Book 25
, 3.
[214] See ch. 15.
[215] See ch. 24.
[216] See Stobaeus Floril. 58, 9, who gives three more lines.
[217] Cf. ch. 74.
[218] The hero of the second Messenian war, B.C. 685-668 (Pausan. 4, 14-24). The story told by Pausanias, who also quotes these verses, is that Aristocrates, king of the Arcadians, twice played the traitor to Aristomenes, the Messenian champion: once at the battle of the Great Trench, and again when Aristomenes renewed the war after his escape from the Pits at Sparta; and that on the second occasion his own people stoned him to death, and set up this pillar in the sacred enclosure of Zeus on Mount Lycaeus.
[219] But Pausanias represents the pillar as put up by the Arcadians, not the Messenians (4, 22, 7).
[220] The text is uncertain here.
[221] Reading with Hultsch, τὰ καλὰ.
[222] However cogent may be the reasons for his prophecy adduced by Polybius, there are no signs of its being fulfilled. Indeed, the bank at the mouth of the Danube, which he mentions, has long disappeared. The fact seems to be that he failed to take into calculation the constant rush of water out of the Euxine, which is sufficient to carry off any amount of alluvial deposit.
[223] Xenophon, _Hellen._ 1, 1, 22.
[224] Or Tylis, according to Stephanos Byz., who says it was near the Haemus. Perhaps the modern Kilios.
[225] Seleucus II. (Callinicus), B.C. 246-226. Seleucus III. (Ceraunus), B.C. 226-223. Antiochus the Great (son of Callinicus), B.C. 223-187.
[226] Of Seleucus Callinicus.
[227] That this was the name of a yearly officer at Byzantium appears from a decree in Demosthenes (_de Cor._ § 90), and Byzantine coins, Eckhel, ii. p. 31. The title seems to have been brought from the mother-city Megara; as at Chalcedon, another colony of Megara, the same existed (C. I. G. 3794). It was connected with the worship of Apollo brought from Megara, Müller’s _Dorians_, i. p. 250. It seems that this use of the name (generally employed of the deputies to the Amphictyonic council) was peculiarly Dorian. See Boeckh. C. I., vol. i. p. 610.
[228] Or Lyctos (Steph. Byz.)
[229] Of Arcadia, a city of Crete (Steph. Byz.)
[230] Which had a harbour formed by a projecting headland called Lisses. Steph. Byz., who quotes Homer, _Odyss._ 3, 293:
ἔστι δέ τις Λισσὴς αἰπεῖά τε εἰς ἅλα πέτρη.
[231] As a measure of weight a talent = about 57 lbs. avoirdupois. The prepared hair was for making ropes and bowstrings apparently.
[232] Gortyna or Gortys is an emendation of Reiske for Gorgus, which is not known. Gortys is mentioned by Pausanias, 5, 7, 1; 8, 27, 4; 8, 28, 1; it was on the river Bouphagus, and in the time of Pausanias was a mere village.
[233] See 2, 41. We have no hint, as far as I know, of the circumstances under which such recovery would take place. We may conjecture from this passage that it would be on showing that losses had been sustained by reason of a failure of the league to give protection.
[234] Stephanos describes Ambracus as a πολιχνίον close to Ambracia.
[235] Though it was in the territory of Acarnania (Steph. Byz.)
[236] 3, 19.
[237] The position of Dodona, long a subject of doubt, was settled by the discovery of the numerous inscriptions found about seven miles from Jannina, and published by Constantine Caraponos in 1878, _Dodon et ses Ruines_. See also _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, vol. i. p. 228.
[238] See ch. 68.
[239] Reading ἁλίαν. See Müller’s _Dorians_, vol. II, p. 88.
[240] The local name of Tarentine, though doubtless originating in fact, had come to indicate a species of mercenary cavalry armed in a
## particular way. Arrian, _Tact._ 4, distinguishes two sorts of light
cavalry for skirmishing Tarentines armed with javelins (δορατία), and horse archers (ἱπποτοξόται). Cp, 11, 12. Livy 35, 29; 37, 40.
[241] Pausanias (8, 26, 7) calls him Hypatodorus; and mentions another work of his at Delphi (10, 10, 3). He flourished about B.C. 370. He was a native of Thebes. Sostratos was a Chian, and father of another statuary named Pantias. Paus. 6, 9, 3.
[242] That is the office of the Polemarch, as in Athens the Strategium (στρατηγίον) is the office of the Strategi. Plutarch, _Nicias_, 5.
[243] Yet the avowed project of Cleomenes was the restoration of the ancient constitution. Plutarch, _Cleom._ c. 10.
[244] See ch. 59.
[245] From 4, 6, it appears that the election took place at the rising of the Pleiades (13th May) and that the new Strategus did not enter upon his office until some time afterwards, towards the middle of June or even midsummer. But the custom apparently varied, and the use of τότε seems to indicate a change.
[246] Later on the assemblies were held at the different cities in turn. See 23, 17; 24, 10, etc.
[247] Νεοκρῆτες, cf. cc. 65, 79. Livy (37, 40) transcribes the word _Neocretes_. It is uncertain what the exact meaning of the word is. It seems most reasonable to suppose that, like Tarentini, it had ceased to be an ethnical term, and meant mercenary soldiers (νέοι) armed like Cretans, that is, as archers.
[248] The narrow channel between Leucas and the mainland, which had been artificially enlarged. Dionys Halic. 1, 50.
[249] 4, 63.
[250] 4, 62.
[251] 4, 67.
[252] The pun disappears in translation. The line is
ὁρᾷς τὸ +δῖον+ οὗ βέλος δίεπτατο.
[253] Games in his honour were celebrated at Sicyon. See Plutarch, _Arat._ 45. _Cleomenes_, 16. _Supra_, p. 147 n. _Infra_, 28, 19; 30, 23.
[254] A memorial, apparently, of the fruitless expedition of Pyrrhus into Laconia in B.C. 272.
[255] The Guard. The word _agema_ properly means the leading corps in an army; but it obtained this technical meaning in the Macedonian army (see Arrian, 1, 1, 11), whence it was used in other armies also founded on the Macedonian model, as for instance in Alexandria (see _infra_, ch. 65).
[256] Hypaspists, originally a bodyguard to the king, had been extended in number and formed one or more distinct corps of light infantry (Grote, ch. 92).
[257] Here again, as in 5, 1, the outgoing Strategus appears to go out of office at the time of the election of his successor (see note on ch. 1, and cp. 4, 6). There seems to have been some variety of practice. Perhaps the interval was left somewhat to mutual arrangement, the summer solstice being the outside limit.
[258] See 2, 69.
[259] Archidamus was the brother of Agis, the king of the other line, who had been assassinated in B.C. 240. Plutarch, _Cleom._ 5, probably on the authority of Phylarchus, represents the murder of Archidamus as not the work of Cleomenes, but of the same party that had murdered Agis and feared the vengeance of his brother. (See Thirlwall, 8, p. 158, who agrees with Plutarch.)
[260] Homer, _Il._, 22, 304.
[261] The false Smerdis (Herod. 3, 61-82).
[262] Hence the sacred breed of Nisaean horses, used for the Persian king’s chariot (Herod 7, 40; 9, 20). The Nisaean plain was one of those in Media containing the best pasture, and is identified by Rawlinson with that of _Khawar_ and _Alistan_ near _Behistun_.
[263] ἕταιροι are cavalry; the πεζέταιροι of the Macedonian army are represented in Polybius by the Hypaspists. See _supra_, ch. 27, cp. 16, 18.
[264] That is, Demetrius II. and Antigonus Doson.
[265] See Professor Mahaffy, _Greek Life and Thought_, p. 405, who points out that this refers to the Egyptian troops especially, whose old military castes (see Herod. 2, 164-6) though not extinct had forgotten their old skill. In a sense, however, it applies to both kinds of troops; for they had to be trained to act _together_, as is shown in the next chapter.
[266] See above, ch. 5 note.
[267] Two different towns of this name have already been mentioned (ch. 48, 52). This Dura appears to be in Phoenicia; but nothing is known of it.
[268] Seleucus I., B.C. 306-280. Antigonus, the One-eyed, in B.C. 318, occupied Coele-Syria and Phoenicia after a victory over Perdiccas. Diodor. Sic. 18, 43.
[269] Battle of Ipsus, B.C. 301.
[270] See _ante_, ch. 40-2, 57-8.
[271] Antiochus Hierax, son of Antiochus II.
[272] Laodice was the sister of the wife of Antiochus (5, 43) and a daughter of King Mithridates (8, 22-23).
[273] Selge was said to be a colony of the Lacedaemonians. Strabo 13, 7, 3.
[274] Called Barathra. See Strabo, 17, 1, 21.
[275] Agema. See note on 5, 25.
[276] Sarissae, the long Macedonian spears.
[277] Polybius therefore reckons the value of the λέβητες and ὑδρίαι as five talents.
[278] That is about 171,000 lbs., see 34, 8, note, reckoning the talent as = 57 lbs.
[279] ἀρτάβη, an Egyptian measure = the Attic medimnus.
[280] Callinicus, ob. B.C. 226. This must refer to another case.
[281] See _ante_, ch. 30. Agetas had been elected Aetolian Strategus in the autumn of 218 B.C., Aratus Achaean Strategus in the early summer of B.C. 217.
[282] See 2, 61-4. B.C. 222.
[283] See 2, 39.
[284] See _supra_, ch. 24.
[285] According to Suidas, these were light vessels used by pirates: but whether the name arose from their construction, capacity, or the number of their oars, seems uncertain. According to Hesychius they had two banks of oars (δίκροτος ναῦς· πλοῖον μικρόν).
[286] See ch. 95.
[287] This language is so vague that we might suppose from it that the Achaeans elected Timoxenus in the summer of B.C. 217 to come into office in the following spring. But there is nowhere else any indication of such an interval at this period, and we must suppose Polybius to be speaking in general terms of the result of the peace during the next ten months. Agelaus was elected Aetolian Strategus in the autumn of B.C. 217.
[288] Euripides, fr. 529. Ed. Nauck.
[289] Some disconnected fragments which are usually placed at the end of the first chapter, and form the second chapter of this book, I have placed among the minor fragments at the end of these volumes.
[290] Aristotle’s classification is kingship, aristocracy, πολιτεία, democracy, oligarchy, tyranny (Pol. 4, 2). This was derived from Plato (Pol. 302, c.) who arranges the six (besides the ideal polity) in pairs, kingship, tyranny,—aristocracy, oligarchy,—democracy, good and bad. Plato has no distinct name except δημοκρατία παράνομος, for the bad democracy which Polybius calls ὀχλοκρατία, “mob-rule.” Polybius’s arrangement is this—
Kingship (arising from a natural despotism or monarchy) degenerates into Tyranny.
Aristocracy degenerates into Oligarchy.
Democracy degenerates into Mob-rule.
[291] εὐθύνας. Polybius uses a word well known at Athens and other Greek states, but the audit of a Consul seems to have been one of money accounts only. At the expiration, however, of his office he took an oath in public that he had obeyed the laws, and if any prosecution were brought against him it would be tried before the people. See the case of Publius Claudius, 1, 52.
[292] This refers primarily to the _consilium_ of the _quaesitor_ in any special _quaestio_, which up to the time of the lex judiciaria of Gracchus, B.C. 122, was invariably composed of Senators. The same would apply to the _Quaestiones perpetuae_, only one of which existed in the time of Polybius, i.e., _de repetundis_, established in 149 B.C. by the lex Calpurnia. Other single judices in civil suits, though nominated by the Praetor, were, Polybius intimates, almost necessarily Senators in cases of importance.
[293] Casaubon altered this to “two hundred.” In 3, 107, Polybius certainly states that the ordinary number of cavalry was 200, raised in cases of emergency to 300, and Livy, 22, 36, gives an instance. But both authors in many other passages mention 300 as the usual number, and any alteration of this passage would be unsafe.
[294] _Praefectus sociis_ and _quaestor_. But this quaestor must be distinguished from the Roman quaestors.
[295] For the Spanish sword see Fr. xxii.
[296] Polybius does not mention the subdivision of maniples into centuries, for which the word ordines is sometimes used. Livy, 8, 8; 42, 34.
[297] The plethrum = 10,000 square feet. The side of the square of the Praetorium, therefore, is 200 feet.
[298] That is the _via_ separating it from the next block, or from the vallum.
[299] That is, one between the two legions, and two between the blocks in each.
[300] That is to say—without the _extraordinarii_ (⅕)—there are 2400 to get into 10 spaces instead of 3000 into 30.
[301] That is, who have been selected from the pedites sociorum to serve on the praetoria cohors.
[302] Polybius always calls this the χάραξ or χαράκωμα. But the Romans had two words, _agger_ the embankment, and _vallum_ the palisading on the top of it. Either word, however, is often used to represent the whole structure.
[303] That is, whether in first, second, or other watch in the night.
[304] See the story of Cato’s son, Plutarch, _Cato Maj._ 20.
[305] In seeking a constitution to compare with that of Rome, that of Athens is rejected (1) as not being a mixed one, (2) as not having been successful: successful, that is, in gaining or keeping an empire. He is speaking somewhat loosely. The power of Athens, of which Themistocles laid the foundation, was mainly consolidated by Pericles; so that Polybius includes much of the period of her rise with that of her decline.
[306] For what remains of the account of Ephorus see Strabo, 10, 4, 8-9. The reference to Plato is to the “Laws,” especially