick, betrayed sentiments and views utterly inconsistent with those on which Ministers had conducted the negotiation. But if Whitbread is set aside, and Ld. Grey die, Petty would be left almost alone in the House of Commons, and though his success there during the present session has been greater than the most sanguine of his friends could have hoped for, still he would require an able seconder, especially if Whitbread went eagerly into Opposition. These considerations may weigh with Ld. G., and he may also be desirous of having a speaker of the first rank in the House of Commons, more connected with _himself_, and less attached to the Whig party than Petty. Mr. Grenville is unwilling to be an every day speaker in the House of Commons. C. Williams has no voice; Ld. Temple is not listened to; but Canning, if brought into office now, would attach himself to Ld. Grenville as he did to Pitt, and become his peculiar organ in the H. of C. Ld. Wellesley has probably been the channel of communication. Whitbread and Ld. Howick are far from being cordial, and unfortunately the conduct of the former tends to widen every day the breach between them, and his pretensions are so high, that independent of the obstacles which he is himself creating, it would be difficult for Ministry to satisfy him: nothing will content him, but to be considered as on a par with Lauderdale for pretensions.

[Sidenote: EXPEDITION TO CONSTANTINOPLE]

There is every reason to fear that we shall be forced into war with Turkey by the violence of Russia, though the Turks have made every possible concession.[280] It is feared that we have already taken possession of the Turkish fleet, and bombarded Constantinople. Arbuthnot has orders to give the Turks the alternative of dismissing Sebastiani, or having a war with England. Windham and T. Grenville have, between them, given orders without the knowledge of their colleagues, in the event of a war with Turkey, for 5000 men to be taken from the army of Sicily, and employed in taking and garrisoning Alexandria. Craufurd has been overtaken, and stopped from going to Valparaiso.

Monroe has had a conversation with Ld. H. about Spanish America; he wishes nothing to be attempted without a concert with the United States, the country to be declared independent, and free ports to be opened to both the invading powers. His accounts from Armstrong[281] represent that there are great differences among the French generals, and that this alone has prevented Bonaparte’s return to Paris where his presence was also required.

_March 8th._--The Princess has not published her defence, but it is said she has got it printed at a private press belonging to Perceval, and she threatens to publish it next Friday, if not previously received at Court on Thursday. It is said that her coarseness of language disgusts even her partisans.

[Sidenote: CABINET CHANGES]

The overtures of Canning are taken into consideration, and have been the subject of conversation between Lds. Grenville, Howick, and Holland. There is an idea that Lauderdale, Whitbread, and Canning may be introduced into the Cabinet. Canning now requires Charles Long,[282] Huskisson, and old G. Rose[283] to have places. Some of these and Ld. Camden are only named _pro forma_, and would be sacrificed if he could be taken in. How room can be made does not very readily appear. When the Doctor was told of Canning’s proposals, he said, that in the present stage of the business, he was not called upon to interfere, but that if it was proposed to bring Canning into office, his line was taken.[284] There is no reason whatever for any change at present, except the alleged necessity of dismissing Windham on account of his great mismanagement in his office and his conduct as War Secretary, and the reduction of strength in the H. of Commons, especially should Windham go with Opposition. But the real cause is said to be Lord Grenville’s restlessness of disposition, which makes him dissatisfied at the end of six months with every arrangement he forms. Ld. H. is averse to these changes on the score of unfairness to Addington, who must be made the sacrifice, especially as they conducted themselves (_apparently_, a cautious saving always necessary, however, for the Doctor’s conduct) well in the late discussions with the King, and because he is naturally averse to the return of so many of the Pitt-ites to power; and also that Canning’s introduction to the Cabinet is the elevation of a rival to Petty. The latter opinion, however, is more my own, and has inspired me with great distrust to the proceedings. Petty, who at my earnest desire has been apprised of the affair, as the injunction was that it was not to transpire, is, of course, against it. Therefore if Ld. Howick (over whom Ld. Grenville has acquired great influence) is of the same mind, there will be little or no difficulty in counteracting it. Whitbread’s impatience for office, and Ld. Howick’s extreme desire to have no political difference with him, makes him lend a readier ear to such a plan than he would otherwise do.

There is an expedition to be undertaken, which on acct. of Erskine’s extraordinary imprudence in talking, is to be kept a secret from the Cabinet, and only known to a few. Bad accounts from Drummond[285] of the Court of Sicily; strong measures are to be resorted to without delay to bring them to a more reasonable line of conduct. All Frenchmen in the service of Sicily to be dismissed; none but Sicilians to be employed in the service of the State; nominations of all officers in the army to be left to the British Commander-in-Chief; grievances to be redressed by the convocation of the Sicilian Parlt. If these terms are not complied with, we are to declare we cannot defend the island, and if refused, force employed to effectuate them. General Fox, Sr. John Moore, and Drummond are to be associated in a joint Commission for this important object.[286] Sr. Sidney Smith, who has been gained over by the Queen and is completely subservient to her, is ordered on a different service. The fury and violence of the Queen’s character have not abated by age, and her _other_ passions have as little diminished. Ld. Ellenboro’ said, in the discussion of this business, that our Sicilian Alliance seemed to him to cost £600,000 pr. ann., for no other purpose than to maintain a ---- house at Palermo.

Overtures for negotiations between France and Russia. Our Governt. have expressed through Ld. Douglas[287] our readiness to become parties to a negotiation for peace, and have expressed our wish that if a Congress is to be held for that purpose, it should be appointed at Copenhagen; but it has been distinctly explained to Russia, that the French Colonies shall not be restored in return for the restitution of the conquests made from Prussia.

[Sidenote: THE CATHOLIC QUESTION]

There are hopes that the Irish Catholics may be induced to postpone their Petition till another session. Ld. Ponsonby’s letters are favourable to this expectation, and Mr. Butler has expressed the same hopes to Ld. Holland.

_14th March._--Before it is decided whether Ministers are to go out, or accommodate their present differences with the K., I shall try and collect as well as I can, all the important particulars which have led things to the present vexatious state. It was the intention of Ld. Grenville, not only to extend the provisions of the Irish Act of 1793 to the whole British Army, but also to open Staff appointments to the Catholics, but this dispatch to the King was expressed with some degree of ambiguity, so that it might be construed to mean that he intended only to extend the provisions of the Irish Act to this country. It was so understood by the King, Lds. Sidmouth, and Howick; and when transmitted to Ireland and read by Mr. Elliot to the Catholics, it appeared so ambiguous, that when they demanded an explanation of this point, Mr. E. wrote to Ld. Spencer for instructions how to answer them. This letter was sent to Lord Grenville, and answered by him without any consultation with his colleagues. In his answer he expressed surprise that Mr. Elliot should have had any difficulty upon the subject, and authorised him to inform the Catholics that it was the intention of Governt. to remove all disabilities whatever in the army attaching to members of their Church.

When Ld. Sidmouth understood the misconception under which he had laboured with regard to the meaning of the proposed clause, he appeared to be extremely distressed, and expressed himself very doubtful whether he should not enter into an explanation with the King, in order to explain his own conduct in the whole affair. But at length he determined that, if no communication was made on the subject by the Cabinet, he should take no notice whatever of it; as it was uncertain in what light the dispatch might have been viewed by the King, and whether he had understood by it that the new clauses were to be exactly the same as those of the Irish Act in 1793, or to apply also to the Staff appointments. It was judged proper by the Cabinet to say nothing of this difficulty and contrariety of opinions to the King, but to send to him the proposed clauses, which it was found afterwards more convenient to be made into a separate Bill, and to leave him to object to them if they were different from what he was prepared for.

This having been done, and Ld. Howick having waited upon him on Wednesday, 4th March, he remarked that the clauses went further than the Irish Mutiny Bill, and when Ld. Howick explained to him how far they were to be carried, he started, and exclaimed, ‘I’m sorry for it, I can’t approve of it’; and in the course of their conversation on the subject, in which Ld. Howick urged all the arguments for the measure, he appeared not to be more reconciled, but as Ld. Howick understood, he still gave his consent that the Bill in its present form should be brought into Parlt. On coming out of the closet, Lord Howick communicated his conversation to Ld. Grenville and Ld. Sidmouth, the former of whom remarked, that since Lord Howick had had this conversation with the King, he should not speak on the subject to His Majesty, as he knew it to be so disagreeable to him. Ld. Sidmouth, it appears, did hold some conversation on the subject to the King, in which he repeated Ld. Howick’s conversation in a sense which induced the K. to believe that the additional clauses would not be brought into Parliament till some further communications were held with him. Ld. Howick, having a different impression of his conversation, brought the proposed Bill into the House, which was read the first time, and ordered to be printed.

[Sidenote: THE CATHOLIC QUESTION]

On Monday, the 9th, or Tuesday, the 10th, Ld. Grenville received a mysterious letter from Ld. Sidmouth regretting that he must differ from his colleagues on so important a point as the Catholic Bill, and requesting to have a conversation with him on the subject. From this conversation it appeared that he was determined to oppose the Bill in the House of Lords, and that his friends should take the same line in the H. of Commons. As it appeared from this and other circumstances that the King and his friends were resolved to oppose the Bill, it became a question what course it was proper for Ministers to pursue. It was proposed by some to bring the Bill through the Commons, so as to pledge that House on the subject, and if any placemen voted against it, to turn them out instantly, or propose doing so to the King; and if this measure should not be assented to by him, not to insist upon it immediately, nor yet quite give it up, but bring the Bill into the H. of Lords, and on its rejection in that House, to resign, and commence an active and vigorous Opposition. But to this course of proceeding it was objected by Ld. Grenville that it would lead to a protracted contest between the King and the Ministry, which, in the present state of affairs, could not but be prejudicial to the country; and the question was therefore proposed whether they should resign, or yield the question in dispute.

This was argued at his house on Wednesday, 11th, in the evening, at a meeting consisting of Ld. Grenville, Mr. Grenville, Lds. Howick, Holland, Henry Petty. Both the Grenvilles said they were ready to go out if their colleagues thought they could not retreat with honour, but they showed themselves very unwilling to that measure. Petty said the same, with the same reluctant offer. The great argument for not breaking with the King on this point was that this case would appear a bad one to the public, as it might be plausibly argued that they had deceived the King and committed his Governt. to more than he had authorised them to grant. Lds. Howick and Holland, who were the most averse to concession, were induced at length to give up, seeing that their colleagues, though they offered to resign upon this point, did it reluctantly and with a grudge; and being also satisfied that the whole transaction with the King might be represented in the light that was argued by the others.

[Sidenote: THE CATHOLIC QUESTION]

On Thursday, the 12th, Ld. Howick had an audience of the King, in which the K. behaved to him in the most civil manner, paid him compliments to himself and family, lamented that Ld. Howick had so far misunderstood him in their last conversation, as to imagine that he had his consent to propose the Bill to Parlt., but declared himself satisfied that this was a mere misapprehension on his own side, in consequence of his understanding the reverse to be Ld. Howick’s idea of the conversation from Ld. Sidmouth soon after he parted from Ld. Howick. He assured Ld. Howick that he had spoken of the affair to no persons out of the Cabinet, except to persons of his own family; that he had taken no measures to form an Administration, and that if he must separate from his present advisers, he trusted that, as he had behaved and should behave honourably to them, they would not retire from his service till he had made arrangements to supply their place. He expressed himself in the most flattering manner to Ld. Howick personally, and remarked that he had not been aware till lately of his sentiments on the Catholic question. It seems, when Ld. Sidmouth told him the week before what were Ld. Howick’s opinions on that subject, he started with evident surprise, from which it was argued some days ago that in the end he would yield. Ld. Howick endeavoured to extract from him what was the most he would concede in the present question to the Catholics, but found him resolved not to go beyond the Irish Act of 1793. When Ld. Howick mentioned the extending the same to the Navy, he started and expressed disapprobation. When Ld. Howick said, if the clauses were extended to the Catholics in England, they must also be extended to the Protestant Dissenters (who were not included in the Irish Act, because the Test Act was abolished in Ireland in 1774 or 1775), he started again, and exclaimed, ‘But this is attacking the Establishment.’ In a word, he consents to the extension of the Act of ’93 to England, but to nothing more.