Part 25

Now, though the non-military person may not have realized it, an exceedingly important factor in the successful conduct of operations is an adequate supply of up-to-date geographical monographs and handbooks, describing in completest detail the regions where the operations are taking place. Imagine, for example, how much difficulty you would experience and how little information you would obtain if you were to visit the galleries of the Vatican, the museums of Florence, or the churches of Venice without a guide-book. As few of the statues and pictures are labelled, you could only hazard a guess as to what you were seeing; you would not know where to go next or how to get there. The same thing holds almost equally true of armies. Land an expeditionary force in Patagonia, let us say, and imagine how helpless it would be if it had no accurate and detailed information as to the topography of the country, the size and locations of the towns and villages, the nature of the crops, and the customs of the natives. To fill this urgent need there was created the Military Monograph Subsection. The gradual evolution in the methods of this subsection may be summed up by saying that stiff official letters, the very tone of which was about as reassuring to the recipient as a court summons, have given place to informal, friendly communications which immediately create a bond of personal sympathy between the Intelligence Division and the person from whom information is desired; the questionnaires sent out by the subsection to those believed to have special knowledge of certain regions have dwindled from ponderous and forbidding volumes, the mere labor involved in answering which was appalling, to single pages of easily comprehended questions; and sets of stereotyped queries have, wherever possible, been replaced by intimate personal interviews. In other words, letters which addressed the recipient as “Sir” were so humanized that, when the war ended, they frequently began “Dear Bill.”

The most important work of the Military Monograph Subsection was the preparation of military handbooks which described, with almost incredible wealth of detail, the regions in which our forces were operating or in which they might operate at some future time, the volumes being by no means confined to Europe and Asiatic Russia. The method followed in the preparation of these small, pocket-sized, linen-covered volumes was as follows: From standard sources, such as Baedeker’s and Murray’s guides, the best possible description of a given region or route is compiled, or, should guide-books on the region in question be unobtainable, an account is obtained from some experienced and reliable traveller. This skeleton is then enlarged, improved, and brought up to date by the careful perusal of consular and other reports and of all sorts of confidential documents issued by our own and other governments, and by reference to reliable books of travel. An even more fruitful method of obtaining new and valuable information is through interviews with travellers, explorers, mining engineers, consuls, commercial travellers, sea-captains, and others who have had opportunities to familiarize themselves with the regions about which information is desired. If these men were asked to sit down and dictate accounts of their observations, the results would probably, in nine cases out of ten, prove highly unsatisfactory, but if a written account of the region under discussion is given them, it invariably acts as a great stimulus to their memories. Though a man may not be able to write as good an account from first-hand knowledge as the intelligence officer has prepared from material obtained in a library, he is easily able to point out errors, to suggest additions, and in other ways to improve the version placed before him. The last and potentially the most valuable of the methods used in gathering information for these handbooks is the employment of the Military Intelligence Division’s own agents, such as military attachés, diplomatic and consular officers, and other civilian agents who are sent to foreign countries with specific instructions as to the information which it is desired to obtain. I might add that this has shown itself to be the most satisfactory source of information for monographs and handbooks. It is no exaggeration to say that each of these handbooks—and already a score or more of them have been completed—represents the combined knowledge of from forty to a hundred people.

The Siberian handbooks published by M. I. undoubtedly present the fullest and most accurate date on routes of transportation in that country to be found anywhere save only in the archives of the Russian, Japanese, and German armies. The handbook entitled _Southwestern Russia_ contains minute descriptions of all the ports on the Black Sea from Varna, in Bulgaria, around to Batoum, in the Caucasus. It also contains such information as would be required by an expedition in regard to the selection of ports for the disembarkation of troops and supplies, the garrisoning of these ports, and their maintenance as bases for operations in the interior. In August, 1918, when the American Expeditionary Force was about to set sail for Vladivostok, the Military Monograph Subsection was suddenly called upon to furnish the staff of the expedition with a handbook on eastern Siberia. Though much of the necessary material was contained in documents which had not yet been translated, and though there were available only a few persons who were intimately acquainted with the region in question, the subsection, by placing its entire personnel at the task and by working eighteen hours a day, succeeded in producing a preliminary but really admirable little handbook which was mimeographed in time to go with the expedition. It is scarcely necessary to add that the preparation of these monographs demanded men of exceptional ability who possessed wide and intimate knowledge of the regions whereof they wrote. In order to provide such a corps of writers, commissions in the Military Intelligence Division were given to travellers, explorers, authors, scientists, archæologists, and others whose work or pleasure had acquainted them with the world’s far places.

The Propaganda Subsection of Military Intelligence was formed for the purpose of studying enemy propaganda, to combat it by means of suitable counter-propaganda, and to take steps for the dissemination in the enemy armies and enemy countries of positive propaganda of our own. Though propaganda, as used by the United States, was nothing but the truth, it had been so abused by the Central Powers as to have become almost a term of reproach, the American Government steadily opposing its use—at least under that name—during the earlier months of the war. German propaganda had, indeed, achieved such an unenviable name that it was found advisable, in the spring of 1918, to change the name of this branch to “Psychologic Subsection.” Misleading and frequently flagrantly untruthful though their propaganda was, the Central Powers had made use of it with such marked success, particularly in Italy—for the disaster at Caporetto was primarily due to Austrian propaganda introduced into the Italian lines—that our government was reluctantly compelled to recognize its efficacy and to initiate propaganda of its own, this delicate and highly psychological work being intrusted to a civilian organization—the Committee on Public Information. Despite the vast amount of publicity which has been given to the work of Mr. Creel’s organization, truth compels me to assert that it was very far from being the success which the public has been led to believe. Memorandums concerning the foreign situation, together with comments and suggestions, were sent almost daily by Military Intelligence to the committee, thus giving the civilian organization the military point of view and bringing to its attention urgent calls for American propaganda made by its representatives in many parts of the world. This should have been of great value to the committee, since through its attachés, agents, and other sources, Military Intelligence was able to obtain a vast amount of information about enemy propaganda and morale which would not otherwise have been accessible to Mr. Creel’s organization. Although the committee agreed in general with the Intelligence Division as to the scope of our propaganda, lack of funds and of experienced personnel made it unable to act, in the majority of cases, on the information thus given. Incredible as it may seem, in view of the immense importance attached to the use of propaganda by other nations, it was not until after the Armistice had been signed that the army was formally authorized to make use of this potent weapon. I mention this because it illustrates how difficult it is to obtain a satisfactory liaison between two such bodies as the Military Intelligence Division and the Committee on Public Information, whose respective activities were based on entirely dissimilar foundations, and who carried on their work along entirely different lines. This is not saying, however, that the officers of the Psychologic Subsection attached to the expeditionary forces in France were idle all this time; on the contrary, they succeeded in getting three million leaflets over the lines.

Early in the spring of 1918 Military Intelligence recommended the immediate purchase of 6,500 balloons to be used for distributing great quantities of propaganda leaflets behind the German front. As, however, a sufficiently large appropriation could not be obtained, and as it was feared that there would not be an adequate supply of gas for the purpose in the A. E. F., it was finally decided to order only 500 balloons. Though delivery was promised by November 1, they did not arrive then, nor were they received before the Armistice was signed, such few balloons as were used by the Propaganda Section of the A. E. F. being British ones. These were paper affairs, about nine feet long and carrying four pounds of leaflets strung on a slow-burning 12-inch fuse in such a manner that they were dropped in small bunches, thus securing a wide area of distribution. But bad weather, the shortage of hydrogen-gas, the difficulties in transporting the gas-cylinders, and the rapid changes in the battle-line combined to make the number of balloons actually despatched very small. Great expectations were based, however, on the balloon campaign which was planned for the winter of 1918-1919 against interior Germany, particularly the Rhine towns. A large number of leaflets were also distributed by American aviators, who, taking their lives in their hands, frequently flew so low that they could see the Germans picking up the literature which came fluttering down on them from the skies.

In order to intelligently distribute propaganda by balloon, it was first of all necessary to ascertain the actual state of the enemy’s morale, which was principally done by questioning prisoners. The officers in charge of the work—all of whom possessed, of course, a fluent knowledge of German—after carefully studying the daily intelligence reports at General Headquarters, would visit the war-cages near Toul and Souilly and hold long interviews with prisoners of all ranks and from all parts of the empire. By this means it was possible to gauge with a considerable degree of accuracy the existing conditions beyond the Rhine and the degree of importance which various sections of the German people attached to America’s entry into the war. Arguments which had been suggested as suitable for propaganda use were tried out on the prisoners and their effect noted. Specimens of Allied propaganda were discussed with them and they were asked to give their opinions of it. A sufficient knowledge was thus gained of the Teutons’ mental processes to give the officers of the Propaganda Section a fairly accurate idea of the sort of arguments which would make the strongest appeal. The text of the proposed literature was then prepared and, after being approved by General Headquarters, was printed in Paris, the leaflets being sent to the field-stations which the Propaganda Section had established at Bar-le-Duc and Toul. As a result of the close liaison maintained with the Air Service, leaflets were sent to the various flying-fields for distribution by airplane, careful records being kept of the areas thus covered.

Almost from the start the liveliest interest was shown and the heartiest co-operation afforded by all branches of the army concerned. The Meteorological Section of the Signal Corps carried on an elaborate series of experiments to determine the rate of ascension of the various types of balloons. The G-2’s of many corps and divisions constantly sent in requests for propaganda and offered many suggestions. And the aviators, who were, after all, the ones most directly concerned, showed not the slightest hesitation in undertaking the exceedingly dangerous work of distribution, for more than one German commander announced that he would execute any flyer captured in the act of distributing propagandist literature. In only one quarter was opposition encountered. That was where the out-of-date conviction was still held that “propaganda has no place during operations.”

Nearly a score of types of leaflets were distributed by airplane or balloon. Among the most successful was one known as the “Prisoner Leaflet,” containing a translation of an extract from the orders prescribing the treatment to be accorded by the A. E. F. to prisoners of war. Appended to it was a list of rations issued to the American soldier and prescribed for enemy prisoners. More than a million copies of this leaflet were sent over the enemy lines. The “Prisoner Post-Card” leaflet was a variation of the one just described, being printed in close imitation of the German _Feldpostkarte_. This was predicated on the idea that the first interest of the German soldier was solicitude for his family and that the _Feldpostkarte_ form was one to which he was accustomed. A number of these were found on the persons of prisoners. Another leaflet had a picture of a file of soldiers rapidly increasing in size, thereby impressing even the most illiterate of the enemy with the amazing expansion of the American Army. Still another contained the German request for an armistice and President Wilson’s reply. The principal reason for dropping these over the German troops was the belief, which proved to be well founded, that their full import, and indeed even their complete texts, had been kept from reaching the German soldier. In addition to the above, the Propaganda Section distributed some 20,000 copies of a leaflet designed to appeal to those natives of Alsace-Lorraine serving in the German armies.

The leaflets intended for the Alsace-Lorrainers were the work of Captain Osamm of the 4th Corps, and were part of a plan which was to culminate in a venturesome attempt at fraternization. Captain Osamm was perfectly familiar with German Army organization and knew the names of hundreds of German officers and men in the 224th Division, which was largely recruited from the natives of Alsace-Lorraine. After the 224th had been all but snowed under by the leaflets, and after a sufficient time had elapsed for the arguments which they contained to penetrate the German mind, Captain Osamm planned to crawl out into No Man’s Land, and when within speaking distance of the German patrols to call out the names of individuals in that division. He admitted that he expected to be met by a few bursts of machine-gun fire, but he was convinced that the patrols would eventually themselves come forward to meet him, whereupon, by a verbal reinforcement of the arguments contained in the leaflets, he expected to bring about wholesale desertions. He based his assumption that the enemy would respond to his summons, I imagine, on the British contention that all Germans had originally been waiters, and that, if one were to shout, “Hi, Fritz, bring me a beer!” they would respond from force of habit. The beginning of active operations abruptly halted this amazing performance, however, thereby deeply disappointing the adventurous captain.

The speed with which events moved during the last few weeks of the war prevented the trial of a distinctively American idea, known as _The International Bulletin_. This was to be issued in the form of a newspaper, printed in parallel columns of English and German, and distributed on both sides of the line. The intention was for the American forces to honestly share a newspaper with the Germans! It was believed that the very frankness of such a proceeding would serve to diminish the suspicions of the enemy that all leaflets which fell into their hands were “doctored.” The bulletin, as planned, was to contain news items, chiefly concerning the A. E. F., maps, pictures, and cartoons, the intention being to distribute it in large numbers among our own troops as well as behind the enemy lines; then to collect the old copies from the Americans, together with any comments which the fun-loving Yanks may have written on the margins, and send them over to the Boche by balloon.

What were the results of this propaganda offensive? Making an estimate of how it affected the enemy is like reporting on the effects of artillery-fire or bombing raids, for they happened on the other side of the line, “where visibility was poor.” Any one who has listened to the interrogation of German prisoners can hardly fail to have been struck by the wide variance in the replies given by soldiers from the same unit. Questioned about the effect of a barrage, for example, one man would state that it destroyed the German wire, demolished their trenches, and cut their communications, and that he and his companions were demoralized and panic-stricken; while another prisoner, from the same company, perhaps, would defiantly insist that the Yankee shell did no great damage, that casualties were light, and that he never missed a meal or a night’s sleep. Or, when interrogated in regard to the damage caused by our bombing squadrons, one prisoner would insist that, beyond killing a cow and breaking a few windows, absolutely no harm was done, while another, visibly shaken by his experiences, would assert that all that remained of the town in which he was billeted was a hydrant and two paving-stones. German officers, when questioned about the effect of our propaganda, invariably made the stock reply, “The men laughed at the leaflets,” but the enemy privates generally admitted that they read and believed the _flug blätter_. On the other hand, captured officers frequently complained about the depressing effect which the leaflets had on the morale of their men, while many privates stoutly denied having been influenced by propaganda, even when the much-thumbed leaflets were found on their persons. It must be remembered, however, that no soldier likes to attribute his defeat to pieces of paper; he prefers to blame it on lack of food, the enemy’s overwhelming superiority of numbers, and to his preponderance of artillery and machine-guns. If a historian ever has an opportunity to delve into the files of the German Intelligence Bureau, however, I imagine that he will find ample evidence that the showers of leaflets falling from the blue played no inconsiderable part in the collapse of the German war-machine. But, whatever the results of our efforts in this direction, as revealed by the light of history, the American people can be assured that never was a campaign of propaganda waged with such scrupulous regard for the truth. Though certain of our allies sent out material for distribution over the enemy lines which took considerable liberties with the truth, to put it mildly, and though the French quite frankly made use of Bolshevistic arguments, appeals, and promises, the distribution of our own propaganda leaflets was delayed time after time in order that the General Staff might sift and weigh the statements which it contained until they contained nothing save sincerity and truth.

In the weeks that followed Foch’s great offensive in the summer of 1918, it became increasingly apparent to those who were in a position to judge, that German morale, both in the heart of the empire as well as at the front, was imperceptibly but none the less steadily deteriorating. No one realized the significance of this to the Allied cause better than the chief of the Psychologic Subsection, who determined to watch the progress of the movement, just as a physician watches the progress of a disease, and to indicate its trend by means of a chart, like those on which nurses record the variations in the pulse and temperature of their patients. In pursuance of this plan, which was put into execution about the 1st of September, 1918, a daily report was prepared which contained in brief form all news in any way relating to German morale which had come in from all sources during the preceding twenty-four hours. At the end of each week an interpretation of the drift of these news items was attempted in a weekly report. Using as a basis for its estimates material contained in these reports, supplemented by information obtained from every source open to Military Intelligence, the subsection worked out its famous “Chart of German Civilian Morale,” which, during the closing months of the war, occupied a conspicuous place on a wall of Secretary Baker’s office. The chart was drawn on a sheet divided into cross-sections, each of which represented a day, while the heavy black line, writhing across the paper like a dying serpent, showed the wavering morale of Germany’s civil population. Secondary lines depicted in graphic form the German military situation, the degree of political unity in Germany, the situation in Austria-Hungary, the state of the food supply in the Central Empires, and the U-boat sinkings. But it was, of course, the line indicating the state of civilian morale which most accurately gauged the situation. Starting in August, 1914 (nearly three years before our entry into the war), at the top of the chart, the line runs almost straight until the battle of the Marne, when there is a sudden drop. It recovers, however, with the continuance of the German advance, declines during the winters of 1914-1915 and 1915-1916, only to ascend again with the coming of spring; falls sharply after the final reverse at Verdun, drops to a still lower level than before during the anxious winter of 1917-1918, rises almost to its highest peak during Hindenburg’s tremendous onset in the following spring; begins a gradual decline in ratio to the steady increase in the strength of the American armies, and finally, beginning with the defeat of the all-conquering Germans at Château-Thierry, goes plunging downward until, on November 11, 1918, the line ends at the bottom of the chart in the abyss of national despair.

Shortly after the Armistice, when the morale of Germany’s civil population was no longer of any interest save to the Germans themselves, the symptoms of a new and even more alarming disorder became apparent to the specialists of the Psychologic Subsection, whereupon, in order to keep this new menace to the health of the world under observation, a new chart was started and a fresh series of reports were begun, the personnel of the section being instructed to immediately note all movements and manifestations likely to prove destructive of good order and stable government. On huge wall-maps of Europe and Asiatic Russia various kinds of disturbances or threatened disturbances—revolutions, mutinies, riots, racial and religious troubles, strikes, labor and political demonstrations—were indicated by pins of different colors:

Red: Bolshevism, Syndicalist, or Socialist.

Brown: Political revolution, counter-revolution, anti-Bolshevist or social disturbances.

Blue: Industrial strikes.

Green: Food riots, plundering, or difficult food situation.

White: Racial troubles.

Black: Military mutiny.

Yellow: Disease epidemic.

Each day a report was made out, compiled from various sources, covering the subject of European disturbances, these reports being arranged geographically. Every Friday a weekly summary was prepared in numbered paragraphs, condensing the daily reports and giving, if possible, an interpretation of the trend of unrest during the preceding week. As the most threatening disturbances during the winter of 1918-1919 were of a Bolshevist nature, it was deemed advisable to issue a weekly report on the activities of Trotzky, Lenine & Co. and their followers.