chapter iii

the logical questions involved are discussed in a more thoroughgoing way than has been possible to do in this volume.

Fortunately science does not wait to define its points of view nor solve its theoretical problems before undertaking to analyze and collect the facts. The contrary is nearer the truth. Science collects facts and answers the theoretical questions afterward. In fact, it is just its success in analyzing and collecting facts which throw light upon human problems that in the end justifies the theories of science.

2. Surveys of Communities

The historian and the philosopher introduced the sociologist to the study of society. But it was the reformer, the social worker, and the business man who compelled him to study the community.

The study of the community is still in its beginnings. Nevertheless, there is already a rapidly growing literature on this topic. Ethnologists have presented us with vivid and detailed pictures of primitive communities as in McGee's _The Seri Indians_, Jenk's _The Bontoc Igorot_, Rivers' _The Todas_. Studies of the village communities of India, of Russia, and of early England have thrown new light upon the territorial factor in the organization of societies.

More recently the impact of social problems has led to the intensive study of modern communities. The monumental work of Charles Booth, _Life and Labour of the People in London_, is a comprehensive description of conditions of social life in terms of the community. In the United States, interest in community study is chiefly represented by the social-survey movement which received impetus from the Pittsburgh Survey of 1907. For sociological research of greater promise than the survey are the several monographs which seek to make a social analysis of the community, as Williams, _An American Town_, or Galpin, _The Social Anatomy of an Agricultural Community_. With due recognition of these auspicious beginnings, it must be confessed that there is no volume upon human communities comparable with several works upon plant and animal communities.

3. The Group as a Unit of Investigation

The study of societies is concerned primarily with types of social organization and with attitudes and cultural elements embodied in them. The survey of communities deals essentially with social situations and the problems connected with them.

The study of social groups was a natural outgrowth of the study of the individual. In order to understand the person it is necessary to consider the group. Attention first turned to social institutions, then to conflict groups, and finally to crowds and crowd influences.

Social institutions were naturally the first groups to be studied with some degree of detachment. The work of ethnologists stimulated an interest in social origins. Evolution, though at first a purely biological conception, provoked inquiry into the historical development of social structure. Differences in institutions in contemporary societies led to comparative study. Critics of institutions, both iconoclasts without and reformers within, forced a consideration of their more fundamental aspects.

The first written accounts of conflict groups were quite naturally of the propagandist type both by their defenders and by their opponents. Histories of nationalities, for example, originated in the patriotic motive of national glorification. With the acceptance of objective standards of historical criticism the ground was prepared for the sociological study of nationalities as conflict groups. A school of European sociologists represented by Gumplowicz, Ratzenhofer, and Novicow stressed conflict as the characteristic behavior of social groups. Beginnings, as indicated in the bibliography, have been made of the study of various conflict groups as gangs, labor unions, parties, and sects.

The interest in the mechanism of the control of the individual by the group has been focused upon the study of the crowd. Tarde and Le Bon in France, Sighele in Italy, and Ross in the United States were the pioneers in the description and interpretation of the behavior of mobs and crowds. The crowd phenomena of the Great War have stimulated the production of several books upon crowds and crowd influences which are, in the main, but superficial and popular elaborations of the interpretations of Tarde and Le Bon. Concrete material upon group behavior has rapidly accumulated, but little or no progress has been made in its sociological explanation.

At present there are many signs of an increasing interest in the study of group behavior. Contemporary literature is featuring realistic descriptions. Sinclair Lewis in _Main Street_ describes concretely the routine of town life with its outward monotony and its inner zest. Newspapers and magazines are making surveys of the buying habits of their readers as a basis for advertising. The federal department of agriculture in co-operation with schools of agriculture is making intensive studies of rural communities. Social workers are conscious that a more fundamental understanding of social groups is a necessary basis for case work and community organization. Surveys of institutions and communities are now being made under many auspices and from varied points of view. All this is having a fruitful reaction upon the sociological theory.

4. The Study of the Family

The family is the earliest, the most elementary, and the most permanent of social groups. It has been more completely studied, in all its various aspects, than other forms of human association. Methods of investigation of family life are typical of methods that may be employed in the description of other forms of society. For that reason more attention is given here to studies of family life than it is possible or desirable to give to other and more transient types of social groups.

The descriptions of travelers, of ethnologists and of historians made the first contributions to our knowledge of marriage, ceremonials, and family organization among primitive and historical peoples. Early students of these data devised theories of stages in the evolution of the family. An anthology might be made of the conceptions that students have formulated of the original form of the family, for example, the theory of the matriarchate by Bachofen, of group marriage growing out of earlier promiscuous relations by Morgan, of the polygynous family by Darwin, of pair marriage by Westermarck. An example of the ingenious, but discarded method of arranging all types of families observed in a series representing stages of the evolution is to be found in Morgan's _Ancient Society_. A survey of families among primitive peoples by Hobhouse, Ginsberg, and Wheeler makes the point that even family life is most varied upon the lower levels of culture, and that the historical development of the family with any people must be studied in relation to the physical and social environment.

The evolutionary theory of the family has, however, furnished a somewhat detached point of view for the criticism of the modern family. Social reformers have used the evolutionary theory as a formula to justify attacks upon the family as an institution and to support the most varied proposals for its reconstruction. Books like Ellen Key's _Love and Marriage_ and Meisel-Hess, _The Sexual Crisis_ are not scientific studies of the family but rather social political philippics directed against marriage and the family.

The interest stimulated by ethnological observation, historical study, and propagandist essays has, however, turned the attention of certain students to serious study of the family and its problems. Howard's _History of Matrimonial Institutions_ is a scholarly and comprehensive treatise upon the evolution of the legal status of the family. Annual statistics of marriage and divorce are now compiled and published by all the important countries except the United States government. In the United States, however, three studies of marriages and divorces have been made; one in 1887-88, by the Department of Labor, covering the twenty years from 1867-86 inclusive; another in 1906-7, by the Bureau of the Census, for the twenty years 1887-1906; and the last, also by the Bureau of the Census, for the year 1916.

The changes in family life resulting from the transition from home industry to the factory system have created new social problems. Problems of woman and child labor, unemployment, and poverty are a product of the machine industry. Attempts to relieve the distress under conditions of city life resulted in the formation of charity organization societies and other philanthropic institutions, and in attempts to control the behavior of the individuals and families assisted. The increasing body of experience gained by social agencies has gradually been incorporated in the technique of the workers. Mary Richmond in _Social Diagnosis_ has analyzed and standardized the procedure of the social case worker.

Less direct but more fundamental studies of family life have been made by other investigators. Le Play, a French social economist, who lived with the families which he observed, introduced the method of the monographic study of the economic organization of family life. Ernst Engel, from his study of the expenditure of Saxon working-class families, formulated so-called "laws" of the relation between family income and family outlay. Recent studies of family incomes and budgets by Chapin, Ogburn, and others have thrown additional light upon the relationship between wages and the standard of living. Interest in the economics of the family is manifested by an increasing number of studies in dietetics, household administration and domestic science.

Westermarck in his _History of Human Marriage_ attempted to write a sociology of the family. Particularly interesting is his attempt to compare the animal family with that of man. The effect of this was to emphasize instinctive and biological aspects of the family rather than its institutional character. The basis for a psychology of family life was first laid in the _Studies in the Psychology of Sex_ by Havelock Ellis. The case studies of individuals by psychoanalysts often lead into family complexes and illuminate the structure of family attitudes and wishes.

The sociological study of the family as a natural and a cultural group is only now in its beginnings. An excellent theoretical study of the family as a unity of interacting members is presented in Bosanquet, _The Family_. The family as defined in the mores has been described and interpreted, as for example, by Thomas in his analysis of the organization of the large peasant family group in the first two volumes of the _Polish Peasant_. Materials upon the family in the United States have been brought together by Calhoun in his _Social History of the American Family_.

While the family is listed by Cooley among primary groups, the notion is gaining ground that it is primary in a unique sense which sets it apart from all other social groups. The biological interdependence and co-operation of the members of the family, intimacies of closest and most enduring contacts have no parallel among other human groups. The interplay of the attractions, tensions, and accommodations of personalities in the intimate bonds of family life have up to the present found no concrete description or adequate analysis in sociological inquiry.

The best case studies of family life at present are in fiction, not in the case records of social agencies, nor yet in sociological literature. Arnold Bennett's trilogy, _Clayhanger_, _Hilda Lessways_, and _These Twain_, suggests a pattern not unworthy of consideration by social workers and sociologists. _The Pastor's Wife_, by the author of _Elizabeth and Her German Garden_, is a delightful contrast of English and German mores in their effect upon the intimate relations of family life.

In the absence of case studies of the family as a natural and cultural group the following tentative outline for sociological study is offered:

1. _Location and extent in time and space._--Genealogical tree as retained in the family memory; geographical distribution and movement of members of small family group and of large family group; stability or mobility of family; its rural or urban location.

2. _Family traditions and ceremonials._--Family romance; family skeleton; family ritual, as demonstration of affection, family events, etc.

3. _Family economics._--Family communism; division of labor between members of the family; effect of occupation of its members.

4. _Family organization and control._--Conflicts and accommodation; superordination and subordination; typical forms of control--patriarchy, matriarchy, consensus, etc.; family _esprit de corps_, family morale, family objectives; status in community.

5. _Family behavior._--Family life from the standpoint of the four wishes (security, response, recognition, and new experience); family crises; the family and the community; familism versus individualism; family life and the development of personality.

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

I. THE DEFINITION OF SOCIETY

(1) Kistiakowski, Dr. Th. _Gesellschaft und Einselwesen; eine methodologische Studie._ Berlin, 1899. [A review and criticism of the principal conceptions of society with reference to their value for a natural science of society.]

(2) Barth, Paul. _Die Philosophie der Geschichte als Sociologie._ Leipzig, 1897. [A comparison of the different schools and an attempt to interpret them as essays in the philosophy of history.]

(3) Espinas, Alfred. _Des sociétés animales._ Paris, 1877. [A definition of society based upon a comparative study of animal associations, communities, and societies.]

(4) Spencer, Herbert. "The Social Organism," _Essays, Scientific, Political and Speculative_. I, 265-307. New York, 1892. [First published in _The Westminster Review_ for January, 1860.]

(5) Lazarus, M., and Steinthal, H. "Einleitende Gedanken zur Völkerpsychologie als Einladung zu einer Zeitschrift für Völkerpsychologie und Sprachwissenschaft," _Zeitschrift für Völkerpsychologie und Sprachwissenschaft_, I (1860), 1-73. [This is the most important early attempt to interpret social phenomena from a social psychological point of view. See p. 35 for definition of _Volk_ "the people."]

(6) Knapp, G. Friedrich. "Quételet als Theoretiker," _Jahrbücher für Nationalökonomie und Statistik_, XVIII (1872), 89-124.

(7) Lazarus, M. _Das Leben der Seele in Monographien über seine Erscheinungen und Gesetze._ Berlin, 1876.

(8) Durkheim, Émile. "Représentations individuelles et représentations collectives," _Revue de métaphysique et de morale_, VI (1898), 273-302.

(9) Simmel, Georg. _Über sociale Differenzierung._ Sociologische und psychologische Untersuchungen. Leipzig, 1890.

[See also in Bibliography, chap. i, volumes listed under Systematic Treatises.]

II. PLANT COMMUNITIES AND ANIMAL SOCIETIES

(1) Clements, Frederic E. _Plant Succession._ An analysis of the development of vegetation. Carnegie Institution of Washington, 1916.

(2) Wheeler, W. M. "The Ant-Colony as an Organism," _Journal of Morphology_, XXII (1911), 307-25.

(3) Parmelee, Maurice. _The Science of Human Behavior._ Biological and Psychological Foundations. New York, 1913. [Bibliography.]

(4) Massart, J., and Vandervelde, É. _Parasitism, Organic and Social._ 2d ed. Translated by W. Macdonald. Revised by J. Arthur Thomson. London, 1907.

(5) Warming, Eug. _Oecology of Plants._ An introduction to the study of plant communities. Oxford, 1909. [Bibliography.]

(6) Adams, Charles C. _Guide to the Study of Animal Ecology._ New York, 1913. [Bibliography.]

(7) Waxweiler, E. "Esquisse d'une sociologie," _Travaux de l'Institut de Sociologie (Solvay), Notes et mémoires_, Fasc. 2. Bruxelles, 1906.

(8) Reinheimer, H. _Symbiosis._ A socio-physiological study of evolution. London, 1920.

III. THE CLASSIFICATION OF SOCIAL GROUPS

A. _Types of Social Group_

1. Non-territorial Groups:

(1) Le Bon, Gustave. _The Crowd._ A study of the popular mind. London, 1897.

(2) Sighele, S. _Psychologie des sectes._ Paris, 1898.

(3) Tarde, G. _L'opinion et la foule._ Paris, 1901.

(4) Fahlbeck, Pontus. _Klasserna och Samhallet._ Stockholm, 1920. (Book review in _American Journal of Sociology_, XXVI [1920-21], 633-34.)

(5) Nesfield, John C. _Brief View of the Caste System of the North-western Provinces and Oudh_. Allahabad, 1885.

2. Territorial Groups:

(1) Simmel, Georg. "Die Grossstädte und das Geistesleben," _Die Grossstadt_, Vorträge und Aufsätze zur Städteausstellung, von K. Bücher, F. Ratzel, G. v. Mayr, H. Waentig, G. Simmel, Th. Peterman, und D. Schäfer. Dresden, 1903.

(2) Galpin, C. J. _The Social Anatomy of an Agricultural Community._ Madison, Wis., 1915. (Agricultural experiment station of the University of Wisconsin. Research Bulletin 34.) [See also _Rural Life_, New York, 1918.]

(3) Aronovici, Carol. _The Social Survey._ Philadelphia, 1916.

(4) McKenzie, R. D. _The Neighborhood._ A study of local life in Columbus, Ohio. Chicago, 1921 [in press].

(5) Park, Robert E. "The City. Suggestions for the Investigation of Human Behavior in the City Environment," _American Journal of Sociology_, XX (1914-15), 577-612.

(6) Sims, Newell L. _The Rural Community, Ancient and Modern._ New York, 1920.

B. _Studies of Individual Communities:_

(1) Maine, Sir Henry. _Village-Communities in the East and West._ London, 1871.

(2) Baden-Powell, H. _The Indian Village Community._ Examined with reference to the physical, ethnographic, and historical conditions of the provinces. London, 1896.

(3) Seebohm, Frederic. _The English Village Community._ Examined in its relations to the manorial and tribal systems and to the common or open field system of husbandry. An essay in economic history. London, 1883.

(4) McGee, W. J. "The Seri Indians," _Bureau of American Ethnology 17th Annual Report 1895-96._ Washington, 1898.

(5) Rivers, W. H. R. _The Todas._ London and New York, 1906.

(6) Jenks, Albert. _The Bontoc Igorot._ Manila, 1905.

(7) Stow, John. _A Survey of London._ Reprinted from the text of 1603 with introduction and notes by C. L. Kingsford. Oxford, 1908.

(8) Booth, Charles. _Life and Labour of the People in London_, 9 vols. London and New York, 1892-97. 8 additional volumes, 1902.

(9) Kellogg, P. U., ed. _The Pittsburgh Survey._ Findings in 6 vols. Russell Sage Foundation, New York, 1909-14.

(10) Woods, Robert. _The City Wilderness._ A settlement study, south end of Boston. Boston, 1898. ----. _Americans in Process._ A settlement study, north and west ends of Boston. Boston, 1902.

(11) Kenngott, G. F. _The Record of a City._ A social survey of Lowell, Massachusetts. New York, 1912.

(12) Harrison, Shelby M., ed. _The Springfield Survey._ A study of social conditions in an American city. Findings in 3 vols. Russell Sage Foundation. New York, 1918.

(13) Roberts, Peter. _Anthracite Coal Communities._ A study of the demography, the social, educational, and moral life of the anthracite regions. New York and London, 1904.

(14) Williams, J. M. _An American Town._ A sociological study. New York, 1906.

(15) Wilson, Warren H. _Quaker Hill._ A sociological study. New York, 1907.

(16) Taylor, Graham R. _Satellite Cities._ A study of industrial suburbs. New York and London, 1915.

(17) Lewis, Sinclair. _Main Street._ New York, 1920.

(18) Kobrin, Leon. _A Lithuanian Village._ Translated from the Yiddish by Isaac Goldberg. New York, 1920.

IV. THE STUDY OF THE FAMILY

A. _The Primitive Family_

1. The Natural History of Marriage:

(1) Bachofen, J. J. _Das Mutterrecht._ Eine Untersuchung über die Gynaikokratie der alten Welt nach ihrer religiösen und rechtlichen Natur. Stuttgart, 1861.

(2) Westermarck, E. _The History of Human Marriage._ London, 1891.

(3) McLennan, J. F. _Primitive Marriage._ An inquiry into the origin of the form of capture in marriage ceremonies. Edinburgh, 1865.

(4) Tylor, E. B. "The Matriarchal Family System," _Nineteenth Century_, XL (1896), 81-96.

(5) Dargun, L. von. _Mutterrecht und Vaterrecht._ Leipzig, 1892.

(6) Maine, Sir Henry. _Dissertations on Early Law and Custom._ Chap. vii. London, 1883.

(7) Letourneau, C. _The Evolution of Marriage and of the Family._ (Trans.) New York, 1891.

(8) Kovalevsky, M. _Tableau des origines et de l'évolution de la famille et de la propriété._ Stockholm, 1890.

(9) Lowie, Robert H. _Primitive Society._ New York, 1920.

(10) Starcke, C. N. _The Primitive Family in Its Origin and Development._ New York, 1889.

(11) Hobhouse, L. T., Wheeler, G. C., and Ginsberg, M. _The Material Culture and Social Institutions of the Simpler Peoples._ London, 1915.

(12) Parsons, Elsie Clews. _The Family._ An ethnographical and historical outline. New York and London, 1906.

2. Studies of Family Life in Different Cultural Areas:

(1) Spencer, B., and Gillen, F. J. _The Native Tribes of Central Australia._ Chap. iii, "Certain Ceremonies Concerned with Marriage," pp. 92-111. London and New York, 1899.

(2) Rivers, W. H. R. _Kinship and Social Organization._ "Studies in Economics and Political Science," No. 36. In the series of monographs by writers connected with the London School of Economics and Political Science. London, 1914.

(3) Rivers, W. H. R. "Kinship," _Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres Straits, Report._ V, 129-47, VI, 92-125.

(4) Kovalevsky, M. "La famille matriarcale au Caucase," _L'Anthropologie_, IV (1893), 259-78.

(5) Thomas, N. W. _Kinship Organizations and Group Marriage in Australia._ Cambridge, 1906.

(6) Malinowski, Bronislaw. _The Family among the Australian Aborigines._ A sociological study. London, 1913.

B. _Materials for the Study of Familial Attitudes and Sentiments_

(1) Frazer, J. G. _Totemism and Exogamy._ A treatise on certain early forms of superstition and society. London, 1910.

(2) Durkheim, É. "La prohibition de l'inceste et ses origines," _L'année sociologique._ I (1896-97), 1-70.

(3) Ploss, H. _Das Weib in der Natur- und Völkerkunde._ Leipzig, 1902.

(4) Lasch, R. "Der Selbstmord aus erotischen Motiven bei den primitiven Völkern," _Zeitschrift für Sozialwissenschaft_, II (1899), 578-85.

(5) Jacobowski, L. "Das Weib in der Poesie der Hottentotten," _Globus_, LXX (1896), 173-76.

(6) Stoll, O. _Das Geschlechtsleben in der Völkerpsychologie._ Leipzig, 1908.

(7) Crawley, A. E. "Sexual Taboo: A Study in the Relations of the Sexes," _The Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, XXIV (1894-95), 116-25; 219-35; 430-46.

(8) Simmel, G. "Zur Psychologie der Frauen," _Zeitschrift für Völkerpsychologie und Sprachwissenschaft_, XX, 6-46.

(9) Finck, Henry T. _Romantic Love and Personal Beauty._ Their development, causal relations, historic and national peculiarities. London and New York, 1887.

(10) ----. _Primitive Love and Love Stories_. New York, 1899.

(11) Kline, L. W. "The Migratory Impulse versus Love of Home," _American Journal of Psychology_, X (1898-99), 1-81.

(12) Key, Ellen. _Love and Marriage._ Translated from the Swedish by A. G. Chater; with a critical and biographical introduction by Havelock Ellis. New York and London, 1912.

(13) Meisel-Hess, Grete. _The Sexual Crisis._ A critique of our sex life. Translated from the German by E. and C. Paul. New York, 1917.

(14) Bloch, Iwan. _The Sexual Life of Our Time in Its Relation to Modern Civilization._ Translated from the 6th German ed. by M. Eden Paul. Chap. viii, "The Individualization of Love," pp. 159-76. London, 1908.

C. _Economics of the Family_

(1) Grosse, Ernst. _Die Formen der Familie und die Formen der Wirtschaft._ Freiburg, 1896.

(2) Le Play, P. G. Frédéric. _Les ouvriers européens._ Études sur les travaux, la vie domestique, et la condition morale des populations ouvrières de l'Europe. Précédées d'un exposé de la méthode d'observation. Paris, 1855. [Comprises a series of 36 monographs on the budgets of typical families selected from the most diverse industries.]

(3) Le Play, P. G. Frédéric. _L'organisation de la famille._ Selon le vrai modèle signalé par l'histoire de toutes les races et de tous les temps. Paris, 1871.

(4) Engel, Ernst. _Die Lebenskosten belgischer Arbeiter-Familien früher und jetzt._ Ermittelt aus Familien-Haushaltrechnungen und vergleichend zusammengestellt. Dresden, 1895.

(5) Chapin, Robert C. _The Standard of Living among Workingmen's Families in New York City._ Russell Sage Foundation. New York, 1909.

(6) Talbot, Marion, and Breckinridge, Sophonisba P. _The Modern Household._ Rev. ed. Boston, 1919. [Bibliography at the end of each chapter.]

(7) Nesbitt, Florence. _Household Management._ Preface by Mary E. Richmond. Russell Sage Foundation. New York, 1918.

D. _The Sociology of the Family_

1. Studies in Family Organization:

(1) Bosanquet, Helen. _The Family._ London and New York, 1906.

(2) Durkheim, É. "Introduction à la sociologie de la famille." _Annales de la faculté des lettres de Bordeaux_ (1888), 257-81.

(3) ----. "La famille conjugale," _Revue philosophique_, XLI (1921), 1-14.

(4) Howard, G. E. _A History of Matrimonial Institutions Chiefly in England and the United States._ With an introductory analysis of the literature and theories of primitive marriage and the family. 3 vols. Chicago, 1904.

(5) Thwing, Charles F. and Carrie F. B. _The Family._ A historical and social study. Boston, 1887.

(6) Goodsell, Willystine. _A History of the Family as a Social and Educational Institution._ New York, 1915.

(7) Dealey, J. Q. _The Family in Its Sociological Aspects._ Boston, 1912.

(8) Calhoun, Arthur W. _A Social History of the American Family from Colonial Times to the Present._ 3 vols. Cleveland, 1917-19. [Bibliography.]

(9) Thomas, W. I., and Znaniecki, F. _The Polish Peasant in Europe and America._ "Primary-Group Organization," I, 87-524, II. Boston, 1918. [A study based on correspondence between members of the family in America and Poland.]

(10) Du Bois, W. E. B. _The Negro American Family._ Atlanta, 1908. [Bibliography.]

(11) Williams, James M. "Outline of a Theory of Social Motives," _American Journal of Sociology_, XV (1909-10), 741-80. [Theory of motives based upon observation of rural and urban families.]

2. Materials for the Study of Family Disorganization:

(1) Willcox, Walter F. _The Divorce Problem._ A study in statistics. ("Columbia University Studies in History, Economics and Public Law," Vol. I. New York, 1891.)

(2) Lichtenberger, J. P. _Divorce._ A study in social causation. New York, 1909.

(3) United States Bureau of the Census. _Marriage and Divorce_, 1867-1906. 2 vols. Washington, 1908-09. [Results of two federal investigations.]

(4) ----. _Marriage and Divorce 1916._ Washington, 1919.

(5) Eubank, Earle E. _A Study in Family Desertion._ Department of Public Welfare. Chicago, 1916. [Bibliography.]

(6) Breckinridge, Sophonisba P., and Abbott, Edith. _The Delinquent Child and the Home._ A study of the delinquent wards of the Juvenile Court of Chicago. Russell Sage Foundation. New York, 1912.

(7) Colcord, Joanna. _Broken Homes._ A study of family desertion and its social treatment. Russell Sage Foundation. New York, 1919.

(8) Kammerer, Percy G. _The Unmarried Mother._ A study of five hundred cases. Boston, 1918.

(9) Ellis, Havelock. _The Task of Social Hygiene._ Boston, 1912.

(10) Myerson, Abraham. "Psychiatric Family Studies," _American Journal of Insanity_, LXXIV (April, 1918), 497-555.

(11) Morrow, Prince A. _Social Diseases and Marriage._ Social prophylaxis. New York, 1904.

(12) Periodicals on Social Hygiene:

_Zeitschrift für Sexualwissenschaft_, Bd. 1, April, 1914-, Bonn [1915-].

_Social Hygiene_, Vol. I, December, 1914-, New York [1915-].

_Die Neuere Generation_, Bd. I, 1908-Berlin [1908-]. Preceded by _Mutterschutz_, Vols. I-III.

TOPICS FOR WRITTEN THEMES

1. Society and the Individual: The Cardinal Problem of Sociology.

2. Historic Conceptions of Society: Aristotle, Hobbes, Rousseau, etc.

3. Plant Communities.

4. Animal Societies: The Ant Colony, the Bee Hive.

5. Animal Communities, or Studies in Animal Ecology.

6. Human Communities, Human Ecology, and Economics.

7. The Natural Areas of the City.

8. Studies in Group Consciousness: National, Sectional, State, Civic.

9. Co-operation versus Consensus.

10. Taming as a Form of Social Control.

11. Domestication among Plants, Animals, and Man.

12. Group Unity and the Different Forms of Consensus: _Esprit de corps_, Morale, Collective Representations.

13. The Social Nature of Concepts.

14. Conduct and Behavior.

QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION

1. What, in your opinion, are the essential elements in Espinas' definition of society?

2. In what sense does society differ from association?

3. According to Espinas' definition, which of the following social relations would constitute society: robber and robbed; beggar and almsgiver; charity organization and recipients of relief; master and slave; employer and employee?

4. What illustrations of symbiosis in human society occur to you?

5. Are changes resulting from human symbiosis changes (a) of structure, or (b) of function?

6. What are the likenesses and the differences between social symbiosis in human and in ant society?

7. What is the difference between taming and domestication?

8. What is the relation of domestication to society?

9. Is man a _tamed_ or a _domesticated_ animal?

10. What are the likenesses between a plant and a human community? What are the differences?

11. What is the fundamental difference between a plant community and an ant society?

12. What are the differences between human and animal societies?

13. Does the ant have customs? ceremonies?

14. Do you think that there is anything akin to public sentiment in ant society?

15. What is the relation of education to social heredity?

16. In what way do you differentiate between the characteristic behavior of machines and human beings?

17. "Society not only continues to exist _by_ transmission, _by_ communication, but it may fairly be said to exist _in_ transmission, _in_ communication." Interpret.

18. How does Dewey's definition of society differ from that of Espinas? Which do you prefer? Why?

19. Is consensus synonymous with co-operation?

20. Under what conditions would Dewey characterize the following social relations as society: master and slave; employer and employee; parent and child; teacher and student?

21. In what sense does the communication of an experience to another person change the experience itself?

22. In what sense are concepts _social_ in contrast with sensations which are _individual_? Would it be possible to have concepts outside of group life?

23. How does Park distinguish between behavior and conduct?

24. In what ways is human society in its origin and continuity based on conduct?

25. To what extent does "the animal nature of man" (Hobhouse) provide a basis for the social organization of life?

26. What, according to Hobhouse, are the _differentia_ of human morality from animal behavior?

27. What do you understand by a collective representation?

28. How do you distinguish between the terms society, social community, and group? Can you name a society that could not be considered as a community? Can you name a community that is not a society?

29. In what, fundamentally, does the unity of the group consist?

30. What groups are omitted in Le Bon's classification of social groups? Make a list of all the groups, formal and informal, of which you are a member. Arrange these groups under the classification given in the General Introduction (p. 50). Compare this classification with that made by Le Bon.

31. How do you distinguish between _esprit de corps_, morale, and collective representation as forms of consensus?

32. Classify under _esprit de corps_, morale, or collective representation the following aspects of group behavior: rooting at a football game; army discipline; the flag; college spirit; the so-called "war psychosis"; the fourteen points of President Wilson; "the English never know when they are beaten"; slogans; "Paris refrains from exultation"; crowd enthusiasm; the Golden Rule; "where there's a will there's a way"; Grant's determination, "I'll fight it out this way if it takes all summer"; ideals.

33. "The human mind has a large capacity for adopting beliefs that fit the trends of its habits and feelings." Give concrete illustrations outside of army life.

34. What is the importance of the study of the family as a social group?

FOOTNOTES:

[80] See _supra_, chap. i, pp. 50-51.

[81] Translated from Alfred Espinas, _Des sociétés animales_ (1878), pp. 157-60.

[82] Adapted from William M. Wheeler, _Ants, Their Structure, Development, Behavior_, pp. 339-424. (Columbia University Press, 1910.)

[83] Adapted from P. Chalmers Mitchell, _The Childhood of Animals_, pp. 204-21. (Frederick A. Stokes & Co., 1912.)

[84] Adapted from Eugenius Warming, _Oecology of Plants_, pp. 12-13, 91-95. (Oxford University Press, 1909.)

[85] Adapted from William E. Wheeler, _Ants, Their Structure, Development, and Behavior_, pp. 5-7. (Columbia University Press, 1910.)

[86] From John Dewey, _Democracy and Education_, pp. 1-7. (Published by The Macmillan Co., 1916. Reprinted by permission.)

[87] From Robert E. Park, _Principles of Human Behavior_, pp. 1-9. (The Zalaz Corporation, 1915.)

[88] Adapted from L. T. Hobhouse, _Morals in Evolution_, pp. 1-2, 10-12. (Henry Holt & Co., 1915.)

[89] Adapted from Émile Durkheim, _Elementary Forms of Religious Life_, pp. 432-37. (Allen & Unwin, 1915.)

[90] From Albion W. Small, _General Sociology_, pp. 495-97. (The University of Chicago Press, 1905.)

[91] From R. E. Park, "Education in Its Relation to the Conflict and Fusion of Cultures," in the _Publications of the American Sociological Society_, VIII (1918), 38-40.

[92] Translated from S. Sighele, _Psychologie des Sectes_, pp. 42-51. (M. Giard et Cie., 1898.)

[93] Adapted from William E. Hocking, _Morale and Its Enemies_, pp. 3-37. (Yale University Press, 1918.)

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