CHAPTER IV.
ORIGIN OF THE EXPOSITION OF 1851.
§ It is not now necessary to inquire minutely into the origin of the present Exposition. It is sufficient to state that it appears to have been proposed by some members of the Society of Arts, who urged it on the attention of Prince Albert.
The magnitude of the undertaking, and the great principles on which it rested, seem not to have been fully understood, and the public were very imperfectly prepared either to appreciate its advantages or to contribute to its support. A capitalist was therefore sought, and found willing to undertake the risk of the speculation, and terms were agreed upon, by which £20,000 was advanced for distribution in prizes, one of which was to amount to £5,000. This contract contained some singular stipulations, and formed the basis of the proceedings for several months. It contained also a clause by which, on certain conditions, it might be cancelled within a limited time.
In order to carry out this undertaking, it was proposed that a Royal Commission should be issued, over which, of course, Prince Albert should preside. As soon as these views became publicly known, they excited great discussion, and were the subject of much criticism.
§ The Ministers could not of course commit themselves by publicly avowing their disapprobation of an undertaking commenced under such high auspices. It might, however, readily have been foreseen that they would be averse to such a scheme, because whilst it was sure to give them a great deal of trouble, it would afford them no compensation in the shape of patronage.
Those, however, who usually reflect and retail the opinions of the Government, were by no means silent; at first it was said to be Utopian, then ridiculous, then, in the slang of official life, it was “_pooh-poohed_;” at a later period, when great public meetings had been held, and when public dinners began to give it an English character, the best speech which has yet been made on the subject, containing the far-sighted views of a statesman, was ridiculed as full of _German_ notions, by coxcombs whose intellect was as defective as their foresight, and whose selfishness was more remarkable than either.
Another class of persons, the Belgravians, though actuated by the same motives, were induced to join in the outcry for other reasons. As soon as it became known that the locality of the building would be the southern side of Hyde Park, they represented that the park would be destroyed, and become utterly useless. As if a building covering twenty acres out of above three hundred and twenty, could prevent the people from enjoying air and exercise on the remaining three hundred.
Again, it was asserted that by cutting down a few trees within the limits assigned to the building, the park would be desolated; the shady walks destroyed; whilst all the while there was a goodly stock of timber, old and young, abounding in the other three hundred acres. Before this absurd delusion could be removed from the public mind, all the plans were made specially to conform themselves to the enclosure of these miserable trees. It was not discovered until after the Crystal Palace was completed, that several of them were on the verge of extinction, and that all would probably perish by exposure under such unusual conditions. Some of the most decrepit and most inconveniently situated trees have now been cut down.
§ The Belgravians found out other causes of complaint. They could not tolerate the mass of plebeians of all nations who would traverse their sacred square, and they threatened to spoil the London season by going out of town. When it was suggested to them, that in these days of agricultural distress, if they left town they might console themselves by letting their houses at a high price, they refused to be consoled.
The Belgravians next consulted their “_medicine-men_,” who, seeing that they wanted to be frightened, suggested to them that _some_ foreigners were dirty,—that dirt in _some_ cases causes disease. The Belgravian mind immediately made the inference that the foreigners would bring with them the plague; then they dwelt on sanitary measures, and on the danger to the public, until they themselves became nearly insane.
It was then suggested that the foreigners might become assassins by night,—or take military possession of London by day. Their tradesmen too, who hated the scheme, and knew the humour of their customers, assured them that trade would be entirely ruined; whilst at the same time, it was whispered that many of them had sent large orders to France for goods to be exhibited at the Crystal Palace, and afterwards to be sold to their capricious customers, either as French, or as English surpassing French, just as the whim of the moment might cause a demand for the one or the other.
This opposition of the inhabitants of Belgravia increased as the preparations for the opening of the Exposition advanced. The working classes had been favourable to the scheme from the commencement, and a knowledge of its advantages seems to have advanced slowly in society from below upwards.
That the inhabitants of this fashionable quarter were necessarily exposed to some inconveniences cannot be denied. Their much-frequented riding ground was for a time interfered with, but they should have remembered that although the public at large _paid_ for the maintenance of the park, the greatest portion of its advantages were _enjoyed_ by those residing nearest to it.
Under these circumstances they ought to have been well content to forego for a time these trifling advantages, and to suffer with a good grace the little temporary inconveniences resulting from a plan which was unrivalled for the advancement of the arts of peace, and calculated not only to benefit our own country, but to contribute to the civilization of the world.
Notwithstanding much opposition and many prophecies of failure, a Royal Commission was at last appointed. It consisted almost exclusively of members of parliament, and of persons holding official situations. It was stated that not more than two of its members had ever seen a foreign exposition, and although it included many men distinguished in other departments of knowledge, there was scarcely one whose name was known to the nations we invited as at all eminent in that over which the Commission presided.
In England, a commissioner, however small his acquaintance with the subject, is always deemed fully competent in virtue of his appointment. The light in which this places us in the opinion of other nations is by no means flattering to our national vanity. It has been admirably described by an accomplished Italian resident amongst us in language which an Englishman might be proud to own, and with a degree of moral courage which few Englishmen would dare to exert on such a subject.[5]
It was easy to perceive that when so great a mass of people in distant quarters of the world was set in motion for such an object, it would be impossible to draw back, and that its own momentum would carry on the scheme.
§ That the Prince who took so strong an interest in it, and who saw so clearly and so far beyond the horizon which limited the view of those by whom he was surrounded, should become its chief, was quite natural. There are, however, circumstances in the state of society in this country, and in the constitution of human nature itself, which render it almost impossible to have unfettered discussion when a person of that exalted rank takes the chair at the meetings of a Committee.
These objections are entirely unconnected with the individual person, and if any amount of good feeling and skill in such a Chairman could remove the difficulty, we have fortunately had amongst us several Princes who might easily have accomplished it. But the forms of society forbid in the presence of princes that full and free discussion by which alone the united knowledge of a Committee can be brought into play. Debates must take place and divisions occur: otherwise some individual may take upon himself to assume what either is, or appears to him to be, the sense of the meeting: this is much more frequently simply the expression of _his own views_. Thus, perhaps, he prevents the statement of his opinion by some timid man, which is possibly worth more than that of all the rest of the Committee.
Again: in Committees presided over by persons of this elevated rank, it is not an uncommon occurrence for some member, anxious for the success of his _own_ views, privately to hint in conversation with other members, that these are the wishes of their President.
To these objections, which are generally true, there is, however, one exception. When the Chairman is eminently conversant with the subject, while at the same time the minds of the Committee are like a sheet of blank paper,—the best course that can then be pursued is to allow the Chairman to interpret the sense of the Committee.
The first act of the Commission was most judicious. It was to annul the contract with the capitalist who had undertaken the building and the commercial management of the Exhibition. It is to be regretted, however, that the actual amount of compensation which he was to receive, was not finally settled at the time. The subsequent extent of the undertaking having exceeded that which was originally contemplated, may render this a question of some difficulty.
The next step was to appeal to the public for subscriptions to carry on the plan. For this object delegates were sent to many of the large towns, some of whom, not possessing more knowledge of the subject than the Commissioners themselves, and having none of their tact, nearly caused the failure of the whole scheme.
The knowledge and good sense, however, of the working and manufacturing classes, supplied the deficiencies of these missionaries, and the subject became popular amongst them. There were, indeed, many exceptions even amongst these classes. Those whose business had been long established, and who were manufacturing as largely as their capital would admit, had no reason to seek additional publicity for the sale of their produce. Upon them the Exposition would impose only trouble and expense, without any corresponding advantage.
Others who possessed machinery of peculiar powers of production, or for the fabrication of curious products, were unwilling to expose these singular and costly machines to the eyes of their rivals from all countries. The produce of such machines being generally novelties, they found a ready sale for it, and therefore had no reason to seek the Exhibition as the means of publicity.
The extent of the demand for space at the Exhibition, has been as was naturally to be expected, so great, that it was quite unnecessary to press any person to exhibit who was not fully aware that it was for his own interest to do so.
With respect to the subscriptions, there are some observations which it may be useful to make for the sake of all subscribers to future schemes. It is said that the total amount subscribed is nearly 90,000_l._ of which only about 60,000_l._ have been paid.
No subscription ought ever to be advertised until it has been actually paid. It is quite unjustifiable to employ the money of _bonâ fide_ subscribers in paying for advertisements to gratify the vanity of those, who are ambitious of appearing large donors, and who are yet so mean as to decline fulfilling their pledges.
This practice has, unfortunately, of late years been too prevalent. Persons of rank and position in the country have condescended to allow their names to appear in lists, for subscriptions which they never intended to pay, the effect of which has been to decoy others who trusted to their respectability and truth. The public in future will do well to abstain from subscribing to _any list_, however respectable the names may apparently be, unless it is distinctly stated that the subscriptions advertised have really been paid.
In the present case it would be a further waste of money to advertise the defaulters: but the Commission have a remedy, and they owe it to the genuine subscribers. Let a circular be sent to each defaulter, announcing that unless his subscription is paid by a certain day, his name will be returned to the clerk of the _Black list_, who has directions to make an alphabetical index of defaulters, several copies of which will be exposed to the public in various parts of the Crystal Palace during the whole time of the exhibition.
If public opinion were fully ripe for such a vast industrial undertaking, it ought to be entirely self-supporting. This seems to have been the opinion of the Commission, and with every wish to assist that object, and every desire to make allowances for the want of all past experience on the subject, a few remarks may be made which may promote the interests of some future Exposition, even though unavailing for the present.
The first question is necessarily the position of the building, and the facilities for access and egress. As this question is discussed in