CHAPTER III

FROM BAUR TO HOLTZMANN

26 _Die Pastoralbriefe kritisch und exegetisch behandelt,_ 1880, 504 pp. Adolf Harnack (in _Die Chronologie der altchristlichen Literatur bis Eusebius,_ vol. i., 1897, 732 pp.—on Paul, 233-239) is disposed to regard the personal notices of the Pastorals as genuine with the aid of the hypothesis of the second imprisonment.

27 _Kritik der Epheser- und Kolosserbriefe,_ 1872, 338 pp.

28 _Einleitung in das Neue Testament,_ 1885; 2nd ed., 1886; 3rd ed., 1892. Second Thessalonians, Ephesians, and the Pastoral Epistles, spurious; Colossians, worked over. A similar critical stand-point is occupied by Adolf Jülicher, _Einleitung in das Neue Testament,_ 1894, 404 pp. The Pauline Epistles are treated in pp. 19-128.

A mediating position is taken up by E. Reuss, _Geschichte der heiligen Schriften Neuen Testaments_ (5th ed., 1874, 352 pp.; 6th ed., 1887). All that can be said in favour of the genuineness of the Pastorals and 2 Thessalonians is set forth with the greatest completeness, since the author is very reluctant to give up these writings. See the same author’s _Histoire de la théologie chrétienne au siècle apostolique_ (1852; 2nd ed., 1860, 2 vols., i. 489 pp., ii. 629 pp. Paulinism is treated in vol. ii., 3-262; 3rd ed., 1864). Mild polemic against Baur. Another mediating work is Willibald Beyschlag’s _Neutestamentliche Theologie,_ 1891; 2nd ed., 1896. Only the Pastorals spurious.

A conservative stand-point is occupied by Bernhard Weiss, _Einleitung in das Neue Testament,_ 1886, 652 pp. Paul and his Epistles occupy pp. 112-332. The Pastoral Epistles are saved by the hypothesis of the second imprisonment. 2 Thessalonians and Ephesians are held to be genuine (3rd ed., 1897, 617 pp.). Conservative also is Theodor Zahn, _Einleitung in das Neue Testament,_ 1st ed., 1897, vol. i., 489 pp. Pauline Epistles, pp. 109-489. Ch. K. v. Hofmann in his _Einleitung_ (pt. ix. of “Die Heilige Schrift,” edited by Volck, 1881, 411 pp. Pauline Epistles, 1-200) proposes by means of the hypothesis of a liberation of the Apostle from his first imprisonment to make not only the Pastorals, but also the Epistle to the Hebrews genuine. That 2 Thessalonians and Ephesians are genuine is for him self-evident. Frédéric Godet too _(Introduction au Nouveau Testament,_ 1893, 737 pp.) regards all thirteen Epistles as genuine.

29 Typical in this respect is the procedure of Bernhard Weiss in his _Neutestamentliche Theologie_ (1868). He treats the doctrine of the Epistles of the imprisonment and that of the Pastorals by themselves after he has developed that of the main Epistles, although he regards them all as Pauline.

30 _Kritik der paulinischen Briefe,_ 3 pts., 1850, 74 pp.; 1851, 76 pp.; 1852, 129 pp.; _Christus und die Cäsaren,_ 1877, 387 pp.

31 _Beiträge zur Kritik der paulinischen Briefe an die Galater, Römer Philipper und Kolosser._ Edited by E. Sulze, 1867, 65 pp.

32 Lüdemann was opposed by H. H. Wendt in his work _Die Begriffe Fleisch und Geist im biblischen Sprachgebrauch,_ 1878, 219 pp.

At the suggestion of Ritschl he undertook to prove that the meaning of these two words confined itself “within the boundaries set by Old Testament usage,” and that therefore the assumption of Greek influence was unnecessary.

33 Otto Pfleiderer, _Das Urchristentum,_ 1887.

34 Auguste Sabatier, _L’Apôtre Paul, esquisse d’une histoire de sa pensée,_ 1870, 296 pp. (2nd ed., 1881; 3rd ed., 1897).

35 _Das Evangelium des Paulus,_ pt. 2 (edited by Mehlhorn), 1898, 172 pp.

36 P. 31.

37 _Zum Evangelium des Paulus und des Petrus,_ 1868, 447 pp. In this work the author collects some of his earlier and later essays. The following are its component parts, “Paul’s Vision of Christ” (1861), “Peter’s Vision of the Messiah” (1868), “Contents and Argument of the Epistle to the Galatians” (1859), “The Significance of the word _σάρξ_ (flesh) in Paul’s System of Doctrine” (1855). The collection is dedicated to F. C. Baur, “who though dead yet lives.” In the first part of the work _Das Evangelium des Paulus,_ 1880, 498 pp., Holsten deals with the Epistle to the Galatians and the First to the Corinthians. The second part was intended to give an exposition of Romans and 2 Corinthians and to close with a systematic account of the Pauline theology. At Holsten’s death only the closing section was found to be ready for printing. It was published in 1898 under the editorship of Carl Mehlhorn, and bears the title “Carl Holsten, Das Evangelium des Paulus, part ii., Paulinische Theologie,” 173 pp. What was thus published is based on a manuscript prepared for his lectures in the winter session of 1893-1894, and on students’ notes.

38 Albrecht Ritschl, _Die christliche Lehre von der Rechtfertigung und Versöhnung,_ 1874, vol. ii. 377 pp. On Paul, pp. 215-259 and 300-369.

39 _Lehrbuch der biblischen Theologie des Neuen Testaments,_ 1st ed. 1868, 756 pp. On Paulinism, pp. 216-507; 6th ed. 1895, 677 pp. On Paulinism, 201-463.

40 _Neutestamentliche Theologie,_ 1st ed. 1891; 2nd ed. 1896, vol. ii. 552 pp. On Paul, pp. 1-285.

41 Ch. K. v. Hofmann, _Biblische Theologie_ (vol. xi. of “Die heilige Schrift Neuen Testaments”; edited by Volck), 1886, 328 pp.

42 _Texte und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der altchristlichen Kirche,_ vol. v., 1888, part iv. Alfred Resch, “Agrapha. Ausserkanonische Evangelienfragmente gesammelt und untersucht,” 480 pp. The “logia” numbered 13-46 he holds, on the evidence of echoes in the letters, to have been known to Paul. See pp. 152-243.

43 _Die paulinische Lehre vom Gesetz_ (“The Pauline Doctrine of the Law”). Based on the four main Epistles, 1884, 26 pp. The second edition (1893, 33 pp.) is a revision of the first, but in the results arrived at both agree.

44 _Neutestamentliche Zeitgeschichte._ In the second edition the work bears the title _Geschichte des jüdischen Volkes im Zeitalter Jesu Christi_ (English Translation: “History of the Jewish People in the Time of Jesus Christ,” Edinburgh, 1885). The second volume deals with the literature and the various currents of thought. There have since appeared a third and fourth edition.

45 _System der altsynagogalen palästinensischen Theologie aus Targum, Midrasch und Talmud dargestellt,_ 399 pp. (Edited after the author’s death by Delitzsch and Schnedermann.)

The second edition (1897, 427 pp.) bears the title _Jüdische Theologie auf Grund des Talmud und verwandter Schriften_ (“Jewish Theology described on the Basis of the Talmud and cognate Writings”).

The earlier literature is referred to in Hans Vollmer’s _Die alttestamentlichen Zitate bei Paulus_ (1895), 81 pp.

46 A typical utterance is that of J. Wellhausen _(Israelitische und jüdische Geschichte,_ 6th ed. 1907, 386 pp.), “Paul has not been able to free himself from the Rabbinic methods of exegesis. He employs it in his arguments, especially in connexion with justification by faith. But the inner essence of his religious conviction was not affected by it.”

47 _Paulus des Apostels Brief an die Römer in das Hebräische übersetzt, und aus Talmud und Midrasch erläutert,_ 1870, 122 pp.

At the beginning the author gives an interesting review of previous Hebrew translations of the whole New Testament or of single books. He also refers to the Rabbinic reasoning in the apostle’s arguments. The illustrations from the Rabbinic literature, pp. 73-100, follow the translation.

He expects as a result of this translation that it will bring into prominence the Old Testament, Rabbinic, and Hellenistic elements in the early Christian modes of thought and expression.

Earlier attempts to point out Rabbinic parallels to Pauline ideas were made by Lightfoot, Surenhus, Schöttgen, Meuschen, and Nork. Information about this literature will be found in Hans Vollmer’s work _(Die alttestamentlichen Zitate bei Paulus,_ 1895, pp. 80, 81).

48 A good general idea of the Rabbinic literature as a whole is given by Bousset in his work _Die Religion des Judentums im neutestamentlichen Zeitalter,_ 1903, 2nd ed., 1906, pp. 45-53.

49 Among the few scholars who stem the tide of conventional stupidity Frederick Spitta deserves a foremost place. In his printed works, no doubt—those in question are _Der zweite Brief des Petrus und der Brief des Judas_ (1885, 544 pp.) and the studies _Zur Geschichte und Literatur des Urchristentums_ (vol. i. 1893; vol. ii. 1896)—he is chiefly engaged in maintaining the general thesis that the earliest Christian literature shows much more dependence on the Late-Jewish than is generally admitted. A detailed proof of this kind for the Pauline letters has only been given in his exegetical lectures, which have not been published. The stimulus which he gave to others is clearly apparent in the literature of the nineties. Kabisch’s study of the eschatology of Paul (1893) is partly based on the foundation which he had prepared.

50 _Die paulinische Angelologie und Dämonologie,_ 1888, 126 pp.

51 _Die Eschatologie des Paulus in ihren Zusammenhängen mit dem Gesamtbegriff des Paulinismus_ ( ... in its relations with the general conception of Paulinism), 1893, 338 pp. The work is dedicated to Friedrich Spitta. After a historical introduction, the principal passages which come into question are examined. After that the eschatology is developed according to its contents and motives, and in the process its relations with the various doctrines of the Pauline theology come up for discussion.

52 He did not, unfortunately, follow it up with the work on the Ethics.

53 The eschatological character of the Pauline mysticism is also pointed out by Paul Wernle in his suggestive study _Der Christ und die Sünde bei Paulus_ (1897, 138 pp.), but he does not follow out the idea in all its consequences.

A certain recognition of the “physical” character of the doctrine of redemption is also arrived at by Adolf Deissmann. In his study, _Die neutestamentliche Formel “in Christo Jesu”_ (1892, 136 pp.) he comes to the conviction that Paul had created the formula on the analogy of a linguistic usage already obtaining in non-biblical Greek, and intended in using it to indicate the relation to Christ as an existence within the pneumatic Christ which was to be locally conceived. He does not, however, think of explaining it from eschatology.

The old psychologising and spiritualising methods are in no way departed from by W. Brandt. In his work, _Die evangelische Geschichte und der Ursprung des Christentums_ (“The Gospel History and the Origin of Christianity,” 1893, 591 pp.; on Paul, pp. 515-524), he maintains that it was the visions of the disciples which first made Jesus into the Messiah. Paul, he thinks, “in his profound reflexion over his conversion, came to think of this revolution in his life as a dying and rising again of his inner man.”

54 Georg Heinrici, _Auslegung der Korintherbriefe_ (I Cor., 1880, 574 pp.; 2 Cor., 1887, 606 pp.).

55 P. W. Schmiedel, “Auslegung der Briefe an die Thessalonicher und Korinther,” in Holtzmann’s _Handkommentar,_ vol. ii. section i.; 1st ed., 1891; 2nd ed., 1892.

56 _Dogmengeschichte,_ 3rd ed., 1894, vol. i. On Paul, pp. 83-95. Friedrich Loofs in his _Dogmengeschichte_ (1890, 443 pp.) takes up no definite attitude towards the Pauline problem. Reinhold Seeberg, too _(Dogmengeschichte,_ first half, 1895, 332 pp.), does not go into the doctrine of the Apostle.

57 R. A. Lipsius, “Auslegung der Briefe an die Galater, Römer und Philipper,” in Holtzmann’s _Handkommentar,_ vol. ii. section i. 1st ed., 1891; 2nd ed., 1892. This commentator’s position is indicated by the following remarks: “The great antithesis between flesh and spirit gradually forces out the Jewish conceptions one after another, though it is not right to say that Hebrew ideas are driven out by Hellenic ones. When Paul goes outside the circle of Old Testament views he does so in consequence of a deeper ethical grasp of the originally Hebrew antithesis between flesh and spirit, not by a borrowing of Greek ideas.”

58 _Das apostolische Zeitalter,_ 1886, pp. 105-151.

59 It is most clearly developed by Holsten on pp. 37 and 38 of the second part of his _Evangelium des Paulus,_ 1896.

60 Vol. i., 1880; vol. ii., 1887. See especially the Introduction and the Epilogue to vol. ii.

61 In Phil. i. 21 f. the reference is to an inner struggle which the Apostle experiences. He desires to depart and be with Christ, which, indeed, would be much better, but he knows that to remain in the flesh is more needful for the sake of his churches. From this conviction he draws the confident conclusion that he will remain with them for their progress and joy in the faith.

In Phil. iii. 8 he declares that he has counted all things but loss in order to win Christ and be found in Him, to know Him and the power of His resurrection and the fellowship of His sufferings, to be conformed unto His death, if so be that he might attain (?) to the resurrection of the dead.

Both passages are certainly obscure, and do not to a literal interpretation yield any satisfactory meaning. One feels that the logic of these close-packed assertions is not self-evident, but must somehow depend on presuppositions of which the basis is not here given. It cannot, however, be maintained that the assumption of a spiritualising hope regarding the future makes all clear.

62 An allusion to the passage in _Faust,_ “Zwei Seelen wohnen, ach, in meiner Brust.”—TRANSLATOR.

63 Ernst Teichmann, _Die paulinischen Vorstellungen von Auferstehung und Gericht und ihre Beziehung zur jüdischen Apokalyptik_ (“The Pauline Conceptions of Resurrection and Judgment and their relation to Jewish Apocalyptic”), 1896, 125 pp. Akin to Teichmann’s study is that of C. Bruston, “La Vie future d’après St Paul” in the _Revue de Théologie et de Philosophie_ (Lausanne), 1894, pp. 506-530. The author maintains that Paul had never really held the conceptions connected with the resurrection of the dead at the parousia, but had always thought “spiritually” and assumed a passing into glory immediately after death. But while in his earlier writings he still used certain expressions borrowed from the “Rabbinic eschatology,” later he quite abandoned these.

64 Hermann Gunkel, _Die Wirkungen des Heiligen Geistes nach der populären Anschauung der apostolischen Zeit und nach der Lehre des Apostels Paulus_ (“The Manifestations of the Holy Spirit according to the Popular View of the Apostolic Age and according to the Doctrine of the Apostle Paul”), 1888, 110 pp. Shortly before that appeared the purely biblico-theological treatment of it by Johannes Gloël, _Der Heilige Geist in der Heilsverkündigung des Paulus_ (“The Holy Spirit in Paul’s Preaching of Salvation”), 1888, 402 pp. It keeps entirely to description and does not enter into the question regarding the origin and innermost essence of the Pauline doctrine. Pfleiderer’s view is, however, called in question.

65 _Urchristentum,_ 1887. Similarly Heinrici in his commentary on 2 Corinthians.

66 F. C. Baur, _Vorlesungen über die christliche Dogmengeschichte_ (“Lectures on the History of Dogma”), vol. i. From the apostolic period to the synod of Nicaea, 1865 (edited by Ferdinand Friedrich Baur).

67 _Dogmengeschichte,_ 1885, vol. i.; 3rd ed., 1894; 4th ed., 1909. Wilhelm Karl, too, in his _Beiträge zum Verständnis der soteriologischen Erfahrungen und Spekulationen des Apostels Paulus_ (“Contributions to the Understanding of the Soteriological Experiences and Speculations of the Apostle Paul,” 1899, 116 pp.), does not feel obliged to have recourse to Greek thought in order to explain the Apostle’s doctrine. He offers a thorough and independent analysis of the system which in many points is much superior to the ordinary view.

68 Edwin Hatch, Hibbert Lectures on “The Influence of Greek Ideas and Usages upon the Christian Church.” The work was translated into German by Erwin Preuschen in 1892. Its divisions are: (i.) Introductory, (ii.) Greek culture, (iii.) Greek and Christian Exegesis, (iv.) Rhetoric, (v.) Philosophy, (vi.) Ethics, (vii.-ix.) Theology, (x.) Mysteries, (xi.) Corpus doctrinae, (xii.) The Transformation of the basis of Christian Unity: Doctrine in the Place of Conduct.

69 _i.e._ as used in this connexion, here and later, the belief in the universal destination of the Gospel, not in universal salvation.

70 _Paulus in Athen._ Collected Essays, vol. ii., 1894, pp. 527-543 In this essay the author seeks to exhibit with some fulness the view, which seems to him self-evident, that the Apostle was filled with the Hellenic spirit.

71 Preface to his Exposition of 2 Corinthians, 1887.

72 Holtzmann’s _Handkommentar,_ 2nd ed. The Epistles to the Corinthians, p. 92.

73 Emil Friedrich Kautzsch, _De veteris Testamenti locis a Paulo Apostolo allegatis,_ 1869, 110 pp.

74 Hans Vollmer, _Die alttestamentlichen Zitate bei Paulus . . . nebst einem Anhang über das Verhältnis des Apostels zu Philo,_ 1895, 103 pp. (“The Old Testament quotations in Paul . . . with an Appendix on the Apostle’s relation to Philo”).

75 The author has had occasion to observe this in Alsatian theologians and in himself. One who is equally familiar with French and German will never, either in preaching or in conversation, give his own version of Biblical passages, but will without exception keep to the traditional form in the language which he is using, and this even where he would be capable of giving a more exact rendering. And in preaching he will turn to account the peculiarities of the wording of the version, if it lends itself to his thought, and will even perhaps use an argument which goes against the sense of the original, which he is supposed to be acquainted with—exactly as Paul does.

76 Eduard Grafe, _Das Verhältnis der paulinischen Schriften zur Sapientia Salamonis_ (“The Relation of the Pauline Writings to the Book of Wisdom”), in the Theological Essays dedicated to Carl von Weizsäcker on his seventieth birthday, 1892, pp. 251-286.

77 _Über das Verhältnis des Apostels zu Philo,_ an appendix to his work on _Die alttestamentlichen Zitate bei Paulus,_ 1895, pp. 80-98. See also Carl Siegfried, _Philo von Alexandria als Ausleger des alten Testaments an sich selbst und nach seinem geschichtlichen Einfluss betrachtet_ (“Philo of Alexandria as an Expositor of Scripture, considered both in Himself and in Regard to his Historical Influence”), 1875, 418 pp. In pp. 304-10 thoughts and passages are cited from Paul which are supposed to show affinity with Philo. The resemblance is, however, so general and colourless that it cannot be considered as proving anything. The author quotes the passages without drawing any conclusion.

78 Ernst Curtius in the essay cited above defends the historicity of Acts xvii.

79 W. Gass, _Geschichte der christlichen Ethik,_ 1881, vol. i. 457 pp. On Paul, pp. 34-38. Theobald Ziegler, _Geschichte der christlichen Ethik,_ 1886, 593 pp. On Paul, pp. 72-90.

80 Fr. Th. L. Ernesti, _Die Ethik des Apostels Paulus,_ 1868, 155 pp.; 3rd ed., 1880.

81 The Christian character of Seneca’s thought was remarked as early as Tertullian, who in _de Anima,_ xx., when he quotes a phrase from him, describes him as “saepe noster.” Augustine and Jerome know of a correspondence between Seneca and the Apostle. From the literature we may mention the following works: Amédée Fleury, _Saint Paul et Sénèque. Recherches sur les rapports du philosophe avec l’apôtre et sur l’infiltration du Christianisme naissant à travers le paganisme,_ 2 vols., 1853, 404 and 383 pp. Seneca is supposed to have drawn on Paul. At the end of the second part the correspondence between them is printed. The work is uncritical in character. Johann Kreyher, L. _Annaeus Seneca und seine Beziehungen zur Urchristentum_ ( . . . and his relations with early Christianity), 1887, 198 pp. Seneca is supposed to have had some relations with Christianity in Rome even before the Apostle’s coming, and thenceforward to have entered into a close relationship with him. Charles Aubertin, _Étude critique sur les rapports supposés entre Sénèque et St Paul,_ 1857, 442 pp. All connexion between Seneca and Christianity is denied. In the work of Michael Baumgarten, _Lucius Annaeus Seneca und das Christentum_ (1895, 368 pp.) no connexion between Seneca and Paul is admitted.

82 See Theodor Zahn, _Der Stoiker Epiktet und sein Verhältnis zum Christentum._ A Rectorial address at Erlangen, 1894, 27 pp. The lecture offers proof that in spite of many resemblances of expression and in spite of his acquaintance with Christianity, the teaching of Epictetus contains nothing which really connects it with the new religion.

Inconceivable as it may appear, even the _Meditations_ of Marcus Aurelius—of the second half of the second century—have been sometimes cited to prove the Greek character of Paul’s religious thought.

83 Theodor Simon, _Die Psychologie des Apostels Paulus,_ 1897, 118 pp. A leisurely analysis of the material.

NOTES FOR