Book I

. See also Aristotle, _Pol._ 2, 10, who points out the likeness and unlikeness between the Cretan and Lacedaemonian constitutions.

[307] This equality of land had gradually disappeared by the time of King Agis IV. (B.C. 243-239): so that, according to Plutarch [_Agis_ 5], the number of landowners was reduced to 100. This process had been accelerated by the Rhetra of Epitadeus, allowing free bequest of land, Plutarch, _ib._ See Thirlwall, vol. viii. p. 132.

[308] The meaning of νενεμημένους, which I here represent by “acquired a recognised position,” is at least doubtful. Casaubon translates it _qui in album non fuerint recepti_, referring to Sueton. Nero, 21. But nothing is elsewhere known of such an _album_ for registering the names of recognised athletes. The passage is important as helping to explain how the number of those entering for the contests in the greater games was practically limited, and therefore how it happened that, for instance, the five contests of the Pentathlum did not often fall to different athletes so as to leave the victory uncertain.

[309] The Carthaginian Suffetes are always called βασιλεῖς by the Greek writers: see 3, 33, note; Herod. 7, 165; Diod. Sic. 14, 53. Aristotle [_Pol._ 2, 11], in contrasting the Spartan and Carthaginian constitutions, mentions with approval that, unlike the Spartan kings, those at Carthage were elected, and were not confined to a particular family.

[310] See Bosworth Smith, _Carthage and the Carthaginians_, p. 26 ff.

[311] This seems to be the only authority for assigning to the censors the _toga purpurea_ instead of the _toga praetexta_: and, indeed, Athenaeus speaks of them as wearing the toga praetexta περιπόρφυρος, 14, 69. In Livy, 40, 45, they occupy _sellae curules_.

[312] Livy (2, 10) makes Cocles succeed in reaching the bank alive.

[313] But Polybius afterwards admits that a falling off in this respect had begun. See 18, 35; 32, 11.

[314] Livy, 22, 58-61.

[315] κακοὶ κακῶς, a phrase at once insulting and vulgar.

[316] Plutarch, _Aratus_, ch. 48.

[317] βαλανάγρας. The βαλανάγρα was a straight piece of wood with upright pins corresponding with those that fall into the bolt (the βάλανοι), and which are pushed up by it. It was thus used as a key which could be taken out and kept by the Commandant, as in Herod. 3, 155; Thucyd. 2, 4. But Polybius here seems to use it as equivalent to βάλανος. See Aeneas, _Tact._ 18-20, who recommends that the μόχλος should be sheeted with iron to prevent this very operation. Cp. 4, 57. What he means by ζύγωμα on the outside (here translated “fastenings”) is also somewhat doubtful. From Hesychius, s.v. ἐπιξευκτήρ, it might be conjectured that chains of some kind were intended. Casaubon supposed it to be a cross bar similar to the μόχλος inside, and Schw. to represent the posts and the lintel connecting them.

[318] See 5, 37. According to Phylarchus the murder of Archidamus was against the wish of Cleomenes. Plut. _Cleom._ 5.

[319] To which proceedings may be referred a sentence of Polybius preserved by Suidas, s.v. διεσκευασμένην—“They send out certain Cretans, as though on a raid, giving them a sham despatch to carry.” See Livy, 24, 30-31.

[320] Cp. 1, 35.

[321] σκορπίδια, mentioned among a number of similar engines in 1 Macc. 6, 51. Plutarch calls them σκορπίοι, and explains that they only carried a short distance, but, being concealed, gave wounds at close quarters; hence, doubtless, their name.

[322] See also Athenaeus, 4, 166-167. Theopompus of Chius was a contemporary of Philip II. and Alexander, having been born about B.C. 376-372.

[323] The accusation of administering slow poisons is a very common one, as readers of mediæval history know. But the ignorance of the conditions of health was too great to allow us to accept them without question. It is doubtful whether drugs, acting in this particular way, were known to the ancients; and certainly spitting blood would be no conclusive evidence of the presence of poison. See Creighton’s _History of the Papacy_, vol. iv. Append.

[324] This fragment is supposed, by comparison with Livy, 25, 36, to belong to the account of the fall of Gnaeus Cornelius Scipio in Spain, B.C. 212.

[325] Or “legion,” according to others. But as both Consuls are engaged in the business, it seems reasonable to refer it to the two consular armies of two legions each.

[326] That is “blaming Fortune or Providence.” Schw. quotes Xenophon _Hellen._ 7, 5, 12, ἔξεστι μὲν τὸ θεῖον αἰτιᾶσθαι.

[327] συμπέμψαι, a difficult word. See Strachan-Davidson’s note. It seems to me to be opposed to φυγεῖν or some such idea. Hannibal was not in flight, but kept the enemy with him, as it were, in a kind of procession, until the moment for striking.

[328] There is some word wanting in the text here which has been variously supplied. I have ventured to conjecture =τὰ γὰρ δοκοῦντα= παράβολον κ.τ.λ., and to translate accordingly: for it is the boldness and apparent rashness of Hannibal’s movement that Polybius seems to wish to commend.

[329] Cp. Homer, _Odyss._ 19, 471.

[330] Livy, 25, 40, calls him Mutines.

[331] See 3, 86, note. Cp. Cicero de Am. § 8, cum duobus ducibus de imperio in Italia decertatum est, Pyrrho et Annibale. Ab altero propter probitatem ejus non nimis alien os animos habemus; alterum _propter crudelitatem semper haec civitas oderit_.

[332] The paragraph “For the Aetolians ... in Greece,” follows “the Messenians” in ch. 30, in the Greek texts. But it is evidently out of place there, and falls naturally into this position.

[333] Antigonus Doson.

[334] B.C. 211. See Livy, 26, 24-26.

[335] On the margin of one MS. is written “For such is the characteristic always maintained by the Athenian State.” But its relevancy is not very apparent; and at any rate it seems more likely to be a comment of the Epitomator, than a sentence from Polybius.

[336] Scopas (B.C. 211-210) must have gone out of office, _i.e._ it was after autumn of 210 B.C.

[337] That is, 10s. 3¾d. for about a bushel and a half. See on 2, 15.

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