Part 83
Early in June he departed, accompanied by Nicholson. They traveled on horseback to the Delaware towns on the Muskingum River. There the chiefs accepted his invitation. He then journeyed to the seats of the Shawnee on the Scioto, where he found many of the warriors to be in a very doubtful humor.
The chief sachem, Hardman, and the brave war chief, Cornstalk, were inclined to peace, but advised that they had received an invitation to take part in a great council with the British Governor at Detroit, and must go there first.
While Wilson was yet at the Shawnee towns, Morgan himself arrived there, and endeavored to arrange a definite date for the treaty.
Before Morgan departed for Fort Pitt, he handed to Wilson a large peace belt of wampum and a written message to deliver to the Wyandot chief. When Wilson and Nicholson departed, they were accompanied by Cornstalk, but they advanced only as far as Pluggystown, on the Upper Scioto. This place was inhabited by renegade Indians.
The chief, Pluggy, was a Mohawk, and his followers, called Mingo, were horse thieves and murderers. Pluggy’s warriors formed a plot to seize Wilson and Nicholson and carry them to the British fort at Detroit, where a handsome reward would be theirs.
This plan was revealed to Cornstalk, who advised the white men to flee to the Delaware town of Coshocton. They were barely able to escape by night and arriving at Coshocton, they placed themselves under the protection of old King Newcomer.
That venerable sachem, believing it would not now be safe for Wilson to proceed to Sandusky, lest the Mingo should waylay the trail, sent Killbuck, a noted Delaware war captain, to bear the American message to the Wyandot chiefs. Killbuck returned eleven days later with the message the Wyandots wished to see Wilson in person as an evidence of his good intentions, but that they could not give a definite answer until they had consulted their great council beyond the lake. The seat of the nation was in Canada, near Detroit.
Wilson determined to go to Sandusky, and the Delaware Council appointed White Eyes and two young warriors to accompany him. Nicholson had been sent back to Fort Pitt with a message to Morgan. Wilson was joined later by John Montour, a grandson of the famous Madam Montour, and he served Wilson faithfully.
Before reaching Sandusky Wilson learned that the Wyandot chief had gone to the Detroit Council, and he therefore made up his mind to venture into the immediate neighborhood of the British post, so that he might deliver his message to the Wyandot chief.
It was the decision of a brave and bold man. He was received with apparent friendliness by a majority of the chiefs and on September 2 he addressed them in council, presenting his peace belt and message from Morgan. He invited them to attend the council at Fort Pitt twenty-five days from that time.
The next morning the Wyandot betrayed Wilson’s presence to the British commander, Colonel Henry Hamilton. They returned the belt to Wilson and advised him to explain his errand to the British official.
Wilson, White Eyes and John Montour were compelled to go with the Wyandots to the great Council House in Detroit. Wilson frankly announced his purpose to the Lieutenant Governor, again presented the peace belt and the written message to the Wyandot chief and handed the articles to Colonel Hamilton.
The British commander addressed the Indians, saying those who bore this message were enemies to his King, and before he would take any of them by the hand he would suffer his right hand to be cut off.
Hamilton thereupon tore up the speech, cut the belt in pieces and scattered the fragments about the Council House. He then spoke to the Wyandot Indians in French, which Wilson did not understand. Hamilton abused Montour for aiding the colonists and denounced White Eyes, whom he ordered to leave Detroit in twenty-four hours if he valued his life.
Hamilton, notwithstanding his anger, respected Wilson’s character as an ambassador and gave him safe conduct through the Indian country. The trader returned to Fort Pitt much discouraged by the outlook and reported to Morgan that the Wyandot would go on the warpath. The Mingo were already in the British service.
In spite of Hamilton’s opposition, Indians of four tribes attended the council with the “rebels” at Fort Pitt, in the latter part of October. The Delaware sent their ruling chiefs; the Wyandot sent Half King; the Shawnee, the great Cornstalk, and the distant Ottawa sent one sachem. Costly presents were given them by the commissioners, and effusive peace speeches were made by the savages, but only the Delaware were sincere.
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James Logan, Penn’s Secretary and Trusted Friend and Agent, Born October 28, 1674
The lives of men like James Logan ennoble the pages of history and make its study an elevating pursuit and a reinforcement to the resources of public morality. This man was worthy the compliment which the great vicegerent Shikellamy paid him, when he named his son in his honor; he was worthy to have been the trusted friend of William Penn, and to have had Benjamin Franklin for his printer.
The world has not produced many men, who, after forty years spent in the whirl and muddy currents of active business and intense political strife, can, with clean hands and unsullied reputation, calmly step aside out of the turmoil and retire to the company of his books, to endow a library and make a translation of Cicero’s “De Senectute,” printing it, as the writer himself pleasantly says, “in a large and fair character so that old men may not be vexed by the defective eyesight in reading what was so appropriate to their years.”
James Logan was born in Lurgan, Ireland, October 28, 1674. His father, Patrick Logan, grandson of Sir Robert Logan of Restairig, Scotland, sprang from that stock of proud Scottish lairds, distinguished for long pedigrees and barren acres, whose children have lent their genius to the service of the world.
James Logan was a lad of precocious mind—at sixteen he knew Latin, Greek and Hebrew, and made rapid progress in mathematics. He afterwards mastered French, Italian and Spanish, and probably Dutch and German. He became familiar with several Indian dialects.
He went into trade as a linen-draper’s apprentice in Dublin, then in the Bristol trade for himself.
At Bristol, in 1698, he met William Penn, and became his private secretary and devoted follower ever after.
In the year 1699, he sailed with William Penn on his second visit to his province in America. In mid-ocean another ship came into sight, and as England and France were at war, all feared that the strange vessel might be an enemy. The crew prepared for action. Penn and his friends, who did not believe in warfare, went below. Only one of Penn’s party remained on deck to help defend the ship, James Logan.
Soon Logan went below to tell Penn that the strange vessel was English, when Penn reproved him for undertaking to engage in fighting, as he was a Quaker. The young man replied with spirit: “Why did thee not order me to come down? Thee was willing enough that I should stay and help to fight, when thee thought there was danger!”
Penn expected to stay in Pennsylvania the rest of his life, but on his visit he was able to spend less than two years here. But during his stay, Logan had become not only a helper but also an intimate friend.
Penn trusted his secretary to the utmost, and when he sailed away, left all his affairs in Pennsylvania under Logan’s direction. “I have left thee in an uncommon trust,” wrote Penn, “with a singular dependence on thy justice and care.”
There was no mistake in trusting James Logan. He kept Penn informed of everything, and scrupulously attended to all Penn’s business affairs.
William Penn never came back to see his province again. During the last six years of his life his mind failed, so that his wife, Hannah, carried on all business for him. Had it not been for James Logan, poverty would often have oppressed the great founder and his family.
From the moment of Penn’s departure, in 1701, to Logan’s death, 1751, he was always the power behind the proprietary throne, wielding what was sometimes almost absolute authority with singular propriety and judgment.
He was secretary of the province, commissioner of property, and of Indian affairs, member and president of Council, acting Governor, and chief justice.
After more than twenty-five years of residence in Philadelphia, Logan decided to build a country home for himself. He erected a fine mansion, which he called Stenton, near the Old York Road. Here he lived for nearly a quarter century more.
His thigh was broken in a fall, and he was compelled to live retired, but his love of books was so constant and sincere that the pursuit of literature became his passion.
But even in seclusion he never neglected his public duties for his private tastes. Many important affairs of state were transacted at Stenton, which was nearly always surrounded by deputations of Indians, who camped about the house to seek advice and favors from their honored friend “hid in the bushes.” As many as a hundred Iroquois once stayed at Stenton for three days as Logan’s guests.
Thomas Godfrey’s improvements in the quadrant were made at Stenton under Logan’s eye, and Franklin and he worked together with a thorough appreciation of each other’s good qualities.
The British determined to burn Stenton, when they captured Philadelphia, but the cleverness of an old Negro woman servant saved the historic mansion. Lord Howe afterwards made Stenton his headquarters.
Now the famous house, quite two hundred years old, is owned by the Philadelphia Society of Colonial Dames, and is kept in good condition and open for visitors. It stands near the station at Wayne Junction.
Logan was an unsuccessful suitor for the hand of Ann, daughter of Edward Shippen, who married Thomas Story. His wife was Sarah Read, daughter of a wealthy merchant of Philadelphia, to whom he was wedded eight years after his ill-success with Miss Shippen.
His children were not literary in their tastes and it was on this account that he left his library to Philadelphia, endowing it for its perpetual maintenance, with the Springettsbury Manor property which he had received from Penn’s estate.
Logan was a fine type, dignified yet courteous, and his conversation was quiet and reserved.
Gordon says, “Never was power and trust more safely bestowed for the donor. The secretary faithfully devoted his time and his thoughts to promote the interests of his master, and bore with firmness, if not with cheerfulness, the odium which his unlimited devotion drew upon himself.”
He died at Stenton, October 31, 1751.
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Penn Lands at Upland and Changes Name to Chester, October 29, 1682
After William Penn issued his frame of government for his new Province of Pennsylvania and had sent a description of his property throughout England, especially among the Friends, offering easy terms of sale, there were many persons from London, Liverpool and Bristol who embarked in this enterprise and the association called “The Free Traders’ Society of Pennsylvania” purchased large tracts of land.
Penn then obtained a deed for the three lower counties (now the State of Delaware), which was duly recorded in New York November 21, 1682.
Having completed all arrangements for his voyage to America, Penn wrote an affectionate letter to his wife and children and another “to all faithful friends in England.” Accompanied by about 100 passengers, mostly Friends from Sussex, he embarked in August on the ship Welcome, a vessel of about 300 tons burden.
After a voyage of two months they sighted the American coast about Egg Harbor, in New Jersey, on October 24, 1682, and reached New Castle, Del., on the 27th.
On the following morning Penn produced his deeds from the Duke of York and received possession by the solemn “delivery of turf, and twig, and water, and soil of the River Delaware.”
His arrival off the coast and passage up the river was a continuous demonstration of great joy by all classes—English, Dutch, Swedes, and especially by his devoted followers.
The day following his landing Penn summoned the inhabitants to the court-house at New Castle, where, says Clarkson, “he made a speech to the old magistrates, in which he explained to them the design of his coming, the nature and end of government and of that more particularly which he came to establish.”
At this time he took formal possession of the country and renewed the commissions of the magistrates.
Penn then proceeded to Upland, where he arrived October 29, 1682. This was a memorable event, says Clarkson, and to be distinguished by some marked circumstances. Penn determined, therefore, to change the name of the place, and turning toward his friend Pearson, one of his own society, who had accompanied him on the ship Welcome, he said:
“Providence has brought us here safe. Thou hast been the companion of my perils. What wilt thou that I shall call this place?”
Pearson said, “Chester,” in remembrance of the place from which he came. William Penn replied, that it should be called Chester, and that when he divided the land into counties, one of them should be called by the same name.
From Chester Penn proceeded, with some of his friends, in an open barge, in the earliest days of November, to a place about four miles above the mouth of the Schuylkill, called Coaquannock, “where there was a high bold shore, covered with lofty pines.”
Here the infant city of Philadelphia had been established, and Penn’s approach was hailed with joy by the whole population.
Immediately after his arrival in the “City of Brotherly Love,” Penn dispatched two persons to Lord Baltimore to ask of his health, offer kind neighborhood and agree upon a time of meeting. Penn then went to New York to pay his respects to the Duke, returning to Philadelphia before the close of November.
It was about this time that the “Great Treaty” took place at Shackamaxon. Tradition has persisted that a great treaty took place here under an elm tree, with William Penn, Deputy Governor Markham and others, and the representatives of the several Indian tribes of that and other localities.
Even if tradition errs in the details of this treaty, it is a fact that the Indians themselves alluded to “the treaty of amity and peace held with the great and good Onas” on all public occasions.
Onas was the Indian name for the Governor of Pennsylvania, and it is supposed that the “great and good Onas” referred particularly to William Penn himself.
It is also true that for a period of forty or fifty years the treaty Penn made with the Indians was not broken, and the land of Penn was preserved during all the time from the suffering of the scalping-knife, the tomahawk or the torch.
William Penn convened a General Assembly at Chester, December 4, 1682, of which Nicholas More, president of the Society of Free Traders, was chosen speaker.
During a session of four days this Assembly enacted three laws: (1) An act for the union of the Province and Territories; (2) An act of Naturalization; and (3) The great law, or code of laws, consisting of sixty-nine sections, and embracing most of the laws agreed upon in England and several others afterward suggested.
Penn, by appointment, met Lord Baltimore at West River December 19, where he was received with great ceremony, but their interview led to no solution of the vexatious question of boundary. The discussion lasted two days, but the weather became severely cold, precluding the possibility of taking observations or making the necessary surveys, so it was agreed to adjourn further consideration of the subject until spring.
The two Governors were taking measure of each other and gaining all possible knowledge of each other’s rights and claims preparatory to the struggle for the possession of this disputed fortieth degree of latitude, which case was destined to come before the home Government and give Penn a great deal of trouble.
Early in 1683 Penn divided the province and territories each into three counties—those of the former were called Bucks, Philadelphia and Chester; those of the latter were New Castle, Kent and Sussex.
Sheriffs and other officers were appointed for the several counties, writs for the election of members of Council and Assembly were issued conformable with the Constitution, and on January 10, 1683, Penn met the Council in Philadelphia and the Assembly two days later.
The Provincial Council was composed of eighteen members, three from each county, the Assembly fifty-four with nine from each county, making in all seventy-two. Thus was the Government of the province inaugurated, out of which has grown the great Commonwealth of Pennsylvania.
Penn concluded two important treaties with the Indians during June and July, 1683. He also visited the interior of his province, going as far west as the Susquehanna River.
The proprietary set sail for England June 12, 1684.
Penn wrote a farewell letter to his province when on board the vessel, which was couched in the most endearing terms.
After his departure the province and territories were divided into twenty-two townships. There were then 7000 inhabitants, of whom 2500 resided in Philadelphia, which already comprised 300 houses.
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Frightened Settlers Build and Defend Fort Swatara October 30, 1755
The stockades and small forts built along the frontiers during the intense excitement which followed Braddock’s defeat in July, 1755, have always been of great interest to local historians and the many citizens who reside in the vicinity of these provincial defenses.
One such place, to which not a little interesting history is attached, was built about twelve miles east of Manada Gap, near the passage through the Blue Mountains, by which the Swatara Creek wends its way to the fertile acres below, and a few miles farther empties into the Susquehanna.
In the immediate vicinity of Swatara Gap was located Fort Swatara or Smith’s Fort, as it was sometimes called. An unfortunate fact was that this fort was sometimes erroneously called Fort Henry or Busse’s Fort, and many incidents in and about this place are confused.
After the disastrous beginning of the French and Indian War the Indians swept through the frontiers of Pennsylvania and committed terrible massacres.
The news of the Penn’s Creek massacre soon reached the settlements on Swatara Creek and the farmers gathered together, October 30, armed with guns, swords, axes, pitchforks, whatever they happened to possess, until some 200 rendezvoused at Benjamin Spickers, near Stoucksburg, about six miles above Womelsdorf.
The Rev. Mr. Kurtz[9] of the Lutheran faith, delivered an exhortation and offered prayer, after which Conrad Weiser divided the people into companies of thirty each.
Footnote 9:
Reverend John Nicholas Kurtz, first Lutheran Minister in Pennsylvania.
They marched toward the Susquehanna, having first sent a company of fifty men “to Tolkeo in order to possess themselves of the Capes or Narrows of the Swahatawro, where we expected the enemy would come through,” wrote Colonel Conrad Weiser, to Governor Robert Hunter Morris.
The forces were augmented on the way, and by the time they arrived at Squire Adam Read’s plantation on Swatara Creek, they received the intelligence of the surprise and slaughter of members of Captain John Harris’ party at the mouth of the Mahanoy Creek.
This news dampened the ardor of the volunteers and they soon concluded they could be of more effective service guarding their own firesides and they hurried back. The news that 500 Indians had already made their way through Tolkeo Gap and had killed a number of people did not contribute to their joy on the long march home.
Colonel Weiser sensed the situation and fully understood he could not count much upon this group, so he advised them to make a breastwork of trees at Swatara Gap, promising to procure for them a quantity of bread and ammunition. They got as far as the top of the mountain; fired their guns to alarm the neighborhood, and then hurried back.
Soon came the news of the murder of Henry Hartman, just over the mountain. When Mr. Parsons and a party went to bury the body, they learned that two others had been recently killed and scalped, and some had been captured. The roads were filled with persons fleeing from their homes and confusion reigned.
It was clearly apparent that Swatara Gap must be occupied by troops and Colonel Weiser ordered Captain Christian Busse with his company of fifty men to “proceed to Tolihaio Gap, and there erect a stoccado fort of the form and dimensions given you, and to take posts there and range the woods from the fort westward towards the Swatara and eastward towards a stoccado to be built by Cap. Morgan, about half way between the said fort and Fort Lebanon.”
Governor Morris writing to Governor Dinwiddie of Virginia, February 1, 1756, advised him that he had arranged to build a chain of forts, about ten or twelve miles apart, between the Delaware and Susquehanna. The best is “built at an important Pass through ye Kittahteny Hills, on our Northern Frontier and I have called it Fort Henry.” This is an error, as he should have written Fort Swatara.
This might be proved by a letter Colonel Conrad Weiser wrote to Governor Morris, July 11, 1756, giving the assignment of his troops. He stated that the men under Captain Smith are all placed in and about Swatara Gap and the Manada Fort; Captain Busse’s men were at Fort Henry and Captain Morgan’s at Fort Northkill and Fort Lebanon. This definitely proves that Fort Swatara and Fort Henry were not one and the same place.
The first and most important of the commanders of Fort Swatara was Captain Frederick Smith, whose company was recruited in Chester County. Captain Smith was ordered, January 26, to proceed as soon as possible to Swatara and in some convenient place there to erect a fort.
Captain Adam Read and Captain Hendrick, who had been ranging the mountains, were ordered to dismiss their men and turn over their arms and supplies to Captain Smith, all of which was done.
Further mention of the actual building of Fort Swatara is missing, as is the case of Manada Fort, but it is very probable that the stockade erected by the settlers was occupied by the provincial troops. This was not a very formidable fortification, and was afterward referred to in a letter to Colonel Washington as “only a block house.” It may therefore be presumed, at this late day, that it consisted of a single building, surrounded by a stockade.
The many murders committed by the savages and their stealthy approach, made it necessary to distribute the soldiers among the various farmhouses, especially during the harvest season.
The distribution of these men was usually made under the direction of Colonel Weiser, at consultations with the several commanders at Fort Henry.
This detail was not always satisfactory to the settlers, as may well be imagined. Each wanted troops to be on guard and there were never sufficient to supply the demand, but Captain Smith, at first negligent in this particular, was afterward complimented by both Colonel Weiser and Governor Morris for the faithful performance of his duty in the face of many hardships.
At the treaty held in Easton, in 1757, Conrad Weiser once more acted as agent for the Proprietaries, and interpreter. He arranged for a guard of 110 men, who were to come from sundry forts, one of which was Fort Swatara.
On February 5, 1758, Adjutant Kern reported Lieutenant Allen and thirty-three men at Fort Swatara, and “its distance to Fort Hunter, on the Susquehanna, as twenty-four miles.”