Book iii

.

The _Academica_, as they have come down to us, are a conflation from the two editions of this work. They consist of the second book from the first edition, and a portion of the first book from the second edition.

_Cato maior_, or _de Senectute_, a dialogue placed in 150 B.C. in which Cato, addressing Scipio and Laelius, set forth the praises of old age. The idea is drawn from Aristo of Chios, and the materials largely derived from Xenophon and Plato.

_Laelius_, or _de Amicitia_, a dialogue between Laelius and his sons-in-law, in which he sets forth the theory of friendship, speaking with special reference to the recent death of Scipio. Cicero here draws from a work of Theophrastus on the same subject and from Aristotle.

(iv.) _Letters._--Those preserved are (1) _ad Familiares_, i.-xvi.; (2) _ad Atticum_, i.-xvi.; (3) _ad Quintum_, i.-iii., _ad Brutum_, i.-ii. Some thirty-five other books of letters were known to antiquity, e.g. to Caesar, to Pompey, to Octavian and to his son Marcus.

The collection includes nearly one hundred letters written by other persons. Thus, the eighth Book _ad Fam._ consists entirely of letters from Caelius to Cicero when in Cilicia. When writing to Atticus Cicero frequently sent copies of letters which he had received. There is a great variety in the style not only of Cicero's correspondents, but also of Cicero himself. Caelius writes in a breezy, school-boy style; the Latinity of Plancus is Ciceronian in character; the letter of Sulpicius to Cicero on the death of Tullia is a masterpiece of style; Matius writes a most dignified letter justifying his affectionate regard for Caesar's memory. There is an amazingly indiscreet letter of Quintus to his brother's freedman, Tiro, in which he says of the consuls-elect, Hirtius and Pansa, that he would hesitate to put one of them in charge of a village on the frontier, and the other in that of the basement of a tavern (_Fam._ xvi. 27. 2). Several of his correspondents are indifferent stylists. Cato labours to express himself in an awkward and laconic epistle, apologizing for its length. Metellus Celer is very rude, but gives himself away in every word. Antony writes bad Latin, while Cicero himself writes in various styles. We have such a _cri de coeur_ as his few words to one of the conspirators after Caesar's murder, "I congratulate you. I rejoice for myself. I love you. I watch your interests; I wish for your love and to be informed what you are doing and what is being done" (_Fam._ vi. 15). When writing to Atticus he eschews all ornamentation, uses short sentences, colloquial idioms, rare diminutives and continually quotes Greek. This use of Greek tags and quotations is also found in letters to other intimate friends, e.g. Paetus and Caelius; also in letters written by other persons, e.g. Cassius to Cicero; Quintus to Tiro, and subsequently in those of Augustus to Tiberius. It is a feature of the colloquial style and often corresponds to the modern use of "slang." Other letters of Cicero, especially those written to persons with whom he was not quite at his ease or those meant for circulation, are composed in his elaborate style with long periods, parentheses and other devices for obscuring thought. These are throughout rhythmical in character, like his speeches and philosophical works.

We know from Cicero's own statement (_Att._ xvi. 5. 5) that he thought of publishing some of his letters during his lifetime. On another occasion he jestingly charges Tiro with wishing to have his own letters included in the "volumes" (_Fam._ xvi. 17. 1). It is obvious that Cicero could not have meant to publish his private letters to Atticus in which he makes confessions about himself, or those to Quintus in which he sometimes outsteps the limits of brotherly criticism, but was thinking of polished productions such as the letters to Lentulus Spinther or that to Lucceius which he describes as "very pretty" (_Att._ iv. 6. 4).

It is universally agreed that the letters _ad Familiares_ were published by Tiro, whose hand is revealed by the fact that he suppresses all letters written by himself, and modestly puts at the end those written to him. That Cicero kept copies of his letters, or of many of them, we know from a passage in which, when addressing a friend who had inadvertently torn up a letter from him, he says that there is nothing to grieve about; he has himself a copy at home and can replace the loss (_Fam._ vii. 25. 1). Tiro may have obtained from Terentia copies of letters written to her. It has been suggested that he may also have edited the letters to Quintus, as he could obtain them from members of the family. The letters _ad Familiares_ were generally quoted in antiquity by books, the title being taken from the first letter, e.g. _Cicero ad Varronem epistula Paeti_.

While the letters _ad Familiares_ were circulated at once, those to Atticus appear to have been suppressed for a considerable time. Cornelius Nepos (_Att._ 16) knew of their existence but distinguishes them from the published letters. Asconius (p. 87), writing under Claudius, never quotes them, though, when discussing Cicero's projected defence of Catiline, he could hardly have failed to do so, if he had known them. The first author who quotes them is Seneca. It is, therefore, probable that they were not published by Atticus himself, who died 32 B.C., though his hand may be seen in the suppression of all letters written by himself, but that they remained in the possession of his family and were not published until about A.D. 60. At that date they could be published without expurgation of any kind, whereas in the letters _ad Familiares_ the editor's hand is on one occasion (iii. 10. 11) manifest. Cicero is telling Appius, his predecessor in Cilicia, of the measures which he is taking on his behalf. There then follows a lacuna. It is obvious that Tiro thought the passage compromising and struck it out. In the letters to Atticus, on the other hand, we have Cicero's private journal, his confessions to the director of his conscience, the record of his moods from day to day, without alterations of any kind.

Cicero's letters are the chief and most reliable source of information for the period. It is due to them that the Romans of the day are living figures to us, and that Cicero, in spite of, or rather in virtue of his frailties, is intensely human and sympathetic. The letters to Atticus abound in the frankest self-revelation, though even in the presence of his confessor his instinct as a pleader makes him try to justify himself. The historical value of the letters, therefore, completely transcends that of Cicero's other works. It is true that these are full of information. Thus we learn much from the _de Legibus_ regarding the constitutional history of Rome, and much from the _Brutus_ concerning the earlier orators. The speeches abound in details which may be accepted as authentic, either because there is no reason for misrepresentation or on account of their circumstantiality. Thus the _Verrines_ are our chief source of information for the government of the provinces, the system of taxation, the powers of the governor. We hear from them of such interesting details as that the senate annul a judicial decision improperly arrived at by the governor, or that the college of tribunes could consider the status at Rome of a man affected by this decision (_Verr._ II. ii. 95-100). We have unfolded to us the monstrous system by which the governor could fix upon a remote place for the delivery of corn, and so compel the farmer to compound by a payment in money which the orator does not blame, on the ground that it is only proper to allow magistrates to receive corn wherever they wish (_ib._ iii. 190). From the speech _pro Cluentio_ (145-154) we gain unique information concerning the condition of society in a country town, the extraordinary exemption of equites from prosecution for judicial corruption, the administration of domestic justice in the case of slaves examined by their owner (_ib._ 176-187). But we have always to be on our guard against misrepresentation, exaggeration and falsehood. The value of the letters lies in the fact that in them we get behind Cicero and are face to face with the other _dramatis personae_; also that we are admitted behind the scenes and read the secret history of the times. One of the most interesting documents in the correspondence is a despatch of Caesar to his agent Oppius, written in great haste and in disjointed sentences. It runs as follows: "On the 9th I came to Brundisium. Pompey is at Brundisium. He sent Magius to me to treat of peace. I gave him a suitable answer" (_Att._ ix. 13, Ai.). In the _de Bello civili_, on the other hand, Caesar, who wishes to show that he did his best to make peace, after stating that he sent his captive Magius to negotiate, expresses mild surprise at the fact that Pompey did not send him back (_Bell. Civ._ i. 26). We hear of the extraordinary agreement made by two candidates for the consulship in Caesar's interest with the sitting consuls of 54 B.C., which Cicero says he hardly ventures to put on paper. Under the terms of this the consuls, who were _optimates_, bound themselves to betray their party by securing, apparently fraudulently, the election of the candidates while they in turn bound themselves to procure two ex-consuls who would swear that they were present in the senate when supplies were voted for the consular provinces, though no meeting of the senate had been held, and three augurs who would swear that a _lex curiata_ had been passed, though the _comitia curiata_ had not been convened (_Att._ iv. 18. 2). But perhaps the most singular scene is the council of three great ladies presided over by Servilia at Antium, which decides the movements of Brutus and Cassius in June 44 B.C., when Cassius "looking very fierce--you would say that he was breathing fire and sword"--blustered concerning what he considered an insult, viz. a commission to supply corn which had been laid upon him. Servilia calmly remarks she will have the commission removed from the decree of the senate (_Att._ xv. 11. 2).

(v.) _Miscellaneous._--It is not necessary to dwell upon the other forms of literary composition attempted by Cicero. He was a fluent versifier, and would write 500 verses in one night. Considerable fragments from a juvenile translation of Aratus have been preserved. His later poems upon his own consulship and his exile were soon forgotten except for certain lines which provoked criticism, such as the unfortunate verse:

"O fortunatam natam me consule Romam."

He wrote a memoir of his consulship in Greek and at one time thought of writing a history of Rome. Nepos thought that he would have been an ideal historian, but as Cicero ranks history with declamation and on one occasion with great _naïveté_ asks Lucius Lucceius (q.v.), who was embarking on this task, to embroider the facts to his own credit, we cannot accept this criticism (_Fam._ vi. 2. 3).

(vi.) _Authenticity._--The genuineness of certain works of Cicero has been attacked. It was for a long time usual to doubt the authenticity of the speeches _post reditum_ and _pro Marcello_.[12] Recent scholars consider them genuine. As their rhythmical structure corresponds more or less exactly with the canon of authenticity formed by Zielinski from the other speeches, the question may now be considered closed.[13] Absurd suspicion has been cast upon the later speeches _in Catilinam_ and that _pro Archia_. An oration _pridie quam in exsilium iret_ is certainly a forgery, as also a letter to Octavian. There is a "controversy" between Cicero and Sallust which is palpably a forgery, though a quotation from it occurs in Quintilian.[14] Suspicion has been attached to the letters to Brutus, which in the case of two letters (i. 16 and 17) is not unreasonable since they somewhat resemble the style of _suasoriae_, or rhetorical exercises, but the latest editors, Tyrrell and Purser, regard these also as genuine.

_Criticism_. (i.) _Ancient._--After Cicero's death his character was attacked by various detractors, such as the author of the spurious _Controversia_ put into the mouth of Sallust, and the calumniator from Whom Dio Cassius (xlvi. 1--28) draws the libellous statements which he inserts into the speech of Q. Fufius Calenus in the senate. Of such critics, Asconius (in _Tog. Cand._ p. 95) well says that it is best to ignore them. His prose style was attacked by Pollio as Asiatic, also by his son, Asinius Gallus, who was answered by the emperor Claudius (Suet. 41). The writers of the silver age found fault with his prolixity, want of sparkle and epigram, and monotony of his clausulae.[15] A certain Largius Licinius gained notoriety by attacking his Latinity in a work styled _Ciceromastix_. His most devoted admirers were the younger Pliny, who reproduced his oratorical style with considerable success, and Quintilian (x. 1. 112), who regarded him as the perfect orator, and draws most of his illustrations from his works. At a later period his style fascinated Christian writers, notably Lactantius, the "Christian Cicero," Jerome and S. Augustine, who drew freely from his rhetorical writings.

The first commentator upon Cicero was Asconius, a Roman senator living in the reign of Claudius; who wrote a commentary upon the speeches, in which he explains obscure historical points for the instruction of his sons (see ASCONIUS). Passing over a number of grammatical and rhetorical writers who drew illustrations from Cicero, we may mention the _Commentary_ of Victorinus, written in the 4th century, upon the treatise _de Inventione_, and that of Boethius (A.D. 480-524) upon the _Topica_. Among scholiasts may be mentioned the _Scholiasta Bobiensis_ who is assigned to the 5th century, and a pseudo-Asconius, who wrote notes upon the _Verrines_ dealing with points of grammar and rhetoric.

(ii.) _Medieval Scholars._--In the middle ages Cicero was chiefly known as a writer on rhetoric and morals. The works which were most read were the _de Inventione_ and _Topica_--though neither of these was quite so popular as the treatise _ad Herennium_, then supposed to be by Cicero--and among the moral works, the _de Officiis_, and the _Cato Maior_. John of Salisbury (1110-1180) continually quotes from rhetorical and philosophical writings, but only once from the speeches. The value set upon the work _de Inventione_ is shown by a passage in which Notker (d. 1022) writing to his bishop says that he has lent a MS. containing, the _Philippics_ and a commentary upon the _Topics_, but has received as a pledge something far more valuable, viz. the _de Inventione_, and the "famous commentary of Victorinus."[16] We have an interesting series of excerpts made by a priest named Hadoard, in the 9th century, taken from all the philosophical writings, now preserved, also from the _de Oratore_.[17]

The other works of Cicero are seldom mentioned. The most popular speeches were those against Catiline, the _Verrines_, _Caesarianae_ and _Philippics_, to which may be added the spurious _Controversia_. A larger knowledge of the speeches is shown by Wibald, abbot of Corvey, who in 1146 procured from Hildesheim a MS. containing with the _Philippics_ the speeches against Rullus, wishing to form a _corpus_ of Ciceronian works.[18] Gerbert (afterwards Pope Silvester II., 940-1003) was especially interested in the speeches, and in a letter to a friend (_Epist._ 86) advises him to take them with him when journeying. The letters are rarely mentioned. The abbey of Lorsch possessed in the 9th century five MSS. containing "Letters of Cicero," but those to Atticus are only mentioned once, in the catalogue of Cluny written in the 12th century.[19] Letters of Cicero were known to Wibald of Corvey, also to Servatus Lupus, abbot of Ferrières (805-832), who prosecuted in the 9th century a search for MSS. which reminds us of the Italian humanists in the 15th century. A good deal of textual criticism must have been devoted to Cicero's works during this period. The earliest critic was Tiro, who, as we know from Aulus Gellius (i. 7. 1), corrected MSS. which were greatly valued as containing his recension. We have a very interesting colophon to the speeches against Rullus, in which Statilius Maximus states that he had corrected the text by the help of a MS. giving the recension of Tiro, which he had collated with five other ancient copies.[20]

It is interesting to notice that Servatus Lupus did similar work in the 9th century. Thus, writing to Ansbald of Prüm, he says, "I will collate the letters of Cicero which you sent with the copy which I have so as to elicit the true reading, if possible, by comparing the two."[21] He asks another correspondent to supply him with a copy of the _Verrines_ or any other works for a similar purpose.

Brunetto Latini (d. ca. 1294), the master of Dante, translated the _Caesarianae_ into Italian. Dante himself appears to be acquainted only with the _Laelius_, _Cato Maior_, _de Officiis_, _de Finibus_, _de Inventione_ and _Paradoxa_. Petrarch says that among his countrymen Cicero was a great name, but was studied by few. Petrarch himself sought for MSS. of Cicero with peculiar ardour. He found the speech _pro Archia_ at Liége in 1333, and in 1345 at Verona made his famous discovery of the letters to Atticus, which revealed to the world Cicero as a man in place of the "god of eloquence" whom they had worshipped. Petrarch was under the impression in his old age that he had once possessed Cicero's lost work _de Gloria_, but it is probable that he was misled by one of the numerous passages in the extant writings dealing with this subject.[22] The letters _ad Familiares_ were discovered towards the close of the 14th century at Vercelli. The largest addition to the sum of Ciceronian writings was made by Poggio (Gian Francesco Poggio Bracciolini) in the course of his celebrated mission to the Council of Constance (1414-1417). He brought back no less than ten speeches of Cicero previously unknown to the Italians, viz. _pro Sexto Roscio_, _pro Murena_, _pro Cacina_, _de lege agraria_ i.-iii., _pro Rabirio perduellionis reo_, _pro Rabirio Postumo_, _pro Roscio Comoedo_, and _in Pisonem_. An important discovery was made at Lodi in 1422 of a MS. which, in addition to complete copies of the _de Oratore_ and _Orator_, hitherto known from mutilated MSS., contained an entirely new work, the _Brutus_. The second book of Cicero's letters to Brutus was first printed by Cratander of Basel in 1528 from a MS. obtained for him by Sichardus from the abbey of Lorsch.[23]

All these MSS. are now lost, except that containing the _Epistolae ad Familiares_, a MS. written in the 9th century and now at Florence (Laur. xlix. 9). A similar fate overtook three other MSS. containing the letters to Atticus, independent of the _Veronensis_, viz. a mutilated MS. of Books i.-vii. discovered by Cardinal Capra in 1409, a Lorsch MS. used by Cratander (C), and a French MS. (Z), generally termed _Tornaesianus_ from its owner, Jean de Tournes, a printer of Lyons, probably identical with No. 492 in the old Cluny catalogue, used by Turnebus, Lambinus and Bosius. A strange mystification was practised by the last named, a scholar of singular brilliancy, who claimed to have a mutilated MS. which he called his _Decurtatus_, bought from a common soldier who had obtained it from a sacked monastery; also to have been furnished by a friend, Pierre de Crouzeil, a doctor of Limoges, with variants taken from an old MS. found at Noyon, and entered in the margin of a copy of the Lyons edition. The rough draft of his notes, however, upon Books x.-xvi., which afterwards came into the hands of Baluze, is preserved in the Paris library (Lat. 8538 A), in which he continually ascribes different readings to these MSS., the alteration corresponding with a change in his own conjecture. It is, therefore, obvious that he invented the readings in order to strengthen his own corrections. The book, which he termed his _Crusellinus_, may well be his copy of the Lyons edition of 1545 (number 8665 in the sale-catalogue of Baluze), which is described as _cum notis et emendationibus MSS. manu ejusdem Bosii_.[24]

The oldest evidence now existing for any works of Cicero is to be found in palimpsests written in the 4th or 5th century. The most interesting of these, now in the Vatican (Lat. 5757), discovered by Angelo Mai in 1822, contains the treatise _de Republica_, only known from this source. Fragments of the lost speeches _pro Tullio_ and _pro Scauro_ were discovered in two Milan and Turin palimpsests. The Vatican also possesses an important palimpsest of the _Verrines_ (Reg. 2077). A palimpsest containing fragments of various orations was recently destroyed by the fire at the Turin library. The works _de Oratore_ and _Orator_ are well represented by ancient MSS., the two best known being one at Avranches (_Abrincensis_ 238) and a Harleian MS. (2736), both written in the 9th century. The _Brutus_ is only known from 15th-century transcripts of the lost _cod. Lodensis_.

The oldest MS. of any speeches, or indeed of any work of Cicero's, apart from the palimpsests, belongs to the Chapter-house of St Peter's in Rome (H. 25). It contains the speeches _in Pisonem_, _pro Fonteio_, _pro Flacco_ and the _Philippics_. The earlier part of the MS. was written in the 8th century. The Paris library has two 9th-century MSS., viz. 7774 A. containing _in Verrem_ (_Act._ ii.), iv. and v., and 7794, containing the _post reditum_ speeches, together with those _pro Sestio_, _in Vatinium_, _de provinciis consularibus_, _pro Balbo_, _pro Caelio_. The only other 9th-century MS. of the speeches is now in Lord Leicester's library at Holkham, No. 387.[25] It originally belonged to Cluny, being No. 498 in the old catalogue. It contains in a mutilated form the speeches _in Catilinam_, _pro Ligario_, _pro rege Deiotaro_ and _in Verrem_ (_Act._ ii.) ii.

The speeches _pro Sex. Roscio_ and _pro Murena_ are only known from an ancient and illegible MS. discovered by Poggio at Cluny, No. 496 in the old catalogue, and now lost. The most faithful transcript was made in France (Paris, Lat. 14,749) before the MS. passed into Poggio's hand by a writer who carefully reproduced the corruptions, sometimes in facsimile.[26] The speeches _pro Roscio Comoedo_, _pro Rabirio perduellionis reo_ and _pro Rabirio Postumo_ are only known from Italian copies of the transcript (now lost) made by Poggio from lost MSS. The _de Officiis_, _Tusculan Disputations_ and _Cato Maior_ are found in a number of 9th-century MSS. A collection, consisting of _de Natura deorum_, _de Divinatione_, _Timaeus_, _de Fato_, _Paradoxa_, _Lucullus_ (= _Acad. Prior_.) and _de Legibus_, is found in several MSS. of the same date. Only one MS. of the _Laelius_ is as old as the 10th century.

The _Academica Posteriora_ are said by editors to be found only in 15th-century MSS. A MS. in the Paris library (Lat. 6331) is, however, assigned by Chatelain to the 12th century.

For the letters _ad Familiares_ our chief source of information is Laur. xlix. 9 (9th century), which contains all the sixteen books. There are independent MSS. written in France and Germany in the 11th and 12th centuries, containing i.-viii. and ix.-xvi. respectively. There is no extant MS. of the letters to Atticus older than the 14th century, apart from a few leaves from a 12th-century MS. discovered at or near Würzburg in the last century. Very great importance has been attached to a Florentine MS. (Laur. xlix. 18) M., which until recently was supposed to have been copied by Petrarch himself from the lost _Veronensis_. It is now known not to be in the hand of Petrarch, but it was still supposed to be the archetype of all Italian MSS., and possibly of all MSS., including the lost C and Z. It has, however, been shown by Lehmann that there is an independent group of Italian MSS., termed by him [Sigma], containing Books i.-vii. in a mutilated form, and probably connected with the MS. of Capra. These often agree with CZ against M, and the readings of CZ[Sigma] are generally superior.

BIBLIOGRAPHY.--It is impossible to mention more than a few works as the literature is so vast. (1) _Historical._--J.L. Strachan-Davidson, _Life of Cicero_ (Heroes of the Nations); G. Boissier, _Cicéron et ses amis_; Suringar, _Cicero de vita sua_ (Leiden, 1854); W. Warde Fowler, _Social Life at Rome_ (1908); introductions to Tyrrell and Purser's edition of the letters. (2) _Palaeographical._--Facsimiles of the best-known MSS. are given by E. Chatelain in _Paléographie des classiques latins_, parts 2, 3 and 7. Information regarding various MSS. will be found in Halm, _Zur Handschriftenkunde der ciceronischen Schriften_ (Munich, 1850); Deschamps, _Essai bibliographique sur Cicéron_ (Paris, 1863) (an unscientific work); Lehmann, _De Ciceronis ad Atticum epistulis recensendis_ (Berlin, 1892); _Anecdota Oxoniensia_, classical series, parts vii., ix., x. (3) _Literary._--M. Schanz, _Geschichte der römischen Litteratur_, i, 194-274 (München, 1890). (4) _Linguistic._--Merguet, _Lexicon to Oratorical and Philosophical Works_; Le Breton, _Études sur la langue et la grammaire de Cicéron_ (Paris, 1901); Norden, _Die antike Kunstprosa_ (Leipzig, 1898); Th. Zielinski, _Das Clauselgesetz in Ciceros Reden_ (Leipzig, 1904). Much information on points of Ciceronian idiom and language will be found in J.S. Reid's _Academica_ (London, 1885) and Landgraf's _Pro Sext. Roscio_ (Erlangen, 1884). (5) _Legal._--A.H.J. Greenidge, _The Legal Procedure of Cicero's Time_ (Oxford, 1901). (6) _Philosophical._--An excellent account of Cicero as a philosopher is given in the preface to Reid's edition of the _Academica_. (7) _Editions_ (critical) of the complete texts.--Baiter-Halm (1845-1861); C.F.W. Müller (1880-1896); Oxford Classical Texts. (A. C. C.)

2. QUINTUS TULLIUS CICERO, brother of the orator and brother-in-law of T. Pomponius Atticus, was born about 102 B.C. He was aedile in 67, praetor in 62, and for the three following years propraetor in Asia, where, though he seems to have abstained from personal aggrandizement, his profligacy and ill-temper gained him an evil notoriety. After his return to Rome, he heartily supported the attempt to secure his brother's recall from exile, and was nearly murdered by gladiators in the pay of P. Clodius Pulcher. He distinguished himself as one of Julius Caesar's legates in the Gallic campaigns, served in Britain, and afterwards under his brother in Cilicia. On the outbreak of the civil war between Pompey and Caesar, Quintus, like Marcus, supported Pompey, but after Pharsalus he deserted and made peace with Caesar, largely owing to the intercession of Marcus. Both the brothers fell victims to the proscription which followed Caesar's death, Quintus being put to death in 43, some time before Marcus. His marriage with Pomponia was very unhappy, and he was much under the influence of his slave Statius. Though trained on the same lines as Marcus he never spoke in public, and even said, "One orator in a family is enough, nay even in a city." Though essentially a soldier, he took considerable interest in literature, wrote epic poems, tragedies and annals, and translated plays of Sophocles. There are extant four letters written by him (one to his brother Marcus, and three to his freedman Tiro) and a short paper, _De Petitione Consulatus_ (on canvassing for the consulship), addressed to his brother in 64. Some consider this the work of a rhetorician of later date. A few hexameters by him on the twelve signs of the Zodiac are quoted by Ausonius.

Cicero in several of his _Letters_ (ed. Tyrrell and Purser); _pro Sestio_, 31; Caesar, _Bell. Gal._; Appian, _Bell. Civ._ iv. 20; Dio Cassius, xl. 7, xlvii. 10; text of the _De Petit, Cons._ in A. Eussner, _Commentariolum Petitionis_ (1872), see also R.Y. Tyrrell in _Hermathena_, v. (1877), and A. Beltrami, _De Commentariolo Petitionis Q. Ciceroni vindicando_ (1892); G. Boissier, _Cicero and His Friends_ (Eng. trans., 1897), especially pp. 235-241.

3. MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO, only son of the orator and his wife Terentia, was born in 65 B.C. At the age of seventeen he served with Pompey in Greece, and commanded a squadron of cavalry at the battle of Pharsalus. In 45 he was sent to Athens to study rhetoric and philosophy, but abandoned himself to a life of dissipation. It was during his stay at Athens that his father dedicated the _de Officiis_ to him. After the murder of Caesar (44) he attracted the notice of Brutus, by whom he was offered the post of military tribune, in which capacity he rendered good service to the republican cause. After the battle of Philippi (42), he took refuge with Sextus Pompeius in Sicily, where the remnants of the republican forces were collected. He took advantage of the amnesty granted by the treaty of Misenum (39) to return to Rome, where he took no part in public affairs, but resumed his former dissipated habits. In spite of this, he received signal marks of distinction from Octavian, who not only nominated him augur, but accepted him as his colleague in the consulship (30). He had the satisfaction of carrying out the decree which ordered that all the statues of Antony should be demolished, and thus "the divine justice reserved the completion of Antony's punishment for the house of Cicero" (Plutarch). He was subsequently appointed proconsul of Asia or Syria, but nothing further is known of his life. In spite of his debauchery, there is no doubt that he was a man of considerable education and no mean soldier, while Brutus, in a letter to his father (_Epp. ad Brutum_, ii. 3), even goes so far as to say that the son would be capable of attaining the highest honours without borrowing from the father's reputation.

See Plutarch, _Cicero, Brutus_; Appian, _Bell. Civ._ ii. 20. 51, iv. 20; Dio Cassius xlv. 15, xlvi. 18, li. 19; Cicero's _Letters_ (ed. Tyrrell and Purser); G. Boissier, _Cicero and His Friends_ (Eng. trans., 1897), pp. 104-107.

4. QUINTUS TULLIUS CICERO (_c_. 67-43 B.C.), son of Quintus Tullius Cicero (brother of the orator). He accompanied his uncle Marcus to Cilicia, and, in the hope of obtaining a reward, repaid his kindness by informing Caesar of his intention of leaving Italy. After the battle of Pharsalus he joined his father in abusing his uncle as responsible for the condition of affairs, hoping thereby to obtain pardon from Caesar. After the death of Caesar he attached himself to Mark Antony, but, owing to some fancied slight, he deserted to Brutus and Cassius. He was included in the proscription lists, and was put to death with his father in 43. In his last moments he refused under torture to disclose his father's hiding-place. His father, who in his concealment was a witness of what was taking place, thereupon gave himself up, stipulating that he and his son should be executed at the same time.

See Cicero, _ad Att._ x. 4. 6, 7. 3; xiv. 20. 5; Dio Cassius xlvii. 10.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] _Brutus_, § 316 "(Molon) dedit operam ... ut nimis redundantis nos et supra fluentis iuvenili quadam dicendi impunitate et licentia reprimeret et quasi extra ripas diffluentis coërceret."

[2] According to Plutarch she urged her husband to take vigorous

## action against Catiline, who had compromised her half-sister Fabia,

a vestal virgin; also to give evidence against Clodius, being jealous of his sister Clodia.

[3] Caesar, at one time, offered him a place on the coalition, which on his refusal became a triumvirate (_Att._ ii. 3. 3; _Prov. Cons._ 41), and afterwards a post on his commission for the division of the Campanian land, or a _legatio libera_.

[4] _Att._ vii. 8. 5 "est enim [Greek: amorphon antipoliteuomenou chreôpheiletên] esse."

[5] She was married in 63 B.C. to C. Calpurnius Piso Frugi, whom Cicero found a model son-in-law. He appears to have died before 56, since in that year Tullia was betrothed to Furius Crassipes (quaestor in Bithynia in 51). It is not known if this marriage actually took place.

[6] That the loss of his triumph rankled in his mind may be seen from _Brutus_, § 255: "hanc gloriam ... tuae quidem supplicationi non, sed triumphis multorum antepono."

[7] _Fam._ xi. 20 "laudandum adolescentem, ornandum, tollendum."

[8] With these it is usual to include a treatise to Herennius by an anonymous author, a contemporary of Sulla, in modern times generally identified with a person named Cornificius, quoted by Quintilian (iii. 1. 21). This is a manual of rhetoric derived from Greek sources with illustrations of figures drawn from Roman orators. Cicero's juvenile work _de Inventione_ appears to be drawn partly from this and partly from a treatise by Hermagoras. This is a slight production and does not require detailed notice. Other minor works written in later life, such as the _Partitiones Oratoriae_, a catechism of rhetoric, in which instruction is given by Cicero to his son Marcus; the _Topica_, and an introduction to a translation of the speeches delivered by Demosthenes and Aeschines for and against Ctesiphon, styled _de optimo genere oratorum_, also need only be mentioned.

[9] _Orator_, § 214 "patris dictum sapiens temeritas fili c[=o]mpr[)o]b[=a]v[)i]t--hoc dichoreo tantus clamor contionis excitatus est ut admirabile esset. Quaero, nonne id numerus efficerit? Verborum ordinem immuta, fac sic: 'Comprobavit fili temeritas' jam nihil erit."

[10] This theory is partly anticipated by Terentianus Maurus (c. A.D. 290), who says of the cretic (v. 1440 sqq.):--

"Plurimum orantes decebit quando paene in ultimo Obtinet sedem beatam, terminet si clausulam Dactylus spondeus imam, nec trochaeum respuo; Plenius tractatur istud arte prosa rhetorum."

[11] _Orator_, § 212 "cursum contentiones magis requirunt, expositiones rerum tarditatem."

[12] Markland and F.A. Wolf first rejected them.

[13] In the speeches generally _L_+_V_=86%. In the _de Domo_ the proportion is 88 and in the _pro Marcello_ 87%.

[14] Quintil. iv. 1. 68. It is possible that the writer may have used a quotation preserved from a real speech by Quintilian.

[15] Tacitus, _Dial._ 22 "omnis clausulas uno et eodem modo determinet."

[16] Ed. P. Piper, p. 861.

[17] _Philologus_ (1886), Suppl. Bd. v.

[18] Jaffé, _Bibl. Rer. German._, i. 326.

[19] Delisle, _Cabinet des MSS._, ii 459.

[20] "Statilius Maximus rursus emendavi ad Tironem et Laeccanianum et dom. et alios veteres III." He was a grammarian who lived at the end of the 2nd century.

[21] _Epist._ 69 "Tullianas epistulas quas misisti cum nostris conferri faciam ut ex utrisque, si possit fieri, veritas exsculpatur."

[22] Nolhac, _Pétrarque et l'humanisme_, pp. 216-223.

[23] Lehmann, _De Ciceronis ad Atticum epp. recensendis_, p. 128.

[24] _Philologus_, 1901, p. 216.

[25] _Anecdota Oxoniensia_, Classical Series, part ix . (W. Petersen).

[26] _Anecdota Oxoniensia_, Classical Series,