CHAPTER XII

+The Decline of Indian Slavery+

The small number of the Indians within the territory actually occupied by the English had its influence upon both the extent and the decline of Indian slavery. The Indians were never as numerous in the English territory as in that occupied or claimed by the Spanish and French. From many estimates made of the Indian population in the section under English rule,[1100] it would seem that the supply was sufficient to nourish the system of Indian slavery indefinitely: but it must be noted that the greater portion of this Indian population was made up of tribes generally remote from the English settlements.

The consensus of opinion to-day is that the number of Indians in New England about the year 1600 was not greater than twenty-four or twenty-five thousand. This number was so much reduced by the plague of 1616,[1101] that Palfrey states that the English found practically a vacant domain.[1102] In the Florida country many small tribes were so thoroughly exterminated before the coming of the whites that no trace of their existence remained except a few local names.[1103] In the interior of the continent before the French or the English had obtained a foothold, the whole country during the seventeenth century was the seat of intertribal wars so disastrous in their results as to destroy many large and powerful tribes.[1104]

With the coming of the white races the decrease in the number of the Indians went on rapidly. Estimates show such to have been the case with the Indians of the North Atlantic coast during the first quarter of the eighteenth century.[1105] Bradford[1106] and Winthrop[1107] bear witness to the small number of the natives, and to the further decrease of that number after the coming of the whites. An early writer on New York declares: “There is now (1670) but few Indians upon the island and those few no ways hurtful. It is to be admired how strangely they have decreased by the hand of God, since the English first settling in these parts.”[1108] Oldmixon gives the number of Indian men in New York in 1708 as one thousand, “whereas there are seven or eight times as many English.”[1109] According to the same authority, the number of Indians in New Jersey at the opening of the eighteenth century did not exceed two hundred.[1110]

A decreased birth-rate was not the least important cause of this decrease in numbers throughout all the tribes. Following the advent of the whites in the new world, “sterility became the rule and not the exception”, where before the Indians were very prolific.[1111] The natives, bond or free, seemed to possess a peculiar susceptibility to the diseases of the whites, and a lack of ability to withstand their effects. The Indians of the Delaware River country complained that during the sixteen years after the coming of the Swedes, their number had been much diminished, presumably by small-pox.[1112] In both North and South Carolina, the Indians were much afflicted by this same disease in early colonial days, one tribe being entirely swept away,[1113] another nearly exhausted,[1114] and still others much reduced in numbers.[1115] Owing to diseases and other causes the several tribes in Carolina at the opening of the eighteenth century were small, most of them not numbering more than fifty men each.[1116] Douglass recorded that the Spanish Indians captured at St. Augustine and brought to New England, soon died of consumption.[1117]

Dean Berkeley who repeatedly visited Narragansett to examine the conditions and character of the Indians of that locality, in his sermon before the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts at its anniversary in 1731, bears witness to such destruction in the following statement: “The native Indians, who are said to have been thousands within the compass of this colony, do not at present amount to a thousand, including every age and sect; ... the English [having] contributed more to destroy their bodies by the use of strong liquors, than by any means to improve their minds or save their souls. This slow poison, jointly operating with the small-pox, and their wars, (but much more destructive than both), has consumed the Indians, not only in our colonies, but also far and wide upon our confines.”[1118]

Intestine wars, often, as has been seen, fostered by the whites, resulted in great loss of numbers to the Indians, and sometimes even destroyed whole tribes. In consequence of a war between the Yoamaco Indians of Maryland and the Susquehanna, the former disappeared.[1119] In Virginia, between 1609 and 1669, spirituous liquors, the small-pox, war and a diminution of territory reduced the tribes to one-third of their original number.[1120] During the next twenty years they had become so much weakened that three of their principal tribes were able to send to a great Indian congress only four representatives, including attendants. By the end of the next century all had perished, except three or four of one tribe, ten or twelve of another, and a few women only of a third.[1121]

By 1780 all the Indian nations of the territory settled by the English in the south were either extinct or had retreated westward and had united with the neighboring Cherokee and Creeks. At this time the Catawba were so reduced that they possessed but seventy or eighty men.[1122] The Westo and Savannah were likewise reduced from many thousands to small numbers,[1123] and the Corannine tribe was practically destroyed.[1124]

Another cause which contributed in a measure to the passing of Indian slavery was the amalgamation of the red and black slaves. Since intercourse and marriage of slaves were not generally interfered with by the whites, it was natural that the slaves of the red and black races should intermingle. Since, also, the Indians were generally in the minority, as well as inferior in power of resistance, their physical characteristics gradually disappeared, while those of the negro remained.

By his very constitution, furthermore, the Indian seemed unfitted for servitude. He was highly susceptible to climatic changes, and unable to endure sustained labor. In his native condition he was accustomed at times to great tests of physical endurance, which, however, alternated with periods of rest and recuperation. Though authorities may differ as to the capacity of the Indian for civilization, the fact remains that civilization has only to a very small extent been assimilated by the red man. Taking into due consideration the treatment accorded him by the whites, the conclusion seems warranted that such lack of assimilation is due in some measure to the inability of the Indian to develop beyond the stage which he had already reached when discovered by the Europeans. Furthermore, the dominant idea of Indian life was the love of liberty. Heredity and environment coöperated to make the Indian a creature opposed to all restraint when exercised by an exterior force.[1125]

The general conclusion, therefore, so far as it can be determined by individual testimony, colonial legislative action and the comparative values of Indian and negro slaves, is that Indian slave labor within the territory under discussion was not, as a rule, satisfactory. Mason records that the captives distributed among the colonists as slaves at the close of the Pequot War “could not endure that yoke; few of them continuing any considerable time with their masters”.[1126] Mayhew tells in 1690 of the tendency to run away shown by the Indian slaves of Massachusetts.[1127] Moses Marcy of Oxford, Massachusetts, had an Indian woman sold him by the general court prior to 1747. In that year he was discharged from his bond, she having “made way with herself after having tried to murder her mistress ... run off and not heard from since”.[1128] It is stated that the Indian female slaves of New England could not be taught to sew, to wash clothes, or to render any valuable domestic service;[1129] and that the Indian slaves of Rhode Island “only became efficient workmen under a stern and vigorous discipline”.[1130] Sir Robert Mountgomry, who advocated in 1717 the establishment of a colony south of Carolina, urged the use of indentured white servants, so that there might be “no necessity to use the dangerous help of Blackamoors or Indians”.[1131]

The various laws, already discussed in another connection, and the numerous newspaper advertisements show Indian slaves to have been as much given to running away as their negro companions. In fact it seems not unlikely that they were more inclined toward trying to escape, for the possible chance of returning to their own people offered greater inducements for such an act than in the case of negroes.

Indian slaves as well as negroes were implicated in the various slave disturbances which occurred from time to time in the different colonies. Though there seems no evidence that Indians were usually more instrumental than negroes in creating these disturbances, yet their not infrequent participation in such events tended to lower the colonists’ estimate of their value, and led to definite legislation seeking, by preventive measures and by decreeing severe punishments in case of conspiracies or uprisings, to avoid the danger which the colonists feared.

Legislation regarding slave conspiracies and uprisings was general throughout the English colonies from an early date. In some of these acts Indian slaves were expressly mentioned. In others they were included by implication in the general term “slaves” or in the expression “negroes and other slaves”. Reference will be made to only those acts which include Indian slaves by express mention. A South Carolina act of 1690 related to Indian and negro slaves striking a white person.[1132] The Spanish Indians were evidently considered especially undesirable, for an act passed in 1722 stated that “the importation of Spanish Indians, mustees, negroes and mulattoes may be of dangerous consequence....”[1133] In 1703, Massachusetts passed “an act to prevent disorder in the night”. The preamble reads: “whereas great disorders, insolences and burglaries are oftimes raised and committed in the night time by Indian, negro and mulatto servants and slaves....”[1134] As late as 1769 Connecticut passed an act relating to any disturbance created by “any Indian, negro, or mulatto slave.”[1135] The murder by an Indian man slave and a negro woman of an entire white family in Queens County, New York, led to the passage of an act, October 30, 1708, to prevent the conspiracy of Indian and negro slaves.[1136] A Philadelphia ordinance, also, of July 3, 1738, dealt with “the tumultuous meetings and other disorderly doings of the negroes, mulattoes and Indian servants and slaves within the city”.[1137]

A second class of colonial laws related to Indian slaves alone and show that in certain of the colonies the inhabitants, for definite reasons, feared the presence of too many Indian slaves among them. Such were the laws passed by the northern colonies at the time of the Tuscarora War, by which they sought by means of heavy duties to prevent the importation of such dangerous slaves.[1138] The preamble of the Massachusetts act of 1713, for example, reads: “Whereas divers conspiracies, outrages, barbarities, murders, burglaries, thefts and other notorious crimes and enormities, at sundry times, and especially of late, have been perpetuated and committed by Indian and other slaves within several of her majestie’s plantations in America, being of a malicious, surley and revengeful spirit, rude and insolent in their behaviour, and very ungovernable, the over-great number and increase whereof within this province is likely to prove of pernicious and fatal consequences to her majestie’s subjects and interest here unless speedily remedied, and is a discouragement to the importation of white Christian servants, this province being differently circumstanced from the plantations in the islands, and having great numbers of the Indian natives of the country within and about them, and at this time under the sorrowful effects of their rebellion and hostilities....”[1139] The Connecticut act passed in August, 1715, likewise for the purpose of checking the importation of Indians into the colony, is a transcript of the Massachusetts act and shows that the colonists considered a large Indian slave element in the population to be quite as undesirable as did the people of Massachusetts.[1140] The New Hampshire act of 1714 cited as a reason for checking the importation of Indians: “the over-great number and increase of such slaves within the province is likely to prove of fatal and pernicious consequences to her majesty’s subjects and interests here unless speedily remedied”.[1141] The Rhode Island act of July 5, 1715, similarly was passed to prevent the importation of Indian slaves, because “divers conspiracies, insurrections, rapes, thefts, and other execrable crimes have been lately perpetrated in this and the adjoining colonies by Indian slaves, etc.”[1142]

Again, it seems not unlikely that the use of hired Indian servants may have had something to do with the passing of Indian slavery, though the influence was probably slight. Very early in the history of the northern colonies, Indians were employed for wages. The need for laborers could thus be partly met at very little cost. A Frenchman residing in Boston in 1687, records the wages of such servants who worked in the fields as “a shilling and a half a day and board which is eighteen pence”.[1143]

The number of such Indians employed was generally small. As a hired laborer the Indian was no more reliable or trustworthy than as a slave. The keeping of Indians in the colonists’ families was always considered to be more or less dangerous. Massachusetts, in 1631,[1144] and Virginia, in 1661,[1145] required that all persons should get special licenses before employing Indians. In 1634, Winthrop and his son did so. Winthrop himself speaks of the “Indians which are in our families”,[1146] and mention of his Indian servant is found in other connections.[1147] As the colony grew stronger and the fear of the Indians passed away, other leading men of Massachusetts, such as Thomas Morton,[1148] the Reverend Mr. Pariss,[1149] Isaac Addington, secretary of the Council of Safety in 1714,[1150] and John Eliot[1151] employed such servants. The law was repealed in 1646, “there being more use of encouragement thereto than otherwise.”[1152] That a similar employment of Indians existed in Plymouth is seen by the act of 1651 which shows the danger to the colony in providing such servants with firearms.[1153] The Praying Indians hired themselves to the whites.[1154] The New England whale fisheries employed hired Indians, at least from 1670 to 1680.[1155] During the publication of the New Testament in Massachusetts in 1661, and the translation of the New and Old Testaments and the Psalms into the Indian language by John Eliot in 1663, Green, the printer, was assisted in his work by an Indian apprentice.[1156] In Little Compton, Massachusetts, hired Indians were largely engaged in building stone fences.[1157] In 1659 and 1660, the people of Connecticut were employing the Mohegan Indians in agricultural labor,[1158] and the use of hired Indians is reported in the colony in 1774.[1159] By 1731 most of the Indians remaining in Narragansett were servants in families.[1160] The records also of Southampton, New York, show the employment of Indians for hire.[1161]

It was a part of the Puritan missionary scheme to win the heathen to Christianity by employing them in their homes where they might be brought into contact with the workings of the Christian religion. In this manner they hoped to bring the savages to a state preparatory to conversion.[1162] Something of the same purpose was intended by the early Virginia colonists. Hence, in 1619, their first legislative assembly ordered that every plantation should procure Indian youths by just means for this purpose.[1163] In 1774, the governor of Connecticut, in reply to various inquiries made by the home government regarding conditions in the colony, stated that there were then 1,363 Indians in the colony, and that many of them dwelt in English families.[1164] A similar statement was made in 1731 by Dean Berkeley to the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts. He declared that nearly all the native Indians of Rhode Island were at that time servants or laborers for the English.[1165]

Some of the earliest of the indentured servants used in America, moreover, were Indians. Reference has already been made to the Massachusetts law of 1700 seeking to avoid the abuse of the custom. In 1674, Plymouth passed a law providing that both Indians who lived idly and those who did not pay their debts on conviction could be handed over to those to whom they were indebted or to others as bond servants.[1166] The Southold town records mention Indian apprentices in 1678.[1167] Indentured male and female Indians existed in Salem in 1685.[1168] Similar records of Indian apprentices and indentured servants exist for Rhode Island,[1169] Connecticut,[1170] New Jersey[1171] and New York.[1172] As a rule these bond servants were young, for they were then more easily trained and were more tractable and useful. In Virginia, in every agreement between Indian parents and whites, a covenant had to be entered into providing that the child be instructed in the Christian religion.[1173]

One of the most important causes for the passing of Indian slavery is found in the introduction of indentured white servants. Almost from the time of the earliest settlements these servants were an institution in the English colonies. Some of them were persons who entered voluntarily into temporary bond service to pay for passage to the new world.[1174] Some were prisoners of war.[1175] Others were convicts sent into exile for punishment.[1176] These white servants were so much desired by the colonists that requests were not infrequently sent to England for them.[1177] To encourage their voluntary coming, the colonial authorities sometimes offered them special inducements.[1178]

The number of such servants in the different colonies varied according to conditions in America and England. Naturally their number was greatest where their work was most needed.[1179] Whatever their condition before coming to America and whatever the reason for their coming,[1180] their productivity of labor, native intelligence and acquaintance with the customs and observances of civilization made them more desirable than Indian servants. There were forces, also, urging them to go to America, and forces in America drawing them there. So, until the development of the traffic in negroes, and their consequent greater use, the indentured white servants were for a while perhaps the leading factor in the decline of Indian slavery.

Another element that contributed greatly to the decline of Indian slavery was that furnished by negro slaves. The rapidly increasing number of negroes in each individual colony attested both the energy of trading companies and the desire of the colonies for the negro type of slave labor. Both indentured white servants and negro slaves, in fact, far outnumbered the Indian slaves. The sources from which the white servants and the negro slaves were drawn were well nigh inexhaustible, whereas the sources of Indian slavery were limited. From these limited sources, also, the colonists drew but in a small degree. White servants and negro slaves were obtained by peaceful means, but the acquisition of Indian slaves not infrequently meant danger to the colony. Behind the indentured white servants and the negroes there were powerful forces supplying them to the colonists in some cases even faster than they needed them. Both indentured white servants and negroes proved more easily fitted to the life and work required of them by their masters, their labor was more productive and they were more easily controlled.

Some idea of the relative values attached to Indian and negro slaves may be obtained by a comparison of the prices for which they were sold. In Massachusetts, for instance, record exists of the sale of an Indian man slave in Newbury, in 1649, for “the quarter part of a vessel”.[1181] Sewall records that on July 1, 1676, nine Indians were sold for £30.[1182] An inventory of 1690, on the other hand, appraised a single negro at £30.[1183] In the inventory of an estate in Ipswich, in 1683, “Lawrence ye Indian” was valued at £4.[1184] In the same town £5 was paid for an Indian boy and girl.[1185] The Reverend Mr. Thacher of Milton, in 1674, paid £5 down and £5 more at the end of the year for an Indian woman slave.[1186] An Indian girl brought £15 at Salem in 1710;[1187] whereas in the case of a cargo of negroes brought into Boston in 1727, as high as £80 was paid per head.[1188] In the settlement of an estate in Newbury, an Indian slave was valued at an early date at £20.[1189] In 1708, a South Carolina Indian boy was sold for £35.[1190] In 1713, a Spanish Indian boy was sold in the same town for £38.[1191] In 1725, a negro was sold in Newbury for £100, and three other negroes were valued at £132 6s. 8d. in colonial currency.[1192] In 1708, an Indian was sold at Salem for £32.[1193] An Indian girl was sold in the same town in 1710 for £15.[1194] A negro was appraised in the same town at £40.[1195] In 1764, a negro woman was sold for £8 13s. 4d.[1196] In Byfield a negro was listed in the inventory of an estate in 1689 at £60.[1197] A negro given to Cotton Mather in 1706 was purchased at an expense of £40 or £50.[1198] An Indian boy was valued in Boston in 1721 at £20, and an Indian girl at £10.[1199]

In Rhode Island the prices of Indian slaves were lower than those already mentioned, for here the Indians were sold into slavery for limited periods only. The average price at which Indians “great and small” were sold in the colony, was about thirty-two shillings. Some of the lot brought into Rhode Island at the close of King Philip’s War sold for twelve bushels of Indian corn, some for £2 10s. in silver, some for 100 pounds of wool, one for three fat sheep, two for twenty-two bushels of Indian corn.[1200] One sold in 1677 at Portsmouth for £4 10s.[1201] Indian slaves appear among other effects in the probate inventories. They were appraised at £8 and £10 each, while negroes were valued at from £60 to £80,[1202] with an average price of £50 for an able negro man and £40 for a woman.[1203] That is, a negro laborer was reckoned as the equivalent of five or six Indians.[1204] In 1718, three Indian children were worth £23.[1205] An inventory in 1723 valued the two years and ten months’ service of an Indian girl at £5.[1206]

The inventory of the estate of Gabriel Harris who died in 1684 in New London, Connecticut, contained the item: “An Indian maid servant, valued at £15.”[1207] An Indian slave of Wethersfield was appraised in 1662 at £24. A negress and child belonging to the same estate were at the same time appraised at £22.[1208] In Derby, Connecticut, an Indian woman, twenty-six years old, sold in 1722 for £60.[1209]

The inventory of a New Jersey estate, in 1714, included an Indian man valued at £11 5s.[1210] In another inventory, in 1725, an Indian woman was valued at £30.[1211] In 1711, an Indian woman and two children were valued at £100.[1212] Similar inventories valued an Indian girl in 1696 at £30;[1213] an Indian woman in 1724 at £30;[1214] an Indian boy in 1711 at £40;[1215] ... two Indian slaves in 1726 at £80; and two Indian slaves in 1730 at £50.[1216]

The account book of the executor of Thomas Smallcomb of York County, Virginia, 1646, contains the following items:[1217] “By two Indians sold by Sir William Berkeley, 600 lbs. By two Indians sold by Sir John Hammon, 500 lbs. By two Indians sold by Captain Thomas Petters, 600 lbs.” In the records of Surrey County, 1659, occurs the following deed: “Know all men by these presents, that I, King of Waineoakes, do firmly bargaine and make sale unto Eliz. Short, her heires, executors or Assignes a boy of my nacon, named Weetoppen, from the day and date herself untill the full terme of his life, in consideracon whereof I, the said Elizabeth Short, doth for myself, my heires, executors or Assignes ingage to deliver and make sale unto the above said kinge a younge horse foale, aged one yeare, in full satisfacon for above said boy to enjoy for her pper use forever. In witness thereof, wee ye above specified, have set our hands”.[1218]

The inventory of a North Carolina estate in 1693 valued a negro and his wife at £40, an Indian woman and her child at £15, and an Indian boy at £12.[1219] A bill of sale, March 5, 1711, shows an Indian between twenty and thirty-five years of age sold for £14.[1220] In 1713, the council of North Carolina decreed that “King Blount” might have eight Indians to ship to the West Indies at £10 per head.[1221] The average price for the Indian captives taken in the Tuscarora War and sold as slaves to the islands and the northern colonies appears to have been about £10 each.[1222]

A South Carolina law of 1719 states that an Indian slave was of much less value than a negro.[1223] The English of South Carolina, according to the French, were accustomed to pay (1714) the Indians fifteen pistoles for an Indian slave, while the French were able to purchase them for 115 livres.[1224] The English sold these slaves ordinarily for 300 or 400 livres.[1225]

A comparison of these prices paid for Indian slaves shows much variation at different times and places. In New England after the Indian wars the prices were low, for the chief object of the government was to get rid of the captives. In localities where the Indian’s labor was in greater demand the prices rose and appear to have been highest among the English of the southern colonies. When compared with sums paid for negroes at the same time and place, the prices of Indian slaves are found to have been considerably lower. In general the prices of slaves increased during the years preceding the Revolution, but the values of Indian slaves did not equal those of negro slaves.

During the existence of Indian slavery, furthermore, there was never any general expression of opinion regarding it either in England[1226] or America, nor are there many records of opinions expressed during the colonial period as to the right or wrong of enslaving the natives. The English colonists followed the Spanish custom of reducing the Indians to a condition of slavery, but neither the English colonists nor the English government heeded the example of the later policy of the Spanish government in looking upon Indian slavery as unjust and declaring it illegal.

That personal opinions favorable or unfavorable to the enslavement of Indians were not more generally expressed is not altogether strange. The enslavement was not premeditated nor did it spring into sudden existence throughout the English colonies, but began here and there in various colonies at various times and for various reasons. The custom of enslavement came from the necessity of disposing of war captives, from the greed of traders and from the demand for labor. Individuals in the colonies, such as officials of high rank and church leaders, who would naturally be expected to express an opinion either for or against the custom, themselves held Indian slaves quite as a matter of course, and found no necessity for discussing their action. Nor did the possession and employment of Indian slaves ever become sufficiently extensive to present any of the problems which later attracted the attention of the people and led to the opposition which overthrew negro slavery in several of the colonies, and incidentally, Indian slavery as well.

Yet throughout the history of Indian slavery certain expressions of opposition to the system, usually mild in nature, occurred from time to time. In the English colonies there was never any such earnest opponent to Indian slavery as the Spaniard, Las Casas, who argued directly against the enslavement of Indians from the standpoint of the injustice of reducing the natives to such a condition. Most of the opposition expressed in the English colonies was aimed at some specific instance of harsh treatment or cruel punishment of which enslavement was an incident; or it arose during the later colonial period as a part of the antagonism to slavery in general; or, as was the case in South Carolina, it revealed the attitude of one faction of the government toward the actions of another faction, and was not at all concerned in abolishing the practice of enslaving Indians as such.

The system adopted by Rhode Island at the time of King Philip’s War of using the captive Indians as involuntary indentured servants for short periods of years, was anticipated by the query expressed by Roger Williams in his letter to Governor Winthrop, September 18, 1637, as to whether the captive Indians whose lives were spared should not be retained in involuntary servitude for short periods of time and then be released.[1227] This spirit of opposition to the enslavement of Indian captives for life, shown by Rhode Island during both the Pequot and King Philip wars, was somewhat out of harmony with the spirit of the times. But it should be noted that this opposition was not the expression of the entire colony. During the Pequot War it represented the feeling of the “Liberal Party” against the enslavement of the captive Indians, and during King Philip’s War it resulted from the dominating influence of the Quaker element in the government.

The opposition of John Eliot to the enslavement of Indians during King Philip’s War was similar to that shown by Roger Williams during the Pequot War, though perhaps it was prompted by a more nearly unselfish and humanitarian motive. Throughout the war Eliot remonstrated strongly against selling the captive Indians into slavery. In a letter, June 13, 1675, to the governor and council at Boston, he stated his reasons for opposing the enslavement of the captives. He first urged a politic reason: that such enslavement was likely to prolong the war and bring still further disaster upon the land by rousing the Indians to renewed hostilities. He then emphasized the Christian attitude of mercy by asserting that it is the design of Christ “not to extirpate nations but to Gospelize them”. “To sell souls for money,” he continued, “seems to me a dangerous merchandise. To sell them away from all means of grace, when Christ has provided means of grace for them, is the way for us to be active in the destroying of their souls.” His plea for mercy was strengthened, also, by calling attention to the letters patent of the king which urged the Indians’ conversion rather than their destruction.[1228]

Some faint opposition to the enslavement of Indians was expressed by Samuel Sewall of Massachusetts in 1706, called forth by an act passed by Massachusetts against Indians and negroes. Perhaps something was accomplished by the protest, though the act either failed to pass or was repealed, since no trace of it remains.[1229]

In 1729, Ralph Sandiford published a work entitled: “The Mystery of Iniquity in a Brief Examination of the Practice of the Times.” In the dedication of his book, he speaks of going to South Carolina, and of refusing the bounty of a rich colonist there because his riches had been obtained through the labor of negro and Indian slaves. He declares that negroes and Indians who are the Lord’s freemen cannot be slaves to Christians.[1230] He further asserts that the matter he is aiming at is “this trading in mankind, which is pernicious to the Publick, but more especially to the common-wealth of Israel; which raised forth a zeal in Men for the House of the Lord, which would have even consumed men had not I witnessed against this rottenness and hypocrisy that would introduce itself amongst the saints, whereby, as way-marks, they lead many into the same corrupt practice which is contrary to the Principal of Truth, which is over the Heads of such Transgressors, that the Righteous in all Churches are undefiled with it, for their Bodies are the Temples of the Holy Ghost to dwell in, which they cannot defile with Babylon, who is Harloted from the Truth to feed upon the Flesh or receive nourishment from the blood of the poor Negro or Indian captive, or whomsoever ravenous Nature (which is the Beast’s work) has power to prey upon”.[1231]

Granville Sharp, in 1767, published in London a protest against slavery, in which he declared there could be no reasonable pretense for holding either negroes or Indians in slavery. In discussing the bringing about of a state of slavery through contract he declared that “in such a case there would still remain a great suspicion that some undue advantage had been taken of the Indians’ ignorance concerning the nature of such a bond.” Slavery he declared a “shameless prostitution and infringement on the common and natural rights of mankind.” Every inhabitant of the king’s realm, regardless of color, he declared to be the king’s subject, and asserted that no one, therefore, had a moral or legal right to enslave any such subject.[1232] If color were a basis for slavery, he argued, then in a short time any Englishman might be enslaved since there was but little difference between the complexion of a northern Indian and a white man.[1233]

Anthony Benezet, about 1750, began to express his opposition to slavery in the almanacs and newspapers of the day. After three separate publications dealing with slavery in general, he issued in 1784 a book entitled “Some Observations on the Situation, Disposition and Character of the Indian Natives of this Continent.” In this he refers to the kindness, hospitality and generosity of the Indians toward the English in the early days of trade, and laments the fact that “the adventurers from a thirst of gain overreached the natives”, so that the latter “saw some of their friends and relatives treacherously entrapped and carried away to be sold as slaves”.[1234]

Throughout the colonial period the Society of Friends showed more or less opposition to slavery, although the members of the Society held slaves. From 1688 a certain amount of agitation concerning the matter is apparent in the records of the various quarterly and yearly meetings in Pennsylvania and the Jerseys. In the records of the Philadelphia Yearly Meeting for the year 1719, is found the first mention of Indian slaves made in the minutes of the Yearly Meeting. In that year, after an earnest admonition to Friends to refrain from selling, trading or exchanging in any way any spirituous liquors with the Indians, the Yearly Meeting voted: “And to avoid giving them occasion of discontent, it is desired, that Friends do not buy or sell Indian slaves.”[1235] From the wording of the record it may be concluded that the basis for the Friends’ action was not the idea of any moral wrongdoing attached to the enslavement of Indians, but rather the possible harm that might come to the colony through the discontent which enslavement might cause among the free Indians. And, judging from the previous action of the Society taken with regard to slavery, it may also be concluded that this basis for the opposition to the trade in Indian slaves was used as a means of calling the immediate attention of its members to the matter, and that the reason for the opposition of the Meeting to trading in Indians was the same as that to negro slavery: “caution not censure”.[1236]

Some criticism was expressed in Massachusetts at the seizure of the Indians at Cocheco in 1676, and the subsequent transportation of part of the number captured by order of the government.[1237] Such criticism, however, was not aimed at the action of the government in selling the Indians as slaves, but at the breach of faith in seizing Indians at peace.

In South Carolina, as already observed,[1238] the proprietors sanctioned enslavement of Indians when carried on for their own financial benefit, and opposed it when carried on by the colonial authorities. The colonial officials favored the practice and carried it on both as a means of meeting colonial expenses and as a source of personal income. In this respect the action of the existing colonial government of South Carolina differs materially from that of the officials of any other colony. Nowhere else was the desire for personal gain a controlling cause for the disposal of captives taken in war and hence colonial property.

In contrast to these incidental expressions of personal opposition to the enslavement of Indians, stands the ownership and employment of them by leading colonists.[1239] The New Englanders not only bought Indians at the time of the Indian wars, but also sent requests to the colonial officials for them. Captain Stoughton wrote to Governor Winthrop from the scene of the Swamp Fight: “By this pinnace, you shall receive 48 or 50 women and children, unless there stay any here to be helpful, concerning which there is one, I formerly mentioned, that is the _fairest_ and _largest_ amongst them to whom I have given a coate to cloathe her. It is my desire to have her for a servant, if it may stand to your good liking, else not. There is a little squaw that steward Culacut desireth, to whom he hath given a coate. Lieut. Davenport also desireth one, to wit, a small one, that has three strokes upon her stomach.... He desireth her, if it will stand with your good liking. Sosomon, the Indian, desireth a young little squaw, which I know not.”[1240] The Reverend Hugh Peter also wrote to Governor Winthrop in 1637: “Mr. Endecot and my selfe salute you in the Lord Jesus, etc. Wee haue heard of a diuidence of women and children in the bay and would bee glad of a share viz: a young woman or girle and a boy if you thinke good: I wrote to you for some boyes for Bermudas, which I thinke is considerable.”[1241] In July, 1637, Roger Williams petitioned Governor Winthrop for an Indian as follows: “It having againe pleased the Most High to put into your hands another miserable droue of Adams degenerate seede, & our brethren by nature, I am bold (if I may not offend in it) to request the keeping & bringing vp of one of the children. I haue fixed mine eye on this litle one with the red about his neck, but I will not be peremptory in my choice, but will rest in your loving pleasure for him or any, &c.”[1242] The barrister, Emanuel Downing, writing to John Winthrop in 1645, clearly illustrates the view of his day. He says: “A warr with the Narraganset is verie considerable to this plantation, ffor I doubt whither yt be not synne in vs, hauing power in our hands, to suffer them to maynteyne the worship of the devill which their paw wawes often doe; 2lie, If vpon a Just warre the Lord should deliuer them into our hands, wee might easily haue men woemen and children enough to exchange for Moores, which wilbe more gaynefull pilladge for vs then wee conceive, for I doe not see how wee can thrive vntill wee gett into a stock of slaves sufficient to doe all our buisines, for our children’s children will hardly see this great Continent filled with people, soe that our servants will still desire freedome to plant for them selues, and not stay but for verie great wages. And I suppose you know verie well how wee shall maynteyne 20 Moores cheaper then one Englishe servant.”[1243]

In only a few of the English-American colonies were attempts made by legislative enactment to end Indian slavery as a system separate from negro slavery. The reasons for this fact are obvious. In the course of time Indian slavery became absorbed by the institution of negro slavery to such an extent that it attracted no attention. With the various colonial acts at the time of the Tuscarora War, which forbade the further importation of Indians into the northern colonies, the system was maintained only by the natural increase of the Indian slaves already in existence. So Indian slavery existed as an unimportant system along with and overshadowed by negro slavery until the spirit of opposition to the institution of slavery in general grew sufficiently strong to lead to legislation providing for the abolition of slavery in various colonies.

The first colony to take such legislative action was Virginia, but in this instance there is a slight possibility that the intent of the act to be discussed was quite different from what later interpretations have considered it to be. In 1691, “by implication rather than by the terms of the act”, Indian slavery was rendered illegal by an act authorizing a free and open trade for all persons, at all times and all places, with all Indians whatsoever.[1244] It is barely possible that the “legislature may have viewed the act as a treaty with a nation which, _ipso facto_, was recognized as of equal status as to freedom, while the treaty in no wise prevented subsequent enslavement of individuals sold by the nation itself to the whites, or of hostile captives, or of Indians not native North Americans as generally understood”.[1245] But it is generally considered that the act was intended, as it was later construed, to acknowledge the free condition of all Indians. If the colonists of the time so construed it, they intentionally disobeyed it and enslavement of Indians continued. In 1705, a similar act was passed with the same enacting clause.[1246] Cases arising later showed a similar failure to accomplish desired results.

In 1777, the assembly, when called to pass upon the matter, decided that no Indians brought into Virginia since the passage of the act of 1705, or their descendants, could be slaves in the commonwealth.[1247] At that time knowledge of the existence of the act of 1691 seems to have disappeared.[1248] Even after the decision of the assembly in 1777, the settlement of the matter was so far uncertain as to give rise to certain cases in law in 1792 and 1793, appealed from the County Court to the Court of Appeals to maintain the right to the services of the descendants of Indians enslaved after the passing of the act of 1705. In both these cases the higher court affirmed the decision of the lower courts which granted freedom to the Indians thus held as slaves, and which interpreted the act of 1705 as repealing all former acts permitting the existence of Indian slavery in the colony.[1249]

In 1806, the Supreme Court of the state decided that Indians had always been considered free persons in fact and in right, and that the presumption was that all Indians introduced into the state at any time, were _prima facie_ presumed to be free, or that, if the date of their introduction did not appear, the _prima facie_ presumption was that they were American Indians, or brought in after the act of 1705, and therefore free.[1250] In 1808, came the judicial recognition of the law of 1691. A Supreme Court decision of that year declared “that no native American Indian brought into Virginia since the year 1691 could under any circumstances lawfully be made a slave.” It was also held by the court that if a female ancestor of a person asserting a right to freedom, whose genealogy could be traced back to such ancestor by females only, be proved to have been an Indian, “it seems incumbent on those who claim such person as a slave to show that such ancestor, or some female from which she descended, was brought into Virginia between the years 1679 and 1691, and under circumstances which, according to the laws then in force, created a right to hold her in slavery.”[1251]

In the case of Butt _v._ Rachel _et al._, 1814, the plaintiffs claimed their freedom as descendants of a native female Indian who was brought into Virginia about the year 1747. The court instructed the jury that no native American Indian brought into Virginia since the year 1691, could, under any circumstances, be made a slave. The defendant claimed to hold the slaves on the ground that they were the descendants of a native American Indian woman who was held as a slave on the island of Jamaica, and brought to Virginia as a slave about the year 1747. The defendant moved the court to instruct the jury that a native American Indian held as a slave on the island of Jamaica by the laws of that island, might be held as a slave when imported into Virginia. The court refused so to do, and judgment was awarded the plaintiff. The case was appealed, but the court sustained the judgment.[1252]

Considering the possibility already mentioned that the act of 1691 may have been intended to apply only to Indians outside the colony and that it did not apply to those in the colony, either free or enslaved, and the fact that the later legislative action of 1777 and the cases in law already mentioned show that the law was either misconstrued or ignored, the acts of 1691 and 1705, so far as putting an end to Indian slavery in Virginia in colonial times is concerned, might as well have never existed.[1253]

At a later date, South Carolina also enacted laws which, by court decision, were interpreted to mean the abolition of Indian slavery. The act of 1740[1254] stated that “all negroes, Indians (free Indians in amity with this government, and negroes, mulattoes, or mestizoes who are now free, excepted), mulattoes, or mestizoes, who are now or who shall hereafter be in this province, and all their issue and offspring born, or to be born, shall be, and they are hereby declared to be and remain forever hereafter, absolute slaves, and shall follow the condition of the mother.” Under this provision it has been uniformly held that color was _prima facie_ evidence that the party bearing the color of a negro, mulatto or mestizo, was a slave; but the same _prima facie_ result did not follow from the Indian color, according to the decision of the courts.[1255] After the passage of the act, Indians and descendants of Indians were regarded as free Indians in amity with the government, until the contrary was shown. Elsewhere in the act of 1740 it is declared that “every negro, Indian, mulatto, and mestizo is a slave unless the contrary can be made to appear”, yet in the same act it is immediately thereafter provided—“the Indians in amity with this government excepted, in which case the burden of the proof shall lie on the defendant”, that is on the person claiming the Indian plaintiff to be a slave. This latter clause of the provision grew to be considered the rule, and so the race of slave Indians, or of Indians not in amity with the government, passed out of existence and the previous part of the provision lost its application.[1256]

By an act of May 18, 1652, passed by the Commissioners of Providence Plantations and Warwick, it was provided that “no black mankind, or white, being forced to covenant, bond or otherwise, serve any man or his assigns longer than ten years, or until they come to be twenty-four years of age, if they be taken under fourteen, from the time of their coming within the limits of this colony, and at the end or term of ten years to set them free, as the matter is with the English servants”.[1257] The act makes no mention of Indian slaves, doubtless because at this early date there were not enough in the colony to arouse interest in their condition.

When at the time of King Philip’s War Indian slaves were being transported by Massachusetts and distributed among the settlements, Rhode Island, March, 1676, passed a law concerning them similar to the law of 1652 relating to negroes. This act provided that “no Indian in this colony be a slave but only to pay their debts, or for their bringing up, or courtesy they have received, or to perform covenant, as if they had been countrymen not in war.”[1258]

In colonial New York it was customary to discriminate between the free natives of the colony and those brought from the Spanish West Indies. On December 5, 1679, it was voted at a council meeting that “all Indians here are free and not slaves, except such as have been formerly brought from the Bay of Campeachy and other foreign parts”, some of whom were slaves in the colony. Concerning such foreign Indians the act provided: “But if any shall be brought hereafter within the space of six months, they are to be disposed of as soon as may be, out of the government, but after the expiration of six months, all that shall be brought here from these parts shall be free”.[1259] On April 20, 1680, a decree of governor and council repeated this resolution as a formal order.[1260] Apparently no immediate attention was given to the enforcement of the law. Later some action regarding the matter was taken when the council, October 11, 1687, ordered that certain Spanish Indians brought from the Bay of Campeachy and sold as slaves in the colony should be set free.[1261] On July 30, 1688, the council again took up the question of foreign Indians. It was resolved “that all Indian slaves within this province subject to the King of Spain, that can give an account of their Christian faith and say the Lord’s Prayer, be forthwith set at liberty, and sent home by the first conveyance, and likewise them that shall hereafter come to the province.”[1262] On the same day the council rejected a petition of the owner to retain in the colony an Indian slave purchased outside the colony and brought to New York.[1263]

The numerous petitions to the governor to free such Indians from slavery, and his attitude in the matter, show the colonial authorities willing to stand by their legislation on the subject. On December 28, 1700, such a petition was presented by the mayor and aldermen of New York City to the governor, demanding the release of a free born Indian woman, a native of Curaçao, then held as a slave in New York.[1264] On July 15, 1703, Jacobus Kierstead, a mariner, of New York, petitioned the governor regarding an Indian brought by him from the West Indies and sold as a slave.[1265] Soon after Governor Hunter’s arrival in the province a petition was handed him on behalf of a number of free-born Spanish subjects thus held as slaves.[1266] Among the victims was one Stephen Domingo, a native of Carthagena, who had been held as a slave for eight years. Hunter became interested in the matter and wrote to the Board of Trade, June 23, 1712, that there were Spanish Indians in New York who had been unjustly kept there in slavery for many years. He discovered that one Husea and one John, both held as slaves and both engaged in the slave conspiracy of 1712, were brought to New York as prisoners of war taken from a Spanish vessel by a privateer; that they were Spanish-American Indians and subjects of the king of Spain, sold as slaves in New York and kept in bondage six or seven years “by reason of their color which is swarthy”. They declared they were sold among many others of the same color and the same country. These two Indians Governor Hunter reprieved awaiting the queen’s pleasure. The Indians who petitioned, though he “secretly pitied their condition”, he was unable to help as he had no other evidence than their words.[1267]

Rhode Island is the only other colony which took direct action concerning Spanish Indians, but even Rhode Island never put forth any general legislation on the matter. Special action was taken similar to that in New York. In 1746, the general assembly of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations voted to send back to the West Indies certain free subjects of the king of Spain who had been captured and sold in the colony as slaves.[1268] These, like the others mentioned, were captives taken in the recent war with Spain.[1269] Here, as in New York, the point involved was one of international importance, and the Indians concerned were considered, not as Indians but as the objects about which the point was raised.

The other colonies of the original thirteen which finally took legislative action to end the institution of slavery in general did not accomplish such action during the colonial period; so the conclusion remains that with the exception of Virginia, South Carolina, Rhode Island and New York, none of the colonies ever declared Indian slavery illegal.

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Holmes, Abiel. _American Annals_, etc. 2 vols. Cambridge, Mass., 1808.

Houck, Louis, _A History of Missouri from the Earliest Explorations_, etc. 3 vols. Chicago, 1908.

Hough, Franklin B., _A Narrative of the Causes which led to Philip’s Indian War of 1675 and 1676_, by John Easton of Rhode Island, etc. Albany, 1858.

Hough, Franklin B., _Papers relating to the island of Nantucket_, etc. Albany, 1856.

Howland, Edward, _Annals of North America_, etc. Hartford, 1877.

Hubbard, William, _A Narrative of the Indian Wars in New England from ... 1607 to ... 1677_, etc. Brattleborough, 1814.

Humphreys, David, _An Historical Account of the Incorporated Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts containing their Foundation, Proceedings, and the Success of their Missionaries in the British Colonies, to the Year 1728_. London, 1730.

Hurd, John Codman, _The Law of Freedom and Bondage in the United States_. 2 vols. Boston and New York, 1862.

Hutchinson, Thomas, _The History of the Colony of Massachusetts Bay from ... 1628 until ... 1691_. Second edition. 3 vols. London, 1765.

_Illinois State Historical Library Collections, Publications and Transactions._ Springfield, Ill., 1903–

Irving, Theodore, _The Conquest of Florida under Hernando de Soto_. 2 vols. London, 1835.

James, Alton J., _English Institutions and the American Indian_. (In _Johns Hopkins University Studies_, vol. xii.) Baltimore, 1894.

Jefferson, Thomas, _Notes on the State of Virginia_. London, 1787.

Johnson, W. D., _Slavery in Rhode Island: 1755–1776_. (In _Rhode Island Historical Society Publications_. New series, ii.)

Jones, Hugh, _The Present State of Virginia_, etc. London, 1724.

Josselyn, John, _An Account of Two Voyages to New England_, etc. London, 1675. (In _Massachusetts Historical Society Collections_. Series 5. Vol. iii.)

_Journal of the American Irish Historical Society._ Boston 1898–

Joutel, Henri, _A Journal of the Last Voyage Perform’d by Monsr. de laSale_, etc. Chicago, 1896.

Judd, Sylvester, _History of Hadley, including the Early History of Hatfield, South Hadley, Amherst and Granby, Massachusetts_. Northampton, 1863.

_Kaskaskia Records, 1778–1790._ (In _Illinois State Historical Library Collections_, vol. v.) Edited by Charles Walworth Alvord. Springfield, Ill., 1909.

Kennet, White, _An Account of the Society for Propagating the Gospel in Foreign Parts_, etc. London. 1706.

Kingsford, William, _The History of Canada_. 10 vols. Toronto and London. 1888–1898.

La Harpe, Benard de, _Journal Historique de l’Établissement des Français à la Louisiane_. New Orleans and Paris, 1831.

Laudun, Lavalette de, _Journal d’un Voyage à la Louisiane fait en 1720. Par M——, Capitaine de Vaisseau du Roi._ Paris, 1768.

Laverdière, C. Honoré, _Oeuvres de Champlain publiées sous le patronage de l’université Laval_. Seconde édition. 6 vols. Quebec, 1870.

Law, John, _The General History of Vincennes_, etc. Vincennes, 1858.

Law Reports: Courts of Connecticut (ed. by Ephraim Kirby, Litchfield, 1789); Massachusetts (ed. by Luther S. Cushing, Boston, 1859); New Jersey (ed. by George B. Halstead, Elizabethtown, 1849); Pennsylvania (ed. by A. J. Dallas, 2d. edition, Philadelphia, 1806-); South Carolina (ed. by J. S. G. Richardson, Columbia, 1845-; ed. by R. H. Spears, Charleston, 1860); Virginia (ed. by Bushrod Washington, Richmond, 1798; ed. by Benjamin W. Leigh, Richmond, 1831; ed. by William W. Hening and William Munford, 2d edition, Flatbush, N. Y., 1892).

Laws—

Connecticut:

_Acts and Laws of His Majesty’s English Colony of Connecticut in New England in America._ New London, 1750.

_Acts and Laws, Passed by the General Court or Assembly of His Majesty’s English Colony of Connecticut_, etc. New London, 1769.

_Acts and Laws of the State of Connecticut, in America._ New London, 1784.

Maryland:

Bacon, Thomas, Ed., _Laws of Maryland_, etc. Annapolis, 1765.

Maxcy, Virgil, Ed., _The Laws of Maryland_, etc. 3 vols. Baltimore, 1811.

Massachusetts:

_Colonial Laws of Massachusetts._ Edition of 1672. Reprinted. Boston, 1887.

_The Acts and Resolves, public and private, of the Province of the Massachusetts Bay_, etc. 17 vols. Boston, 1869–1910.

New Hampshire:

_Acts and Laws passed by the General Court or Assembly of His Majesty’s Province of New Hampshire in New England._ Boston, 1726.

_Acts and Laws of His Majesty’s Province of New Hampshire in New England ..._ Portsmouth, 1771.

_Laws of New Hampshire ..._ Edited by Albert Stillman Batchellor. Manchester, N. H., 1904.

New Jersey:

Allinson, Samuel, Ed., _Acts of the General Assembly of the Province of New Jersey from ... 1702 to ... 1776_. Burlington, N. J., 1776.

Elmer, Lucius Quintius Cincinnatus, _Digest of the Laws of New Jersey_, etc. Bridgeton, 1838.

Nevill, Samuel, Ed., _Acts of the General Assembly of the Province of New Jersey_. 2 vols. Philadelphia, 1752.

New York:

_Laws of New York from the Year 1691, to 1751, inclusive_, etc. New York, 1752.

_Colonial Laws of New York._ 5 vols. Albany, 1894.

North Carolina:

Martin, François-Xavier, Ed., _The Public Acts of the General Assembly of North Carolina, 1715–1803_. (A reprint and revision of the edition of James Irewell) 2 vols. Newbern, 1804.

Pennsylvania:

_The Laws of the Province of Pennsylvania_, etc. Philadelphia, 1714.

_The Statutes at Large of Pennsylvania._ 10 vols. Philadelphia, 1896.

Rhode Island:

_Laws and Acts made from the First Settlement of Her Majesties Colony of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations by the General Assembly of the said Colony_, etc. Providence, 1705.

_December, 1772. At the General Assembly of the Governor and Company of the English Colony of Rhode Island, and of Providence Plantations, in New England_, etc. Newport, 1772.

South Carolina:

Brevard, Joseph, _Digest of the Public Statute Law of South Carolina_. 3 vols. Charleston, 1814.

Grimké, Faucheraud, _The Public Laws of the State of South Carolina from its first Establishment as a British Province down to the Year 1790_, etc. Philadelphia, 1790.

_The Statutes at Large of South Carolina_; edited under authority of the Legislature, by Thomas Cooper and David J. McCord. 13 vols. Columbia, S. C., 1836–1875.

Trott, Nicholas, _Laws of the Province of South Carolina_. 2 vols. Charleston, 1736.

Virginia:

Hening, William Waller, _The Statutes at Large; being a collection of all the Laws of Virginia from the first session of the Legislature in the year 1619_. 13 vols. New York. 1823.

Lawson, John, _A New Voyage to Carolina_, etc. London, 1709.

Lawson, John, _The History of Carolina_, etc. Raleigh, 1860.

Leaming, Aaron, and Spicer, Jacob, _The Grants, Concessions and Original Constitutions of the Province of New Jersey_, etc. Second series. Philadelphia, 1881.

Lechford, Thomas, _Note-Book kept in Boston, Massachusetts Bay, from 1638 to 1641_. Cambridge, Mass., 1885.

Le Clercq, Chrétien, _First Establishment of the Faith in New France_; translated by J. G. Shea. 2 vols. New York, 1881.

Lee, Francis Bazley, _New Jersey as a Colony and as a State_, etc. 5 vols. New York, 1902.

Lescarbot, Marc, _Histoire de la Nouvelle-France, suivie des Muses de la Nouvelle-France_. Nouvelle édition. 3 vols. Paris, 1866.

Livermore, S. T., _A History of Block Island from its Discovery in 1714 to the Present Time, 1876_. Hartford, Conn., 1877.

Logan, John H., _A History of the Upper Country of South Carolina_. Charleston and Columbia, 1859.

Love, W. De Loss, _Samson Occom and the Christian Indians of New England_. Boston and Chicago, 1899.

Lowery, Woodbury, _The Spanish Settlements within the Present Limits of the United States, 1513–1561._ New York and London, 1901.

Lowery, Woodbury, _The Spanish Settlements within the Present Limits of the United States. Florida, 1562–1574_. New York and London, 1905.

Lowry, R. and McCardle, W. H., _A History of Mississippi from the Discovery of the Great River by Hernando de Soto_, etc. Second edition. Jackson, Miss., 1891.

Lyford, James O., Ed., _History of Concord, New Hampshire, from the Original Grant ... to the Opening of the Twentieth Century_. 2 vols. Concord, 1903.

McClintock, John W., _History of New Hampshire_. Boston, 1889.

McCormac, Eugene I., _White Servitude in Maryland, 1634–1820_. (In _Johns Hopkins University Studies_, vol. xxii.) Baltimore, 1904.

McCrady, Edward, _The History of South Carolina under the Proprietary Government, 1670–1719_. New York, 1897.

McCrady, Edward, _Slavery in the Province of South Carolina, 1670–1770_. (In _Annual Report of the American Historical Association for 1895_.)

_Magazine of American History with Notes and Queries._ New York, Chicago, 1877–

Marbois, Barbé, _The History of Louisiana_, etc. Translated by W. B. Lawrence. Philadelphia, 1830.

Margry, Pierre, _Découvertes et Établissements des Français dans l’Ouest et dans le Sud de l’Amérique Septentrionale_. 6 vols. Paris, 1879–1888.

Marshall, Orsamus H., _The Historical Writings of the late Orsamus H. Marshall relating to the Early History of the West, with an Introduction by William L. Stone_. Albany, 1887. (In _Munsell’s Historical Series_, vol. xv.)

Martin, François Xavier, _The History of Louisiana from the Earliest Period_. 2 vols. New Orleans, 1827–1829.

Martin, John Hill, _Chester and its Vicinity, Delaware County in Pennsylvania_. Philadelphia, 1877.

Mason, John, _A Brief History of the Pequot War_, etc. (In Orr’s _History of the Pequot War_.)

_Massachusetts Historical Society Collections._ Boston, 1806–

_Massachusetts Historical Society Proceedings._ Boston, 1879–

Mather, Cotton, _Diary, 1681–1708_. (In _Massachusetts Historical Society Collections_. Series 7. Vols. vii and viii.)

Mather, Cotton, _Magnalia Christi Americana_, etc. First American edition. 2 vols. Hartford, 1820.

Mather, Increase, _A Brief History of the War with the Indians in New England_, etc. Drake’s edition. Albany, 1862.

Mather, Increase, _A Relation of the Troubles which have happened in New England by reason of the Indians there_, etc. Boston, 1677. Reprinted in Drake’s _Early History of New England_, etc. Boston, 1864.

Mayhew, Experience, _Indian Converts or some Account of the Lives and Dying Speeches of a Considerable Number of the Christianized Indians of Martha’s Vineyard in New England_. London, 1727.

Meade, Bishop W., _Old Churches, Ministers and Families of Virginia_. 2 vols. Philadelphia, 1878.

_Medford Historical Register._ Medford, Mass., 1898–

_Mémoires des Commissaires du Roi et de Ceux de Sa Majesté Brittanique sur les possessions & les droits respectifs des deux Couronnes en Amérique._ 3 vols. Paris, 1755–1757.

_Mémoires et Documents Relatifs à l’histoire du Canada._ Published by La Société Historique de Montreal. 1859.

_Memoirs of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania._ 12 vols. Philadelphia, 1864–1876.

_Messages from the Governors [of the State of New York] comprising executive communications to the Legislature and other Papers relating to Legislation_, etc. Edited by Charles Z. Lincoln. 10 vols. Albany, 1909.

Michener, Ezra, _A Retrospect of Early Quakerism, being Extracts from the Records of Philadelphia Yearly Meeting and the Meetings Composing it. To such is prefixed an Account of their First Establishment._ Philadelphia, 1860.

_Michigan Pioneer and Historical Society Collections._ Lansing, 1877–

_Minutes of the Common Council of the City of New York._ 8 vols. New York, 1905.

_Mississippi Historical Society Publications._ Oxford, Miss., 1898–

Monette, John W., _History of the Discovery and Settlement of the Valley of the Mississippi ... until the year 1846_. 2 vols. New York, 1848.

Moore, Frank, _Materials for History printed from Original Manuscripts with Notes and Illustrations._ First series. New York, 1861.

Moore, George H., _Notes on the History of Slavery in Massachusetts_. New York, 1866.

Morgan, Edwin Vernon, _Slavery in New York_. (In _Historic New York_, vol. ii.) New York and London, 1899.

Morton, Nathaniel, _New England’s Memorial_, etc. Plymouth, Mass., 1826.

Morton, Thomas, _The New English Canaan_. (In _Prince Society Publications_, vol. ix.) Boston, 1883.

Munsell, J., _The Annals of Albany_. 10 vols. Albany, 1850–1859.

Murphy, Henry C., _The Voyage of Verazzano_, etc. New York, 1875.

_Narrative of Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca._ (In _Original Narratives of Early American History_.) New York, 1907.

_Narratives of the Expedition of Coronado_, by Pedro Castañeda. (In _Original Narratives of Early American History_.) New York, 1907.

Neill, Edward D., _History of Minnesota_. Philadelphia, 1858.

Neill, Edward D., _History of the Virginia Company of London_. Albany, 1869.

_New England Historical and Genealogical Register._ Boston, 1859.

_New England’s First Fruits; in respect, 1st of the Indians; 2nd of the Colledge at Cambridge_, etc. London, 1643. New York, 1865.

_New Hampshire Historical Society Collections._ Concord, 1824–

_New Jersey Archives._ Newark and other cities, 1880–

_New Jersey Historical Society Proceedings._ Newark, 1847–

Newspapers:

_The American Weekly Mercury._ _The Boston Gazette or Weekly Journal._ _The Boston Weekly Mercury._ _The Boston Weekly News Letter._ _The Boston Weekly Post Boy._ _The New England Courant._ _The New England Weekly Journal._ _The New York Gazette._ _The New York Weekly Mercury._ _The Pennsylvania Gazette._

_New York Historical Society Collections._ New York, 1811–

_North Carolina Colonial Records._ Raleigh, 1886–

_North Carolina Historical and Genealogical Register._ 3 vols. Edenton, N. C., 1900–1903.

Northrup, A. Judd, _Slavery in New York, A Historical Sketch_. (In _New York State Library Bulletin_. History, No. 4, May, 1900.) Albany, 1900.

O’Callaghan, Edmund Bailey, _The Documentary History of the State of New York_. 4 vols. Albany, 1849–1851.

O’Callaghan, Edmund Bailey, _Calendar of Historical Manuscripts in the Office of the Secretary of State, Albany, New York_. Pt. ii, English. Albany, 1866.

O’Callaghan, Edmund Bailey, _History of New Netherland; or New York under the Dutch_. 2 vols. New York, 1846–1848.

O’Gorman, Thomas, _A History of the Roman Catholic Church in the United States_. New York, 1895.

Oldmixon, J., _The British Empire in America_, etc. 2 vols. London, 1708.

O’Neall, John Belton, _The Negro Law of South Carolina collected and digested...._ Columbia, 1848.

Orcutt, Samuel, _The History of the Old Town of Derby, Connecticut_. Springfield, Massachusetts, 1880.

Orr, Charles, _History of the Pequot War_, etc. Cleveland, 1897.

Palfrey, John Gorman, _History of New England_. 5 vols. Boston, 1858–1890. _History of New England during the Stuart Dynasty._ 3 vols. Boston, 1858–1864. _A Compendious History of New England_, etc. 4 vols. Boston and New York, 1883.

_Parkman Club Papers_, Milwaukee, 1896.

Parkman, Francis, _The Discovery of the Great West_. Boston, 1874. _The Old Régime in Canada._ Boston, 1874. _The Conspiracy of Pontiac._ Boston, 1874. _A Half-Century of Conflict._ 2 vols. Boston, 1892. _Pioneers of France in the New World._ Boston, 1898.

_Pennsylvania Colonial Records._ 17 vols. Philadelphia, 1852–1860.

_Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography._ Philadelphia, 1877–

Perry, William Stevens, _Historical Collections relating to the American Colonial Church_. 5 vols. Hartford, 1870–1878.

Perry, William Stevens, _The History of the American Episcopal Church, 1587–1883_. 2 vols. Boston, 1885.

Pickett, Albert James, _History of Alabama, and incidentally of Georgia and Mississippi_. Birmingham, 1900.

Pittman, Captain Philip, _The Present State of the European Settlements on the Mississippi_, etc. Edited by Frank H. Hodder. Cleveland, 1906.

_Plymouth Colony Records._ Edited by N. B. Shurtleff. 12 vols. Boston, 1855–1861.

Poore, Benjamin Perley, _The Federal and State Constitutions, Colonial Charters and other organic laws of the United States_. 2 vols. Washington, 1877.

Porter, William S., _Historical Notices of Connecticut_, published under the patronage of the Connecticut Historical Society. Hartford, 1842.

_Present State of the Country and Inhabitants, European and Indian of Louisiana on the North Continent of America._ By an officer at New Orleans to his friends at Paris. London, 1744.

Prince, Thomas, _A Chronological History of New England in the Forms of Annals_. 5 vols. in one. Edinburg, 1887.

_Proceedings of the Commissioners of Indian Affairs, appointed by Law for the extinguishment of Indian titles in the State of New York_, etc. 2 vols. Albany, 1861.

_Professional and Industrial History of Suffolk County, Massachusetts._ 3 vols. Boston, 1894.

_Publications of the Prince Society._ Boston, 1865–

Purchas, Samuel, _Hakluytus Posthumus or Purchas His Pilgrimes_, etc. 20 vols. Glasgow and New York, 1905.

Ramage, B. J., _Local Government and free schools in South Carolina_. (In _Johns Hopkins University Studies_, vol. i.) Baltimore, 1883.

Rambaut, Thomas D., _A Sketch of the Constitutional History of Canada_. New York, 1884.

Raper, Charles Lee, _North Carolina, A Study in English Colonial Government_. New York, 1904.

_Records of the Colony of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations in New England._ 10 vols. Providence, 1856–1865.

_Records of the Court of Assistants of the Colony of Massachusetts Bay._ 2 vols. Boston, 1901–1904.

_Records of the Governor and Company of Massachusetts Bay in New England._ Edited by N. B. Shurtleff. 5 vols. Boston, 1854.

_Records of the Town of Southampton._ 4 vols. Sag-Harbor, N. Y., 1874.

_Records of the Towns of North and South Hempstead, Long Island, New York._ Edited by B. D. Hicks. 5 vols. Jamaica, 1896–1904.

_Reports of Record Commissioners on Providence Town Records._ 5 vols. in four. Providence, 1892–1897.

_Rhode Island Historical Society Collections._ Providence, 1827–

_Rhode Island Historical Society Publications._ Providence, 1893–

_Rhode Island Historical Tracts._ Providence, 1877–

Richman. Irving Berdine, _Rhode Island, its Making and its Meaning_, etc. 2 vols. New York and London, 1902.

Rivers, William J., _A Sketch of the History of South Carolina to the Close of the Proprietary Government ... 1719_, etc. Charleston, 1856.

Rivers, William J., _Topics in the History of South Carolina_. Charleston, 1850.

Robinson, Conway, _An Account of Discoveries in the West until 1519 and of Voyages to and along the Atlantic Coast of North America from 1520 to 1573_. Richmond, 1848.

Rosier, James, _A True Relation of the most Prosperous Voyage made this present year, 1605, by Captain George Weymouth in the Discovery of the Land of Virginia_. London, 1605. (In _Massachusetts Historical Society Collections_. Series 3. Vol. viii.)

Ross, Peter, _A History of Long Island from its earliest settlement to the present time_. 3 vols. New York, 1903.

Rowland, Dunbar, _Encyclopedia of Mississippi History_. 2 vols. Madison, 1907.

Rupp, I. Daniel, _History of Lancaster County_, etc. Lancaster, Pa., 1844.

Sagard-Theodat, Gabriel, _Histoire du Canada ... depuis Van 1615; avec un dictionnaire de la langue huronne_. New edition. Paris, 1866.

Sainsbury, Noël, Ed., _Calendar of State Papers_. Colonial series. London, 1860–

Salone, Émile, _La Colonisation de la Nouvelle-France_, etc. Deuxième édition. Paris, 1906.

Salley, A. S., _Journals of the Grand Council of South Carolina_, August 25, 1671 to June 24, 1680. Columbia, 1907. _Journal of the Commons House of Assembly of South Carolina ..._ September 20, 1692 ... October 15, 1692. Columbia, 1907. _Journals of the Commons House of Assembly for South Carolina for ..._ 1693. Columbia, 1907. _Journal of the Commons House of Assembly of South Carolina ..._ January 30, 1696 to ... March 17, 1696. Columbia, 1908.

Sanborn, Frank B., _New Hampshire, An Epitome of Popular Government_. Boston and New York, 1904.

Sandiford, Ralph, _The Mystery of Iniquity in a Brief Examination of the Practice of the Times_. Philadelphia, 1730.

Schaper, William A., _Sectionalism and Representation in South Carolina_. Washington, 1901.

Scharf, Thomas, _History of Delaware, 1609–1888_. 2 vols. Philadelphia, 1888.

Scharf, Thomas, _History of Westchester County, New York, including Morrisania, King’s Bridge, and West Farms_, etc. 2 vols. Philadelphia, 1886.

Scharf, Thomas, and Westcott, Thompson. _History of Philadelphia._ 3 vols. Philadelphia, 1884.

Schoonmaker, Marius, _The History of Kingston_. New York, 1888.

Schuyler, George W., _Colonial New York, Philip Schuyler and his Family_. 2 vols. New York, 1885.

Sewall, Samuel, _Diary_. (In _Massachusetts Historical Society Collections_. Series 5. Vol. v, vii.) Boston, 1878–1882.

Sharp, Granville, _Extract from a Representation of the Injustice and Dangerous Tendency of Tolerating Slavery or Admitting the least Claim of Private Property in the Persons of Men in New England_. London, 1769. Philadelphia, 1771.

Shea, John Gilmary, _Discovery and Exploration of the Mississippi Valley_, etc. New York, 1853. _Early Voyages up and down the Mississippi_, etc. Albany, 1861. _The Catholic Church in Colonial Days._ New York, 1886.

Sheldon, George, _1636—Pocumtuck—1886. A History of Deerfield, Massachusetts_, etc. 2 vols. Deerfield, Mass., 1895.

Shipp, Barnard, _The History of Hernando de Soto and Florida; or Record of the Events of fifty-six years from 1512 to 1568_. Philadelphia, 1881.

Simms, William Gilmore, _The History of South Carolina_, etc.

Smith, George, _History of Delaware County, Pennsylvania from the Discovery_, etc. Philadelphia, 1862.

Smith, John, _A Description of New England_, etc. (In _Massachusetts Historical Society Collection_. Series 3. Vol. vi.) Boston, 1836.

Smith, T. Watson, _The Slave in Canada_. (In _Nova Scotia Historical Society Collections_. Vol. x, 1896–1898.) Halifax, N. S.

_South Carolina Historical and Genealogical Magazine._ Charleston, 1900–

_South Carolina Historical Society Collections._ Charleston, 1857–

Sparks, Edwin Erle, _The Record of a Lost Empire in America_. (In “_The Chatauquan_.” Vol. xxxiii.) Cleveland, 1901.

Staples, William R., _Annals of the Town of Providence from its first Settlement_, etc. (In _Rhode Island Historical Society Collections_. Vol. 5.) Providence, 1843.

_State of the British and French Colonies in North America_, etc. London, 1755.

Steiner, Bernard Christian, _A History of the Plantation of Menunkatuck and of the Original Town of Guilford, Connecticut, comprising the present Towns of Guilford and Madison_, etc. Baltimore, 1897.

Steiner, Bernard Christian, _History of Slavery in Connecticut_. (In _Johns Hopkins University Studies_, vol. xi.) Baltimore, 1893.

Stiles, Henry Reed, _The History and Genealogies of Ancient Winsor, Connecticut_, etc. New York, 1859. _A History of the City of Brooklyn_, etc. 3 vols. Brooklyn, 1867–1870. _The History of Ancient Wethersfield, Connecticut_, etc. 2 vols. New York, 1904.

Stoddard, Amos, _Sketches, Historical and Descriptive of Louisiana_. Philadelphia, 1812.

Stroud, George M., _A Sketch of the Laws relating to Slavery in the several States of the United States of America_. Second edition. Philadelphia, 1856.

Sumner, William Hyslop, _A History of East Boston with Biographical Sketches of its Early Proprietors and an Appendix_. Boston, 1858.

Sylvester, Herbert Milton, _Indian Wars of New England_. 3 vols. Boston, 1910.

Tanguay, Cyprien, _A Travers les Registres_. Montreal, 1886.

Thacher, James, _History of the Town of Plymouth from ... 1620 to ... 1832_. Boston, 1832.

Thevet, André, _La Cosmographie Universelle_, etc. 2 vols. Paris, 1575.

Thomas, Cyrus, _The Indians of North America in Colonial Times_, Philadelphia, 1903.

Thwaites, Reuben Gold, Ed., _The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents_. 73 vols. Cleveland, 1896–1901. _Father Marquette._ New York, 1902. Ed., _Early Western Travels, 1748–1846_. 32 vols. Cleveland, 1904. Ed., _New Voyages to North America by the Baron de La Hontan_. 2 vols. Chicago, 1905.

Tiffany, Charles, _A History of the Protestant Episcopal Church in the United States of America_. New York, 1895.

Tooker, William Wallace, _John Eliot’s first Indian Teacher and Interpreter, Cockenoe-de-Long Island, and the Story of his Career from the Early Records_. New York, 1896.

Trott, Nicholas, _Laws of the British Plantations in America relating to the Church and the Clergy, Religion and Learning_. London. 1721.

Tucker, St. George, _A Dissertation on Slavery_. Philadelphia, 1776.

Updike, Wilkins, _History of the Episcopal Church in Narragansett, Rhode Island, including a History of other Episcopal Churches in the State_, etc. New York, 1847.

Usher, James M., _History of the Town of Medford, Middlesex County, Massachusetts_, etc. Boston, 1886.

Van Rensselaer, Mrs. Schuyler, _History of the City of New York in the Seventeenth Century_. 2 vols. New York, 1909.

_Vestry Book and Register of Bristol Parish, Virginia, 1720–1789._ Richmond, 1898.

_Virginia Company of London, Abstract of the proceedings ... 1619–1624, prepared from the records in the library of Congress_, by C. Robinson and edited by R. A. Brock. 2 vols. (In _Virginia Historical Society Collections_, 1888–1889.) Richmond.

_Virginia Historical Society Collections._ Richmond, 1882–

_Virginia Magazine of History and Biography._ Richmond, 1894–

_Votes and Proceedings of the House of Representatives of the Province of Pennsylvania_, etc. 6 vols. Philadelphia, 1752–1776.

Walker, George Leon, _History of the First Church in Hartford, 1633–1883_. Hartford, 1884.

Wallace, Joseph, _History of Illinois and Louisiana under French rule_, etc. Cincinnati, 1893.

Washburn, Emory, _Historical Sketches of the Town of Leicester, Massachusetts, during the first century from its settlement_. Boston, 1860.

Waters, Thomas Franklin, _Ipswich in the Massachusetts Bay Colony_. Ipswich, Mass., 1905.

Watson, John F., _Annals and Occurrences of New York City and State in the Olden Time_, etc. Philadelphia, 1846.

Watson, John F., _Annals of Philadelphia and Pennsylvania in the Olden Time_. 2 vols. Philadelphia, 1857.

Weeden, William Babcock, _Early Rhode Island, a social History of the People_. New York, 1910.

Weeden, William Babcock, _Economic and Social History of New England, 1620–1789_. 2 vols. Boston and New York, 1894.

Weise, Arthur James, _The History of the City of Albany, New York_, etc. Albany, 1884.

Wheeler, Jacob O., _A Practical Treatise of the Law of Slavery_. New York and New Orleans, 1737.

William and Mary College Quarterly. Vols. vi, and viii. Richmond, 1898 and 1900.

Williamson, _The History of North Carolina_. 2 vols. Philadelphia, 1812.

Williamson, William Durkee, _The History of the State of Maine ... to ... 1820_. 2 vols. Hallowell, 1832.

Wilson, Daniel Munro, _Where American Independence Began. Quincy, its famous Group of Patriots; their Deeds, Homes and Descendants._ Boston and New York, 1902.

Winfield, Charles H., _History of the County of Hudson, New Jersey_, etc. New York, 1874.

Winsor, Justin, _The Memorial History of Boston including Suffolk County, Massachusetts, 1630–1880_. 4 vols. Boston, 1880. _Narrative and Critical History of America._ 8 vols. Boston, 1886–1889. _The Mississippi Basin._ Boston and New York, 1895.

Winthrop, John, _Journal History of New England_, 1630–1649. (In _Original Narratives of Early American History_.) 2 vols. New York, 1908.

Winthrop, Robert, _Life and Letters of John Winthrop_. 2 vols. Boston, 1864.

_Wisconsin Historical Society Collections._ Madison, 1855–

_Year Book of the Society of Colonial Wars in the Commonwealth of Massachusetts._ Boston, 1897–

_Year Books, City of Charleston._ Charleston, South Carolina, 1880–

Young, Alexander, _Chronicles of the Pilgrim Fathers of the Colony of Plymouth from 1602 to 1625_, etc. Second edition. Boston, 1844.

MANUSCRIPT MATERIAL

Allen, Ethan, _Calendar of Maryland State Papers_. In the Library of the Maryland Historical Society.

_Bancroft Papers relating to Carolina._ In the New York City Library.

_Baptismal Register of Mobile, Alabama, from 1704 to 1740._ In the Cathedral at Mobile.

_Journal of the Board of Trade._ In the Public Record Office, London.

_Louisiana Historical Society Transcripts._ New Orleans, La.

_Massachusetts Manuscript Records._ In the State House at Boston.

_Mississippi Manuscript Records._ Jackson, Miss.

_Notes et Documents Historiques de la Louisiane._ Transcript in the library of the Louisiana Historical Society. New Orleans, La.

_Records of the Friends’ Yearly Meeting of Pennsylvania and the Jersies._ Philadelphia Meeting House.

_Records of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts._ In the Society’s Building. London.

_Selection of Christian and Brotherly Advices given forth from Time to Time by the Yearly Meeting of Friends for Pennsylvania and New Jersey held alternately at Burlington and Philadelphia: alphabetically digested under Proper Heads._ Philadelphia Meeting House.

_South Carolina Manuscript Records._ Columbia, S. C.

_Transcripts_ in the library of Mr. Peter J. Hamilton of Mobile, Ala.

INDEX

Acolapissa, Indian tribe, attacked and enslaved by Chickasaw and English, 185

Abnaki, Indian tribe, take slaves from Illinois, 70

Adoption, 43

Addington, Isaac, secretary of council of safety, 293; hires Indians, 293

Advertisements of Indian slaves, 243, 244

Agona, chief, seized by Cartier, 72

Agriculture, 36, 83

Alabama, tribe, enslave and sell Mobile Indians, 75

Algonquin, nation, hold Indian slaves, 28

Albany, common council, act concerning fugitive slaves, 221; treaty of, 202; restrictions on slaves, 260

Alcaldes, enslave Indians, 61

Altamaha, tribe, 75

Amalgamation, cause of decline of slavery, 107, 287

Anastasius, Father, given an Indian girl, 81

Antilles, discovery, 48

Apache, tribe, enslaved by Choctaw, 30

Apalache, tribe, enslaved by Carolina settlers, 120, 121; attacked by English Indians, 171; attack missions of Santa Catalina and Santa Fé, 179

Archdale, John, governor of South Carolina, tries to check trade in Indians, 178

Archbishop of Canterbury, 268

Aricara, tribe, 31

Arizona, 30, 60

Arkansas, tribe, 27, 64, 70, 75

Assembly, of South Carolina, takes up matter of trade in Indians, 180–185; of Virginia regarding Indian slaves, 186

Athapascan, hold slaves, 33

Atlantic slope, Indian slavery in, 25

Awanthonks, squaw sachem, 148

Azores, Indians carried to, 125, 127

Bacon, sells captives as slaves, 119; instigates assembly to legalize enslavement of Indians, 131

Bacon, Lord, sees Indians in England, 154

Bannister, Mr., before Board of Trade, 188

Baptism, of Indian slaves, 88, 89; relation to freedom, 267–275

Barbadoes, governor of, sends Indians back to Massachusetts, 167; South Carolina sends Indians to, 202

Barnwell, Colonel, expedition to Florida, 120; expedition to North Carolina, 122

Barter, 27, 37, (see trade)

Bartram, on Indian slaves, 35, 42

Bellomont, Governor, reports on religious conditions of slaves, 272

Bermudas, Indian slaves carried to, 124, 127, 202

Benezet, Anthony, opposed to Indian slavery, 307

Berkeley, Dean, on decrease of number of Indians, 286; on Indians as hired servants, 294

Berkeley, Sir William, on conditions in Virginia, 108; sells Indian captives, 119; proposes enslavement of Indians, 131; buys Indian slaves, 301

Bienville, commandant at New Orleans, 28, 64; orders Canadian French to stop urging Indians to war, 78; proposes exchanging Indians in West Indies for negroes, 78, 97; sells Indians to English, 78; complains of neglect of agriculture in Louisiana, 84; states that French colonists desire negroes, 97; arranges peace between Choctaw and Chickasaw, 173

Birth, method of enslavement, 207

Birth-rate, decreased, cause of decline of Indian slavery, 285

Blackfeet, tribe, slavery among, 45

Block Island, slaves in, 110

Blount, Tom, chief, receives Indian captives as slaves as reward for aiding English, 133

Board of Commissioners, appointed by South Carolina to deal with trade in Indians, 181; attempts to check traders, 183

Board of Trade, reports to, 111, 118

Bossu, journey of, 70

Boston News Letter, beginning of, 218; advertises runaways, 218

Boston, slaves in, 109, 126, 180, 187, 274, 299; prohibitions on slaves, 260

Bradford, on number of Indians, 284

Branding, punishment, 261

Bressani, Father, captured by Iroquois, 47

Bristol Parish, Virginia, Indian slaves in, 229

British Columbia, Indian slavery in, 46

Cabo de Santa Elena, Cape, 53

Cabot, Sebastian, kidnaps Indians, 154

Cadadaquiou, tribe, enslaved, 30

Cadillac, report concerning Indian slaves, 78

Cahouita, tribe, enslaved, 75

Calicott, Richard, has Indian slave, 243

California, 33; missions, 59, 60

Canada, acquisition of, 64; population of, 93

Capawick (Martha’s Vineyard), 157

Cape Fear, Indians kidnapped, 159, 197

Cape François, Indians sent to, 67, 68

Capitulation of Montreal, 64, 93

Carolina, Indians captured, 29; Indians exported from, 117; coureurs de bois sell Indians into, 168; French idea concerning policy of, 171

Carondelet, Baron, orders slaves to remain with owners, 58

Cartier, kidnaps Indians, 71, 72; receives Indians as gifts, 79; uses Indian slaves as guides, 82

Catawba tribe, reduced in numbers, 287

Cenis, tribe, have slaves, 34, 37, 38

Champigny, sends Indians to France, 73

Champlain, given Indians by a chief, 80

Charity, Indian girl given Champlain, 80

Charleston, Indian slaves in, 109, 121, 180

Chat, tribe, enslaved, 29

Cherokee, tribe, abolish slavery, 46; hostile to English, 136; treaty with, 136; demand that English give up enslaved members of their tribe, 137; sold as slaves, 137; complain that tribes prey on each other for slaves, 170; other tribes join with, 287

Chester County, Pennsylvania, Indian slaves in, 116

Chickasaw, tribe, war with French, 69; slave of Bienville, 86; prey on tribes for captives to sell, 30, 171; allies of English, 34, 171; French try to destroy alliance of, 171; lose 500 prisoners in ten years, 172; obtain slaves from distant nations, 172; French attempt to make them friends of Choctaw, 173; attack Choctaw, 173; enslave Shawnee, 173; armed by English of Virginia, 185

Children, sold for food, 26

Chimmesyan, tribe, 33

Chinook, tribe, slavery among, 46

Chinookan, tribe, 33

Choctaw, tribe, enslave other Indians, 30, 75; friends of French, 33; allies of English, 171; lose 800 prisoners in ten years, 172; French attempt to make them friends of Chickasaw, 173

Chouman, tribe, 34

Church, sanctions slavery, 48; missionary labors of, 87

Church, Captain Benjamin, receives Indians to transport, 140; instructed to go against Indians, 142; to distribute captives among soldiers, 142; to receive captives from governor of Rhode Island, 142

Church act, 269

Cibola, 31, 52

Clermont, Sieur Pierre, manumits Indian slave, 95

Clinton, Governor, on Indian slaves in New York, 114; tries to prevent abuse of apprenticeship, 206

Clothing of slaves, 42, 251–252

Cocheco, seizure of Indians at, 147, 309

Code Noir, 90, 102.

Collacot, Sergeant, agreement of Massachusetts with, 222

Colonists, of Louisiana, character of, 82; used slave women as mistresses, 82

Columbia River country, Indian slavery in, 33, 45, 46

Columbus, enslaves Indians, 48

Comanche, tribe, 86

Company, of the Indies, 64; of the West, 102; of Providence Islands, 125

Compostella, 54

Concessions, negroes on, 102

Congaree, tribe, preys on weaker tribes, 170

Corannine, tribe, destruction of, 287

Cosmé, owns Indian slave, 81

Connecticut, slaves in, 110, 111, 123, 128, 130–131; act against importing Indians, 189–191; enslaves Indians as punishment, 206; restricts Indian slaves, 260; favors religious instruction of slaves, 275; exchanges Indian slave for land, 277; regulates manumission, 281; regulates action of slaves, 290; finds Indian slaves unsatisfactory, 291; hired Indians in, 294; indentured Indians in, 295

Cooks, hired Indians as, 243; Indian slaves as, 243

Copper, object of barter, 27

Cornbury, Governor, on fugitive slave law, 221; helps in conversion of slaves, 268

Coronado, Francisco Vasquez de, 31, 52, 53; uses Indian slaves as guides, 55

Council, Indian, 40, 42; grand council of South Carolina sends agents to remove Indian slaves from plantations, 175; opposed to proprietors, 176

Coureurs de bois, stir up tribes, 64; purchase Indians, 75, 76, 77, 78, 168; Indianized Frenchmen, 87; trade, 96

Cramoisy, on Indian slaves, 86

Creeks, tribe, enslaved by Indians, 121; other tribes join with, 287

Crows, tribe, slavery among, 45

Cruzat, Lieutenant-governor, proclamation of against enslavement of Indians, 58

Culacut, Steward, desires Indian slaves, 310

Cutler, Reverend Timothy, reports on religious condition of slaves in Boston, 274

Dartmouth, Indians, seized by Plymouth, 146

Davenport, Lieutenant, desires Indian slave, 310; Reverend John, on Indian slaves, 209

Dealers, in Indians state reasons for traffic, 177

Death, punishment, 261

De Ayllon, cédula issued to, 49; sends expedition, 53

De Beauharnois, governor of Canada, 94

De Boucherville, journey to Canada, 32

De Bourgmont, 32, 64; purchases Indians, 74, 80; sends Indian slaves to New Orleans, 74; uses slave as interpreter, 82; uses slaves as bribes and rewards, 86

Decline of Indian slavery, 59, 96–102, 281–319

Deer Island, Indians sent to, 143

De Figueroa, Vasco Porcallo, 52

De la Barre, expedition against Iroquois, 85

De Leon, patent of, 49; proclamation of, 50

Le Lignery, proposes that tribes exchange slaves, 38

De Louvignery, demands slaves of Fox Indians, 71

De Morfi, Fray Agustin, describes mission, 61

De Narvaez, 51; collapse of expedition, 53

De Niza, Fray Marcos, 52

Denonville, expedition against Iroquois, 85

Derby, Indian slaves in, 300

Detroit, 38, 75; slavery in, 93, 99

De Vaca, Cabeza, enslaved, 46; on Indian slavery, 54

De Vaudreuil, governor-general of Canada, demands slaves from tribes, 70

Disease, cause of decline of Indian slavery, 41, 96, 283, 285

Doagges, tribe, 131

Dongan, Governor, report on religious condition of slaves, 272

Donnés, 66

Dubuisson, 38

Du Chapart, governor of Ft. Rosalie, 67

Dudley, Governor, report on slaves, 109

Duke’s Laws, on baptism of slaves, 272

Du Luth, 38; expedition, 74; given Indian slaves, 81; uses slave as guide, 82

Dunmore, Earl of, authorizes court for trial of slaves, 256

Dunn, pastor of South Carolina parish, to S. P. G. F. P., 267

Du Pont, receives Indian as gift, 80

Dutch, enslave and transport Indians, 112–113

Du Tisné, 28, 31, 73, 74; mediates peace between Pawnee and Padouca, 31

East Nottingham, Pennsylvania, Indian slaves in, 116

Eliot, John, redeems Indian slaves sold abroad, 128; hires Indians, 293; translates Bible, 293; opposed to Indian slavery, 305; has Indian slave as tutor, 243

Employment of Indian slaves, 35–39, 55, 83–86, 242–249

Endicot (Endecot), desires Indian slave, 310

England, rival power, 71

Erie, tribe, enslaved, 29

Esaw, tribe, prey on western tribes, 170

Esclavos, Indian community, 25

Esquimaux, enslaved, 28

Eyanoco, chief, has white slaves, 46

Faith, Indian girl given to Champlain, 80

Famine, cause of slavery, 26, 41

Fayal, one of Azores, 125; Indians carried from Plymouth to, 125; Indians seized by Laughton carried to, 161

Fishing, employment of Indian slaves, 37

Flathead, tribe, 32

Florida, 27, 29, 30, 48, 51, 52, 59; free Indians in, 284

Fontaine, Reverend Peter, advocates intermarriage of whites and Indians, 252

Fontanedo, 48

Food, of slaves, 42

Forbes, account of church in Virginia, 269

Fort Carolina, 79

Fort Royal, 119

Fox, tribe, war with French, 69, 71; valley, 87

France, 66, 71; Indians carried to, 71, 72; laws of, 89; sends indentured white servants to America, 100; sends negroes to America, 101

Franciscans, 59

Friends, own Indian slaves, 115–116; opposed to Indian slavery, 307

Friends’ yearly meeting, action on slavery, 116

Freedom, of slaves, 42, 43, 44, 45 (see manumission.)

Fremin, Father, 35

Frobisher, kidnaps Indians, 155

Fugitive slave law, 220; in articles of confederation of United Colonies, 224

Fundamental Constitutions of Carolina, 269

Fur trade, 73, 74; connected with purchase of slaves from Indians, 168

Galleys, French, Indian slaves in, 73

Gamblers, Indians as, 26

General court, Massachusetts, authorizes enslavement of Indians, 124, 126, 127, 128, 137, 139; decree regarding retention of male Indian slaves in colony, 145; Plymouth, 137; disposes of captives, 139; decree regarding retention of male Indian slaves in colony, 145; decree regarding purchase of captive Indian children, 146; sanctions seizure of peaceable Indians, 146; disposes of Dartmouth Indians, 146; Connecticut, orders that Indians who surrender shall not be transported, 149; arranges to dispose of captives, 149

Georgia, report on, 107; slaves in, 108

Gibson, bishop of London, declares baptism does not free slaves, 275

Gomez, 51

Gookin, Lieutenant-governor, receives complaint of Indians regarding kidnapping, 162

Goose Creek, parish in South Carolina, 267

Gorges, Sir Ferdinand, patron of Weymouth, 154; given Indians, 155, 157; condemns capture of Indians, 158

Great Lakes, 28, 36

Great Plains, 25

Great Sun, chief of Natchez, 68

Green Bay, 38

Grelon, 27

Guns, objects of barter, 27

Haida, tribe, 33

Harley, Captain Henry, brings Indians to Gorges, 157

Harlow, Captain Edward, kidnaps Indians, 157

Hartford, levies on slaves of townsmen, 247

Haskell, pastor of St. Thomas parish, South Carolina, 267

Hatchets, objects of barter, 27

Hawaikuh, 52

Heathcote, to Townsend, 200

Hempstead, Indian slaves in, 114, 201

Hendrickson, finds Indian slaves in Schuylkill River country, 29; finds white slaves among Mohawk, 47

Hennepin, on slaves among Iroquois, 35

Hispaniola, Indian slaves in, 53

Hobson, Captain, brings two of Hunt’s Indian captives back to America, 158

Hocquart, intendant of Canada, 94

Holman, Ensign, agreement of Massachusetts with, 222

Hope, Indian girl given Champlain, 80

Horse, tribe, 32

Hunt, Captain Thomas, kidnaps Indians, 158

Hunter, Governor, petition to, regarding Spaniards in New York, 318

Hunting, occupation of Indian slaves, 37

Hupa, tribe, 33

Huron, tribe, 27, 28, 29, 32, 34, 35, 36, 37, 42

Hyde, Governor, on enslavement of Indians, 133

Iberville, baptism of his Indian slave, 89

Illinois, tribe, 27, 28, 29, 31, 37, 38, 64, 70, 80; area, 32; Indian slaves in, 93, 102; negro slaves in, 102

Incle and Yarico, play and opera, 303

Indentured servants, Indians as, 295; white, 295–297

Indians, as hired laborers, 59; as apprentices, 196

Indian slaves, among the aborigines, 25–47; among the Spaniards, 48–62; among the French, 63–102; among the English, 102–319; in the Carolinas, 66–108; in Georgia, 108; in Virginia, 108; in Massachusetts, 109–110; in Rhode Island, 110; in Connecticut, 110–111; in New Hampshire, 111; in New Netherland, 112–113; in New York, 113; in Pennsylvania, 115; in New Jersey, 116; in Maryland, 117; by warfare, 118–153; war with Stono Indians, 119; war with Kussoe Indians, 119; war of Spanish succession, 119; Tuscarora War, 121; Pequot War, 123; King Philip’s War, 125; Bacon’s rebellion, 131; disposed of by colonial governments, 132–152; by kidnapping, 154–167; by trade, 168–195; sold by family or tribe, 196; abuse of apprenticeship, 198–201; punishment, 201; birth, 207–210; considered property, 211–241; bought and sold, 216; advertised for sale, 216; disposed of by will, 216; runaways advertised, 218, 219; disputes concerning, settled by court, 225; personal property, 226; real property, 226; regarded as taxables, 227–228; import and export duties on, 233; as hunters, fishermen and guides, 242; employed in fields, 244–245; in manual occupations, 245; hired out by owners, 245; in military occupations, 246–249; captured by French from English army, 246; included by implication in legislative acts relating to slaves, 253; right to testify in court, 254–255; granted right to life, 255; prohibitions on, 259, 260; punishments, 260–264; religious instruction of, 264–275; manumission, 57, 94–95, 276–282; freed by owner, 276; purchase freedom, 276; regulation of actions after emancipation, 280; decline of use of, 283–319; poor domestics, 288; implicated in slave disturbances, 289; included in laws concerning slaves by implication, 290; values of, 298–302; less valuable than negroes, 302; use of, abolished in Virginia, 312; in South Carolina, 315; in Rhode Island, 316; in New York, 317

Iroquois, tribe, 27, 28, 29, 31, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 41; effect on Indian slavery, 117

Ipswich, slaves in, 109, 298

Jenney, Reverend, on Indian slaves, 114, 273

Jesuits, 27, 34, 35, 41, 42; oppose sale of Indians, 78, 79; enslaved by Iroquois, 47

Johnson, missionary in South Carolina, on Indian slaves, 121

Johnson, Nathaniel, governor of Carolina, 106; report on condition of Carolina, 106; refuses to sell Indian perquisites, 183

Johnson, Robert, governor of Carolina, makes peace between nations, 172

Johnson, William, on Indian slaves in New York, 114

Jolliet, given an Indian, 80

Jones, Reverend Hugh, on baptizing Indian and negro slaves, 271

Jordan, river, 53

Joutel, 37

Judicial decisions recognize children of slave mothers as slaves, 210

Kansas, tribe, 31, 32, 74, 81, 86

Kaskaskia, Indian slaves at, 70, 76, 78; church records of, 89

Keith, Sir William, owned Indian slaves, 116

Kettles, objects of barter, 27

Kidnapping, 154–167; contrary to law, 165; legislation regarding, 166; Virginia act regarding, 166; Maryland act regarding, 166; Massachusetts act regarding, 166; New Jersey act regarding, 167; New Hampshire act regarding, 167

Kieft, Governor, requested by United Colonies to return runaway Indian slave, 233

King Blount, chief, North Carolina orders to return runaway Indian slaves, 222; buys Indians, 302

King Philip, wife and son transported, 127

King Philip’s War, captives, enslaved, 110, 111, 125–131; ran away, 218; to receive religious instructions, 273

Kishkakon, tribe, 80

Klamath, tribe, 33

Knives, objects of barter, 27

Kussoe, tribe, war with, 119; captives sold as slaves, 119, 134

La Harpe, journey in southwest, 30, 73; seized Indians, 73; given Indians, 81

La Hontan, 35, 37

La Salle, expedition of, 34, 35; death of, 47; urges Illinois against Iroquois, 70; reports Indian slaves held by French, 75, 77; advocates enslavement of Indians, 76; given Indians, 81

Las Casas, opponent of Indian slavery, 65, 304

La Tore, Francis, kidnaps Indians, 162

Laudonnière, given Indians, 79; intends using slaves as guides, 82

Laughton, John, captures and sells Indians abroad, 161; indicted for the act, 161

La Vérendrye, 32; sends Indian slaves to French settlements, 74

Law, customary, recognizes Indian slavery, 212

Leisler, Jacob, grievances against, 114

Le Jau, missionary, 266

Le Jeune, 28, 36

Le Page du Pratz, uses Indian slave as cook and interpreter, 83

Le Sueur, given Indians, 81

Levis, parish register of, 88

Little Compton, hired Indians in, 293

Little Sun, chief’s son, sent to West Indies, 68

Long, journal of, 98

Longfellow, Stephen, owns Indian slave, 274

Long Point, parish register of, 88

Louis de la Louisiane, Fort, 90

Louis XIV, edict of, 63; orders captive Indians sent to France, 85

Louisiana, 57, 59, 64, 67, 77, 82, 83; church records of, 88; census of, 91; report on, 91; negro slaves in, 101

MacSparran, betters religious condition of slaves in Narragansett, 275

Madeira, Indian slaves in, 163

Maine, Indians from, carried to Massachusetts as slaves, 105; carried to the Azores, 125

Maine, Thomas, on preying of tribe upon tribe for slaves, 171

Makah, tribe, 43

Mallet, expedition, uses slaves as guides, 82

Mandan, tribe, 43

Manumission of Indian slaves, 57, 94, 195, 276–282

Mantantons, tribe, 81

Marcy, Moses, owns Indian slave, 288

Markham, Governor William, owns Indian slave, 116

Marquette, Father, 27; given an Indian slave, 80

Marriages, of slaves, 42, 43, 252; of French and Indians, 87

Martha’s Vineyard, general court grants slaves right of appeal, 257

Maryland, Indian slaves in, 117; indentured white servants in, 117; assembly authorizes enslavement of Indians, 132; act against kidnapping, 166; decrees children shall follow condition of father, 208; decrees slavery as condition of slave parents’ children, 209; recognizes Indian slaves as property, 217; permits owners to hire out slaves, 246; forbids marriage of whites and slaves, 253; permits slaves to testify at trial of slaves, 255; remunerates owners of executed slaves, 259; encourages baptism of slaves, 271

Mascoutens, tribe, 38

Mason, John, commander in campaign against Narraganset, 138; authorized to enslave captives, 138; on runaway Indian slaves, 218; declares Pequot captives poor slaves, 288

Massachusetts, Indian slaves in, 123, 124, 126, 187; exports Pequot captives, 124; exports other Indians, 126; act against kidnapping, 166; act against importation of Indians, 188; act against exportation of Indians, 188; act to prevent abuse of apprenticeship, 198; sentences Indians to slavery as punishment for crime, 202, 203, 205; remunerates owner for Indian slave taken from him, 225; courts settle disputed ownership of slaves, 225; regards Indian slaves as taxables, 230–231; forbids marriage of whites and negroes or Indians, 252; provides for slave courts, 261, 262; regulates sale of spirituous liquor to Indians, 264; provides religious instruction for captives of King Philip’s War, 273; remunerates owner for slave taken from him, 279, 280; provides freedom as reward to slave, 280; regulates actions of slaves, 290; legislation shows Indian slaves unsatisfactory, 291; requires license to hire Indians, 292

Matthews, deputy, removed by proprietors, 174

Mayhew, Experience, regrets lack of religious instruction for slaves, 273; tells of Indian slave purchasing liberty, 277

Mdewakanton, tribe, 81

Medford, slaves in, 263

Mendoza, viceroy, 31, 52, 53

Menendez, 30, 48; brings negroes to Florida, 59

Menominee, tribe, 32

Mexico, 26, 34, 56

Miami, tribe, 29

Miantonomo, chief, agreement with Massachusetts, 221

Michigan, Indian slavery in, 33

Middleton, deputy, removed by proprietors of Carolina, 174

Milton, Indian slaves in, 298

Mining, occupation of Indian slaves, 37

Ministry, of the colonies, 91

Minquae, tribe, have white slaves, 47

Miró, governor, frees slaves, 58

Missions, 59, 60, 66

Missionaries, as slave holders, 65, 66, 67; advocate enslavement of Indians, 76

Missouri, tribe, 32, 33, 64

Mississippi, river, 31, 36; valley, 92

Mistick Fight, captives enslaved, 123

Mistresses, Indian slaves used as by Indians, 36; by Spaniards, 55; by French, 83

Mobile, tribe, held as slaves by French, 75; settlement, 73, 75; church records of, 88, 89; purposes of establishment of, 172

Modoc, tribe, 33

Mohawk, have white slaves, 47

Mohegan, tribe, at war with Narraganset, 138; hired by English, 294

Monmouth, county, New Jersey, Indian slaves in, 117

Montreal, capitulation of, 64, 93; slavery in, 92

Montagnais, tribe, 80

Moore, Governor, enslaves and exports Indians, 119, 120, 135; Colonel, expedition of, to North Carolina, 122; deputy, removed by proprietors, 174; forces council to annul election of Moreton as governor, 179; on traffic in Indians, 179; employs Indian slaves in fields, 245

Moreton, Governor Joseph, instructed by proprietors not to allow Indians to be carried from South Carolina, 175

Morton, Thomas, hires Indians, 293

Moscoso, leader after Soto’s death, 56; treatment of slaves, 56

Moseley, Captain, captured Indians, 125

Mountgomry, Sir Robert, advocates use of indentured white servants, 289

Mutilation, punishment, 246

Nairn, Captain, expedition of to Florida, 120

Nanticoke, tribe, war of Maryland with, 132, 133

Narraganset, tribe, Pequot captives given to, 123; at war with the Mohegan, 138; campaign against, 138

Narragansett, slaves in, 110, 275; hired servants in, 294

Nassoni, tribe, 30

Natchez, tribe, friendly with French, 67; enslaved by French, 67, 68; English traders purchase slaves from, 173; enslave Shawnee, 173

Natchitoch, tribe, 30

Natchitoches, 30, 74; report concerning, 75

Neau, pastor in New York, to S. P. G. F. P., 268

Negroes, use of a cause for decline of Indian slavery, 297, 298

Newbury, Indian slaves in, 298

New England, Indian slaves in, 105, 117, 187; free Indians in, 283; Indian slaves die of consumption, 285; hired Indians in, 293

New England Confederation, decrees slavery as punishment for Indians, 206, 207; provides for enslavement of Narraganset captives, 207; orders Indians seized for harboring runaway slaves, 223

New Hampshire, Indian slaves in, 111; act against importation of Indians, 192–193; levies import duties on Indians, 236; grants slaves the right to life, 255; finds Indian slaves unsatisfactory, 291

New Haven, act against exportation of Indians, 189

New Jersey, Indian slaves in, 116–117, 180, 300; import duties on Indians, 236; provides for trial of slaves, 257; remunerates owners of executed slaves, 258; punishments for slaves, 261, 262;

## act concerning baptism of slaves, 271;

regulates action of freedmen, 280; regulates manumission, 282; indentured Indians in, 295

New London, Indian slaves in, 300

New Mexico, missions, 60

New Netherland, Indian slavery in, 112–113

New Orleans, 28, 74; census of, 91; report on, 92

Newport, Indians surrender at, 129

New York, Indian slaves in, 113–115, 187; act to prevent importation of Indians, 193; abuse of apprenticeship, 200; decrees slavery as condition of slave mothers’ children, 209; regards Indian slaves as taxables, 232; levies import duties on Indians, 238–240; forbids slaves to testify at trial of whites, 255; provides for trial of slaves, 257; decrees that baptism does not free slaves, 272; regulates actions of freedmen, 280; regulates manumission, 282; free Indians in, 284; regulates conduct of slaves, 290; indentured Indians in, 295; abolishes Indian slavery, 317

New York City, permits owners to hire out slaves, 246; employs Indian slaves in military operations, 247; restrictions on slaves, 260

Nez Percés, tribe, 33

Niagara, articles of peace drawn up at, 247

North Carolina, Indian slaves in, 36, 133, 301; runaway Indian slaves, 222; recognizes Indian slaves as property, 225, 226; regards Indian slaves as taxables, 227; forbids marriage of whites and Indians, 253; forbids slaves to testify in court, 254; punishments for Indian slaves, 261, 263, 264; act regarding manumission of slaves, 278; act regulating conduct of freedmen, 280, 281; small-pox destroys Indians, 285

Northwest, 25, 27, 33, 36, 37, 39, 42, 85; Indian slavery in, 45

Northwest Territory, slavery in, 33

Nova Scotia, 51

Oakinacke, tribe, slavery among, 46

Ohio, 29

Okechobee, Lake, 120

Oldmixon, on number of free Indians in New York, 284; in New Jersey, 285

Old Town Creek, settlement, Indian children enslaved, 197

Opechancanough, chief, 119

Opinion, public, concerning Indian slavery, 303

Ordinance of 1787, 33

Oregon Indians, slavery among, 33, 45

O’Reilly, proclamation of concerning slaves, 58

Ortiz, Juan, enslaved, 46

Osage, tribe, 28, 31, 32, 73, 75

Ottawa, tribe, 27, 28, 32, 35, 36, 37; area, 66, 70, 80

Ottogami, tribe, 38

Ouacha, tribe, 75

Outaouac, tribe, 32

Padouca, tribe, 31, 32, 86

Palfrey, estimate of number of Indians, 284

Pamunkey, 119

Panis, synonym for Indian slave, 89, 246

Paraguay, 67

Paris, 64, 66, 91

Pariss, Reverend, hires Indians, 293

Parliament, of Great Britain, 64; of South Carolina, partly in sympathy with proprietors, 176; of Canada, abolishes slavery, 97

Parris, Alexander, receiver of South Carolina, 202

Pawnee, tribe, 28, 31, 33, 73, 75, 99; synonym for Indian slave, 32, 64, 93, 99

Payupki, enslavement of Indians of, 38

Pekkemeck, Indians, conceal runaway slaves, 222

Pemaquid, 160, 161

Penn, William, founder of a “free colony,” 115; letter to Susquehanna, 224

Pennsylvania, kidnapping in, 161; Indian slaves imported from South Carolina, 180, 187, 194; acts against importation of Indians, 193–195;

## act concerning runaway slaves, 221;

import duties on Indians, 236; punishments for slaves, 262

Pensacola, English Indians attack, 171

Pequot War, captives, enslaved, 109, 110, 123, 124; ran away, 218; agreements to return runaways, 221–222; unfitted for slaves, 288

Periér, governor of Louisiana, enslaves Natchez Indians, 68; protests against trade in Indians, 98

Peter, Reverend Hugh, desires Indian slave, 310

Philadelphia, yearly meeting, action on Indian slavery, 308

Pierce, Captain, carries Indian slaves to the Bermudas, 124

Pima, tribe, 30

Pirates, work of, 163, 205

Plymouth, Indian slaves in, 109, 125; sends Indians to Spain, 125, 126; sentences Indians to slavery as punishment for crime, 204; concerning runaway slaves, 224; frees Indian slaves, 277; provides remuneration for slave owners, 279; hired Indians in, 293; apprenticed Indians in, 295

Pollock, Governor, negotiates sale of Indians, 133

Popham, Lord, patron of Weymouth, 155; given two Indians, 156

Portsmouth, forbids holding Indian slaves in the town, 152; Indian slaves in, 299

Portugal, rival power, 71; Indians carried to, 127

Potawatami, tribe, 38

Powder, object of barter, 27

Powhatan, chief, 36; Indian freed by Virginia assembly, 186

Praying Indians, enslaved, 128, 143, 144; hired, 293

Privateers, bring prizes to New Amsterdam, 163

Proprietors, of Carolina, grant privilege of selling Indians in West Indies, 134, 174; jealous of Governor West, 134; power broken, 135; forbid enslavement of Indians, 169; play double game with reference to Indians, 173; jealous of colonial officials, 174; oppose Indian slavery, 175; forbid Governor Moreton to allow exportation of Indians, 175; oppose dealers in Indians, 177; recognize usefulness of enslaving Indian captives, 178; denounce Governor Moore’s Indian policy, 179; sanction Indian slavery, 309; caution West against appointing certain deputies, 174

Protection, to owners’ property in Indian slaves, 221, 222

Providence, island, Indians carried to, 124; town, Indians surrender at, 129

Pueblo, tribe, 31; missions, 60

Puritans, of Anne Arundel County, refuse to raise military levy, 133; missionary scheme concerning Indians, 294

Quakers, at peace with Delaware, 115; control government of Rhode Island, 129; affect Indian slavery, 305; oppose Indian slavery, 307–308

Quebec, 80; parish register of, 88

Queen Charlotte Island, slave mart, 45

Quincy, slaves in, 109

Rancherias, practically enslave Indians, 61

Ransom, 44

Rappahannock, court, authorizes enslavement of Indians, 131

Rauch, missionary in New York, 162

Raudot, Jacques, intendant, authorizes

Indian slavery, 63; issues ordinance against slaves’ running away, 99

Reaping, occupation of Indian slaves, 37

Renault, sent to Louisiana, 102

Rhode Island, slaves in, 110, 128–130, 187, 236; limits bondage of Indians to term of years, 150; general assembly so orders, 151; sends Indians back to Plymouth, 151; Indian slaves brought to from South Carolina, 180; act against importing Indians, 191, 192; act to prevent abuse of apprenticeship, 199; sentences Indians to slavery as punishment, 205; levies import duties on Indians, 235; votes to enlist Indian slaves, 248; religious condition of slaves in, 274; legislation shows Indian slaves unsatisfactory, 292; indentured Indians in, 295; prices of Indian slaves in, 299; abolishes Indian slavery, 316; legislation concerning Spanish Indians, 319

Ribaut, instructions from Queen of France, 72; seizes Indians, 72

Rowlandson, Mrs., taken prisoner by Indians, 47

Roxbury, Indian slaves in, 109

Rye, declares Indian slaves taxables, 232

Saguenay, 72, 79

St. Augustine, 30, 107; expedition against, 119, 120, 135; Indians captured at, 285

St. Denis, enslaved by Indians, 47

St. George, manor, Indian slaves in, 114

St. Lawrence, river, 36

St. Miguel, 53

St. Peters, Indian slaves in, 271

St. Thomas, parish, 107

Salem, indentured servants in, 295; Indians slaves in, 298, 299

Salishan, tribe, 33

San Diego, 60

San Domingo, 102

Sandiford, Ralph, opposed to Indian slavery, 306

Sandwich, Indians in, 147; court sentences Indians to slavery, 203

Sarrow, tribe, sells Indians in Virginia, 186

Sassacus, chief, 123

Sauk, tribe, 32

Savannah, tribe, prey on other tribes, sell captives, 170; break treaty, 170; reduced in numbers, 287

Savoile, owns Indian slaves, 77

Sayle, governor of Carolina, 169

Schuyler, Arient, owns Indian slaves, 114, 217

Schuylkill, river, 29

Seabrook, Fort, Indian captives to be sent to, 138

Seneca, tribe, 29; carry Indian slave boy from South Carolina, 224

Serpent, Nation of the, 75

Sewall, Samuel, intercedes to prevent enslavement of Indians, 204; admires marriage of whites and Indians, 253; on sale of Indians, 298; opposed to Indian slavery, 305

Sharp, Granville, opposed to Indian slavery, 306

Sharpe, pastor in New York, to S. P. G. T. P., 268

Shawnee, tribe, 29; enslaved, 173

Shekomeka, Indian town in New York, 162

Short, Elizabeth, purchases Indian, 270

Shrimpton, Mr., quarters Indians on Noddle’s Island, 143

Shurt, Abraham, prevents union of Massachusetts and Maine Indians, 160

Smallcomb, Thomas, owns Indian slaves, 119; sells Indians, 301

Smith, Captain John, 36; expedition to New England, 158; William, owns Indian slaves, 114

Snake, tribe, 32

Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, purpose of American missionaries, 265; allows missionaries to work among slaves, 266; response to missionaries, 268; drafts bill to aid conversion of slaves, 268

Sonnagars, tribe, 29

Sonnontuan, tribe, 70

Soto, 31, 37, 49; lands in Florida, 51; captures Indians, 52; a slave owner, 52; uses Indian slaves as guides, 55; death, 56

Southampton, hired Indians in, 204

Sowing, employment of Indian slaves, 37

South Carolina, report on, 107; Indian slaves in, 109, 134–136; sentences Indians to slavery, 201; decrees condition of slavery for children of slave mothers, 207; recognizes Indian slaves as property, 213; Indian slaves disposed of by will, 217;

## act concerning runaway slaves, 221;

esteems slaves as real property, 226; as taxables, 232; levies import duties on Indians, 234; levies export duties on Indians, 240; permits owners to hire out slaves, 246; employs slaves in military operations, 247, 248; rewards Tuscarora for military service by gifts of Indian slaves, 249; permits slaves to testify, 254; remunerates owners of executed slaves, 258; averse to slaves being church members, 269; directions to traders, 276; allows Indian slaves to prove right to freedom, 277; act regulating freedmen, 280; small-pox destroys Indians, 285; declares Indian slaves of less value than negroes, 302; abolishes Indian slavery, 315

South Kingston, slaves in, 110

Southold, Indian apprentices in, 295

Spain, Indians carried to, 51, 125, 126, 158; rival power, 71

Spanish Indians, in New York, 163; in New England, 164; in Pennsylvania, 164; undesirable, 290

Spanish Main, 48

Spanish Succession, war of, 119, 172

Spiritual welfare of Indians, 59

Spotswood, Governor, to Lord Dartmouth, 198

Sprague, Captain, carries Indian slaves to Spain, 125

Stanton, Captain John, owns Indian slaves, 130

Status, slavery, servitude, 212–216

Statutory recognition of slavery, 212

Steevens, missionary of S. P. G. F. P., 183

Stono, tribe, war with, 106, 119; captives enslaved, 119, 134

Stoughton, Captain, requests Indian slave, 210

Susquehanna, tribe, carry away Indian slaves from New York, 224; war with Yoamaco, 286

Swamp Fight, captives enslaved, 123

Swanzey, Indian slave in, 145

Taensa, tribe, Chickasaw obtain slaves from, 173

Taiguragui, chief, 71

Talapoosa, tribe, preys on tribes for captives to sell, 171

Talbot, attorney-general of England, decides that baptism does not free slaves, 275

Talcot, Major John, treasurer of Connecticut, 130

Tampa Bay, 51

Tartary, 27

Terre Haute, slavery in, 92

Terrisse, 81

Thacher, Reverend Peter, owns Indian slaves, 251, 298

Thomas, Samuel, to S. P. G. F. P., 266

Thompson, Indians, slavery among, 46

Tiguex, captured by Coronado, 53, 56

Timucua, tribe, enslaved by English, 121

Tisquantum, captured by Captain Hunt, 158

Tlingit, tribe, 33

Tonti, 28, 38; urges Illinois against Iroquois, 69; advocates enslavement of Indians, 76; given Indians, 81

Toungletat, Indian slavery among, 45

Trade, leading employment of French-American colonists, 87; means of obtaining Indian slaves, 168–195

Treasurer, of colony, authorized to sell Indians, 139, 140, 148

Treatment, of Indian slaves, 39–42, 55–57, 86–92, 250, 282; not different from treatment of negroes, 250

Tusayan, tribe, enslave Indians of Payupki, 38

Tuscarora, war, captives enslaved, 121, 122, 133; cause of, 197; Indians, runaway, 222

Uncas, chief, exchanges land for Indian slave, 277

United Colonies of New England, authorize enslavement of Indians, 138; recognize property rights in Indian slaves, 222; letter to Governor Kieft, 223

Ute, tribe, slavery among, 45, 46

Vancouver Island, Indian slavery on, 45

Verrazano, kidnaps Indians, 71

Vesey, Reverend, on Indian slaves in New York, 114

Vincennes, church records of, 89; slavery at, 92

Virginia, Indian slaves in, 30, 108, 118, 119, 127, 180, 187, 271, 301; assembly authorizes transportation and sale of Indians, 131–132; act against kidnapping Indians, 166; early trade with Indians, 185; policy regarding enslavement of Indians, 185; act against enslavement of Indian children, 198; sentences Indians to slavery, 202–203;

## act concerning runaway slaves, 221;

regards Indian slaves as taxables, 227–230; levies import duties on, 235, 237; forbids marriage of free whites and Indian slaves, 252; decrees child of an Indian to be a mulatto, 254; forbids slaves to testify in court except at trial of slaves, 255; provides special courts for trial of slaves, 256; votes to educate Indian servants, 270; legally designates slaves in 1670, 270; repeals act of 1670, 272; requires registration of slaves, 271;

## act concerning manumission of slaves, 278, 279;

regulates actions of freedmen, 280; decrease in number of Indians, 286; requires license to hire Indians, 292; indentured Indians in, 295; abolishes Indian slavery, 312; supreme court decision regarding abolition of Indian slavery, 313

Voyageurs, 64

Waineoke, King of, sells Indian to Elizabeth Short, 270, 301

Wakashan, tribe, 33

Waldron, Major, seizes Indians at Cocheco, 147; issues warrants for seizure of Indians, 161; indicted for stealing and selling Indians, 161

Wallawalla, river, 33

Wampum, 35, 37

Waniah, tribe, at war with South Carolina, 177

Washington, General George, proposes to enlist slaves, 248

West, Governor, sells Indians as slaves, 119, 134; removed from office by proprietors, 174; cautioned by proprietors against appointing certain deputies, 174

West Indies, 78; Indians carried to, 68, 97, 119, 124, 127, 133–134, 169, 180, 185, 202, 302

West Virginia, slave courts in, 256

Western Company, charter of, 101; imports negroes into Louisiana, 101

Westo, tribe, sell captives to English, 170; break treaty, 170; sell Indians to Carolina planters, 175; reduced in numbers, 287

Wethersfield, Indian slave in, 300

Wetmore, on opposition of owners to baptism of slaves, 273

Weymouth, kidnaps Indians, 155

Whipping, punishment, 262–263

Willard, Lieutenant, agreement of Massachusetts with, 222

Williams, Roger, on Indian slavery, 304; requests an Indian slave, 310

Winthrop, John, owns an Indian slave, 216; on number of free Indians, 248; obtains licenses to employ Indians, 292

Wisconsin, 27, 32, 38, 94

Yamasee, tribe, 30

Yanan, tribe, 33

Yaqui, tribe, enslaved, 54

Yazoo, tribe, enslave Shawnee, 173

Yeamans, Sir John, chosen by proprietors to succeed West as Governor, 174

Yoamaco, tribe, war with Susquehanna, 286

Yorke, solicitor-general of England, decides that baptism does not free slaves 275

Yuma, tribe, 30

VITA

The author of this dissertation, Almon Wheeler Lauber, was born at Lawrenceville, St. Lawrence Co., New York, March 24, 1880. He was graduated from the New York State Normal School, Potsdam, New York, in 1900. During the academic year of 1900–1901 he was principal of the graded school at Lawrenceville, New York. In 1905, he was graduated from Syracuse University with the degree of Ph. B., and in the same year received the Ph. M. degree. During the three succeeding academic years he was instructor in history at George School, Bucks Co., Pennsylvania. In 1908, he entered Columbia University where he pursued graduate work. His major subject was American History, and his minors were Constitutional Law and European History. He took courses in American History under Professors Shepherd, Osgood and Dunning; in Constitutional Law under Professor Burgess; and in European History under Professors Osgood, Robinson and Sloane. He was a member of seminars under Professors Shepherd, Osgood and Dunning.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] In Mexico, a certain community of Indians was named “Esclavos” by the Spaniards, because the Aztec rulers had drawn so largely upon them for slaves. Gage, _A New Survey of the West Indies_, third edition, ii, p. 414.

[2] Hodge, _Handbook of American Indians north of Mexico, Bureau of American Ethnology_, Bulletin 30, pt. ii, p. 599.

[3] _Ibid._

[4] Fiske, _The Discovery of America_, i, p. 121; Prescott, _History of the Conquest of Mexico_, twenty-second edition, i, pp. 35, 41. See also Clavigero, _The History of Mexico_ (translated by Cullen), i, p. 157, ii, p. 154; Prescott, _op. cit._, i, pp. 63, 68, 147, 155, 168, 285; ii, pp. 82, 137.

[5] See Neill, _History of Minnesota_, p. 85, for the case of an Indian who wanted to enslave his daughter’s murderer. Brickell, _The Natural History of North Carolina_, etc., p. 355, tells of Indians enslaving one another for theft until reparation was made.

[6] _The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents_, edited by Reuben Gold Thwaites, xvi, pp. 199, 201. The same custom was followed by the Indians in later periods. See Parker, _A Journey Beyond the Rocky Mountains_ (1835), p. 53.

[7] _Jesuit Relations_, xv, p. 157.

[8] Margry, _Découvertes_, etc., i, p. 470; _Michigan Pioneer and Historical Society Collections_, xxiv, p. 182.

[9] Thwaites, _Father Marquette_, p. 85. The spelling of the Indian names in this dissertation is that used by Hodge in _Handbook of American Indians north of Mexico_.

[10] Hennepin, _A New Discovery of a Vast Country in America_, edited by Reuben Gold Thwaites, p. 631.

[11] French, _Historical Collections of Louisiana_, pt. i, p. 56; Margry, _op. cit._, i, p. 527.

[12] Shea, _Discovery and Exploration of the Mississippi Valley_, etc., pp. lvi, 32; Thwaites, _Father Marquette_, p. 81.

[13] _Jesuit Relations_, lix, p. 309.

[14] _Jesuit Relations_, lxvii, p. 171. In the south, the term “slave” was used by the Indians, not only in the sense in which it is commonly used, but as applied to dogs, cats, tame and domestic animals, and to captive birds. “So when an Indian tells you that he has a slave for you, it may, in general terms as they use, be a young eagle, a dog, or any other thing of that nature, which is obsequiously to depend upon the master for its substance.” Lawson, _The History of North Carolina, containing the exact description and natural history of that country_, p. 327.

[15] In 1694, the Illinois informed Tonti that during the preceding seven years they had killed and taken prisoners 334 men and boys and 111 women and girls. Margry, _op. cit._, iv, p. 5.

[16] Hennepin, _A New Discovery_, etc., ii, p. 631; Margry, _op. cit._, ii, p. 98; _Jesuit Relations_, liv, p. 191; lix, p. 127.

[17] Chappell, _A History of the Missouri River_, p. 25.

[18] _Jesuit Relations_, xxx, p. 133.

[19] French, _Historical Collections of Louisiana_, pt. i, p. 69.

[20] Hazard, _Annals of Pennsylvania_, p. 7.

[21] Discourse delivered before The New York Historical Association at the anniversary meeting, December 6, 1811, by the Honorable DeWitt Clinton; La Hontan, _New Voyages to North America_, edited by Reuben Gold Thwaites, ii, p. 504.

[22] Margry, _op. cit._, ii, pp. 141, 272; iv, p. 5.

[23] Hennepin, _op. cit._, ii, p. 659.

[24] Margry, _op. cit._, i, p. 527; ii, p. 141.

[25] _Jesuit Relations_, lxii, p. 67.

[26] _Ibid._, lxi, p. 195.

[27] Catesby, _The Natural History of Carolina, Florida, and the Bahama Islands_, etc., ii, p. xiii; Hodge, _op. cit._, pt. i, p. 532.

[28] Beverly, _The History of Virginia in Four Parts_, second edition, p. 179; Smith, _The General Historie of Virginia, New England, and the Summer Isles_, in Arber’s edition of Captain John Smith’s Works, ii, p. 570.

[29] _Memoir of Hernando de Escalante Fontanedo on the Country and Ancient Indian Tribes of Florida_, in French, _Historical Collections of Louisiana and Florida_, series ii, p. 253.

[30] French, _op. cit._, pt. iii. p. 68.

[31] Bulletin 43 of the _Bureau of American Ethnology_, p. 296.

[32] _Publications of the Mississippi Historical Society_, v, p. 305.

[33] _Twenty-sixth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology_, 1904–1905, p. 197.

[34] _Bureau of American Ethnology Publications_, xiv, pt. i, p. 548.

[35] _Ibid._, p. 449; Lowery, _The Spanish Settlements within the Present Limits of the United States, 1513–1561_, p. 314.

[36] French, _op. cit._, pt. iii, p. 74. Du Tisné meditated making peace between the Pawnee and Padouca, and thought it could be done by giving presents to each tribe, and by getting each to return the slaves which it held of the other nation. Chappell, _op. cit._, p. 26.

[37] Iberville, in 1702, found them to number 2,000 men. Margry, _op. cit._, iv, pp. 597–599.

[38] Thwaites, _Early Western Travels_, vi, p. 61; _Jesuit Relations_, lxix, p. 301.

[39] Margry, _op. cit._, vi, p. 416.

[40] _Narrative of De Boucherville_, in _Wisconsin Historical Society Collections_, xvii, pp. 42, 55, 89.

[41] _Michigan Pioneer and Historical Society Collections_, xxxiv, p. 182.

[42] Parkman, _A Half Century of Conflict_, ii, p. 46.

[43] The term “Pawnee” or “Panis” signifying an Indian slave was especially used in Canada. See J. C. Hamilton, _Slavery in Canada_, in _Transactions of the Canadian Institute_, 1890, pp. 102–108; “_The Panis_” in _Canadian Institute Proceedings_, 1899, pp. 19–27; Smith, _The Slave in Canada_, in _Nova Scotia Historical Society Reports_, x, pp. 3, 72.

[44] Grignon, _Seventy-two Years’ Recollections of Wisconsin_, in _Wisconsin Historical Society Collections_, iii, p. 256; Thwaites, _Early Western Travels_, i, pp. 304, 309. In the present state of Michigan, traces are found of Indians holding others as slaves, though the Ordinance of 1787 forbade slavery in the Northwest Territory. _Michigan Pioneer and Historical Society Collections_, xiv, p. 658.

[45] Hodge, _op. cit._, pt. ii, p. 598.

[46] _Ibid._, pt. ii, p. 598.

[47] _Ibid._, pt. ii, p. 598.

[48] Margry, _op. cit._, v, p. 506; French, _Historical Collections of Louisiana_, pt. iii, pp. 33, 34, 68; Cramoisy, _Journal de la Guerre du Micissippi contre les Chicachas_, pp. 65, 67, 68, 89; La Harpe, _Historical Journal of the Establishment of the French in Louisiana_, in French, _op. cit._, pt. iii, p. 27; Brickell, _op. cit._, p. 324.

[49] Douay, _Narrative of La Salle’s Expedition_, in Shea, _Discovery and Exploration of the Mississippi Valley_, p. 204; French, _op. cit._, pt. iv, p. 204.

[50] Shea, _op. cit._, pp. 205, 211, 216.

[51] French, _op. cit._, pt. i, p. 42.

[52] _Jesuit Relations_, xliii, p. 299; xliv, pp. 47, 49; l, p. 115.

[53] _Ibid._, xliii, p. 293.

[54] Hennepin’s _Narrative_, in Shea, _Discovery and Exploration of the Mississippi Valley_, p. 144.

[55] _Jesuit Relations_, liv, pp. 93, 95.

[56] La Hontan, _op. cit._, ii, p. 454. _A Memoir of La Salle to Frontenac_, November 9, 1680, declares that the Illinois forced their slaves to work. _The Historical Magazine_, v, p. 197.

[57] Bartram, _Travels through North and South Carolina, Georgia, East and West Florida_, p. 185.

[58] _Jesuit Relations_, xvi, p. 199.

[59] Hodge, _op. cit._, pt. ii, p. 598.

[60] _Jesuit Relations_, xliii, p. 293. It was the existence of this class of slaves among the Iroquois which the Jesuits deplored most of all.

[61] Carr, _The Mounds of the Mississippi Valley Historical Considered_, p. 8; Lowery, _The Spanish Settlements within the Present Limits of the United States, 1513–1561_, p. 32.

[62] Carr, _op. cit._, p. 18.

[63] _Purchas His Pilgrimes_, edition of 1908, iv, pp. 1699–1700.

[64] Brickell, _op. cit._, p. 321; Lawson, _op. cit._, p. 188.

[65] Lowery, _The Spanish Settlements within the Present Limits of the United States, 1513–1561_, p. 32.

[66] La Hontan, _op. cit._, ii, p. 432.

[67] Margry, _op. cit._, iii, p. 339.

[68] _Jesuit Relations_, lxi, p. 195; La Hontan, _op. cit._, i, pp. 94, 106, 111, 113; Hennepin, _op. cit._, ii, p. 509; Carr, _op. cit._, p. 18.

[69] _Jesuit Relations_, xvi, p. 199.

[70] _Ibid._, xvi, p. 199.

[71] La Hontan, _op. cit._, ii, p. 432.

[72] Hodge, _op. cit._, pt. ii, p. 598.

[73] _Wisconsin Historical Society Collections_, xvi, p. 345. For the legend of the enslaving and freeing of the Indians of Payupki by the Tusayan, see the _Bureau of American Ethnology_, Report for 1886–1887, p. 40.

[74] French, _op. cit._, pt. i, p. 56.

[75] _Wisconsin Historical Society Collections_, xvi. p. 284.

[76] _Ibid._, xvi, pp. 306, 429, 444, 447–451.

[77] _Ibid._, xvi, p. 123.

[78] _Ibid._, xvi, p. 276.

[79] _Wisconsin Historical Society Collections_, v, p. 79.

[80] Hodge, _op. cit._, pt. ii, p. 598.

[81] _Ibid._

[82] This statement implies that the term “slave” does not include prisoners of war who were tortured by their captors.

[83] Bartram, _op. cit._, p. 185.

[84] La Hontan, _op. cit._, ii, p. 439.

[85] French, _op. cit._, pt. i, p. 160.

[86] Brickell, _The National History of North Carolina_, p. 321; Irving, _The Conquest of Florida under Hernando de Soto_, i, p. 280; Shipp, _The History of Hernando de Soto and Florida_, etc., p. 367; Pickett, _History of Alabama_, p. 64. The statements of Irving, Shipp and Pickett are based on the account by Garcilaso de la Vega.

[87] Margry, _op. cit._, v, p. 95.

[88] Margry, _op. cit._, v, p. 95; Marshall, _Historical Writings Relating to the Early History of the West_, p. 211; La Hontan, _op. cit._, ii, pp. 420, 505.

[89] Marshall, _op. cit._, p. 212; Hennepin, _op. cit._, ii, p. 508; _Jesuit Relations_, xliii, p. 303.

[90] _Jesuit Relations_, xliii, p. 295.

[91] _Ibid._, xliii, p. 299; Shea, _Discovery and Exploration of the Mississippi Valley_, p. 34.

[92] Hodge, _op. cit._, pt. ii, p. 599.

[93] _Jesuit Relations_, xliii, p. 293.

[94] _Ibid._, xliii, p. 293.

[95] _Ibid._, 1, p. 115.

[96] Bartram, _op. cit._, p. 186.

[97] La Hontan, _op. cit._, ii, p. 613.

[98] Bartram, _op. cit._, p. 186.

[99] La Hontan, _op. cit._, ii, p. 474. These freed slaves were accustomed to go each day to visit their former masters’ graves to offer pipes and tobacco in acknowledgment of their freedom.

[100] Hodge, _op. cit._, pt. ii, p. 598.

[101] _Ibid._, pt. ii, p. 599.

[102] _Ibid._ For the Iroquois, see Carr, _op. cit._, p. 18; Margry, _op. cit._, v, p. 8; _Jesuit Relations_, lxii, p. 63. For the western Indians, see Hennepin, _op. cit._, p. 509; _Jesuit Relations_, lxix, p. 59. For the northern Indians, see Catesby, _op. cit._, ii. p. xiii (editor’s note).

[103] Hennepin, _op. cit._, ii, p. 508.

[104] _Fifteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology_, 1893–1894, p. cxii.

[105] Brickell, _op. cit._, p. 321; Lawson, _op. cit._, p. 323; Catesby, _op. cit._, ii, p. xiii.

[106] _Jesuit Relations_, liv, p. 237.

[107] La Hontan, _op. cit._, ii, p. 508.

[108] _Wisconsin Historical Society Collections_, xvi, p. 46.

[109] The holding of slaves by the Indians continued long after colonial times. It naturally died out first in the east, with the growth in power of the whites and the consequent decrease in the numbers and strength of the Indians.

The Indians of the Columbia River country held slaves till well into the nineteenth century. These they procured by trading beads and furs with the interior tribes. Franchère’s _Narrative_, in Thwaites, _Early Western Travels_, vi, p. 324; xxix, p. 242; xxx, p. 111. The Blackfeet, Cayuse, Crows, and Ute were accustomed to keep the women taken in war as slaves, (_Ibid._, xxiii, p. 118); and other neighboring tribes did the same. Travelers in Oregon in 1846 found that the Oregon Indians enslaved their war captives, and that they made war for the purpose of obtaining slaves. _Ibid._, xxix, p. 124. The Toungletat, who inhabited Vancouver Island, at the same time had Indian slaves, captives in war. _Ibid._, xxix, p. 149. The tribes of the section south of the Columbia River country were given over to the same custom. Both here, and in the Columbia River country, the Indians were heavy gamblers, and not infrequently staked their own freedom in their games. _Ibid._, xxx, p. 161; xxvii, p. 171; Parker, _Journey Beyond the Rocky Mountains_, p. 53. The Indians of the extreme northwest held slaves in 1840. Considerable numbers were owned by the chiefs. These were worth thirty blankets each, and were generally purchased from the natives of Queen Charlotte Island, the great slave mart of the northwest coast. Bancroft, _History of the Northwest Coast_, ii, pp. 647–649.

The slaves of the Columbia River country were well treated as long as they were able to work. The district was a commercial one, and the slaves, as an article of commerce, were valuable. But when a slave grew old and was unable to work, he was neglected. The women of the tribe had several slaves who were dependent entirely upon their will. Slaves could be purchased by the male members of the tribes for wives. The Oackinacke Indians, at this time, possessed but few slaves, and these were adopted as children and as members of the family. _Ibid._, vii, pp. 103, 107, 303.

Until 1850, the Thompson Indians of British Columbia enslaved captive Indians. Teit, _The Thompson Indians of British Columbia_, in _Memoirs of the American Museum of Natural History_, pp. 269, 290. In 1836, the Chinook Indians possessed Indian slaves. In 1855, the Ute sacrificed four slaves, and buried them with one of their chiefs. One of these slaves was buried alive. Thomas, _Indians of North America in Historic Times_, p. 369. In 1863, the Cherokee abolished slavery by law. This was amended in 1866, so as to permit it as a punishment for crime. Thwaites, _Early Western Travels_, xx, p. 303.

[110] Enslavement of the whites by the Indians was not uncommon. Cabeza de Vaca and other survivors of Narvaez’s expedition were made slaves by the Indians among whom they wandered. _Narrative of Cabeza de Vaca_, in _Narratives of Early American History_, i, pp. 64, 69. Soto found one of these survivors, Juan Ortiz by name, who had taken on Indian customs, and nearly forgotten his native language. “_Relation of Biedma_,” in Bourne, _Narratives of the Career of De Soto_, ii, p. 3.

Strachey, _The Historie of Travaile into Virginia_, speaks of a story that he had heard from the Indians, concerning an Indian chief, Eyanoco by name, living somewhere to the south of Virginia, who had seven white slaves who had escaped from the massacre at Roanoke. These slaves the Indians employed in beating copper. _Hakluyt Society Publication_, vi, p. 26. Whether the story is wholly or partly true has never been determined. That the Indians of the locality did enslave the whites captured in war or shipwrecked off the coast is shown by the preamble of an act of Carolina in 1707. _North Carolina Colonial Records_, i, p. 674. In the war of 1711, the Indians spared some of the women and children captured on the plantations so that they might serve as slaves. _Ibid._, i, p. 182.

Captain Hendrickson, in 1616, found three persons belonging to the Dutch West India Company, who were slaves of the Mohawk and Minquae, and who were traded to him for merchandise. Hazard, _Annals of Pennsylvania_, p. 7.

Father Bressani was captured in 1644 by the Iroquois, and given to a woman as a slave. She sent him to Fort Orange, where he was ransomed by the Dutch and returned to France. _Jesuit Relations_, xxvi, p. 49. Other Jesuits were enslaved by the Iroquois. Basqueville de la Potherie, _Histoire de l’Amérique Septentrionale_, iv, pp. 125–163. French men, women and children had a similar fate. _Jesuit Relations_, xl, p. 137; xlvi, p. 207. Some of them were ransomed and freed by the Dutch. Margry, _op. cit._, vi, pp. 123, 125. Joutel, in 1687, feared that he would be enslaved by the Cenis, and put to work in their mines along with their Indian slaves. Margry, _op. cit._, iii, p. 339. After the death of La Salle, and the massacre of most of his followers in 1687, the children who were spared were taken captive by the Spanish Indians, and sent to Mexico as slaves. Margry, _op. cit._, iii, p. 339. Saint Denis, in 1721, certified that he had been eleven months a slave among the savages of the west Mississippi country. Robinson, _Account of Discoveries in the West_, etc., p. 215. As late as 1754, the Indians of Virginia had French prisoners as slaves. _Virginia Historical Society Collections_, iii, p. 267.

In the time of King Philip’s War, Mrs. Rowlandson of Lancaster was taken prisoner by the Indians and sold to a Narraganset chief whose slave she became. Clark, _History of King Philip_, p. 290. During the various colonial wars, many Englishmen were taken by the Indians as slaves and sold to the French in Canada. _Massachusetts Archives_, lxxiv, p. 57.

[111] Prescott, _History of the Reign of Ferdinand and Isabella the Catholic_, edition of 1838, i, p. 390; ii, p. 40.

[112] French, _op. cit._, series 2, p. 263.

[113] For slaves taken by Columbus on his three voyages, see _Journal of Columbus’ First Voyage_, in _Original Narratives of Early American History_, i, pp. 112, 306; Thacher, _Christopher Columbus, His Life, His Work, His Remains_, etc., ii, pp. 301, 357, 393, 585, 644, 685.

[114] Lowery, _The Spanish Settlements within the Present Limits of the United States, 1513–1561_, p. 136. According to the patent, the king was to name the individuals who should distribute the slaves. _Ibid._, p. 136.

[115] Lowery, _The Spanish Settlements within the Present Limits of the United States, 1513–1561_, p. 162.

[116] Shea, _The Catholic Church in Colonial Days_, p. 112; Lowery, _op. cit._, p. 136.

[117] For this reason he took no monks or priests with him. Lowery, _op. cit._, p. 136.

[118] The proclamation of Ponce de Leon is quoted in Helps, _The Conquerors of the New World and Their Bondsmen_, etc., ii, pp. 111–116. This peculiar summons to surrender had been used by the Spanish explorers and conquerors since 1509. After telling the Indians of the creation of the world, it traced the title thereto to St. Peter, and thence to the ruling pope. It cited also the grant of the Indies by the pope to the sovereigns of Castile; and after urging the Indians to acknowledge their fealty to these sovereigns, it threatened them with war and slavery if they refused.

[119] Lowery, _op. cit._, p. 169.

[120] _The Narrative of Cabeza de Vaca_, in _Original Narratives of Early American History_, ii, p. 25.

[121] _Ibid._, ii, p. 30.

[122] Bourne, _op. cit._, i, p. 20.

[123] Buckingham Smith, _Life of De Soto_, p. 170.

[124] Bourne, _op. cit._, ii, pp. 60, 94, 97, 103, 105.

[125] Bourne, _op. cit._, i, p. 34.

[126] _Ibid._, i, p. 45; ii, pp. 25, 121.

[127] _Ibid._, i, p. 70; ii, pp. 72, 75, 117, 129.

[128] Coronado, in his letter to Mendoza, August 3, 1540, mentions both negroes and Indians in the expedition. He does not allude to their being slaves. In other parts of the letter, he mentions friendly Indians accompanying the expedition. _Coronado’s Letter to Mendoza_, in the _Fourteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology_; Shea, _The Catholic Church in Colonial Days_, p. 114.

[129] _The Narrative of the Expedition of Coronado_, by Pedro de Castañeda, in _Original Narratives of Early American History_, ii, p. 324.

[130] Lowery, _op. cit._, pp. 156–157; Martin, _The History of North Carolina from the Earliest Period_, i, p. 2.

[131] _The Narrative of Cabeza de Vaca_ in _Original Narratives of Early American History_, i, pp. 25–118. Among the Indians of this region, who were carried away into captivity, were Yaqui who long afterwards remained hostile to the whites.

[132] Bancroft, _History of the North Mexican States_, i, p. 59.

[133] French, _op. cit._, pt. iv, p. 201; Shea, _Discovery and Exploration of the Mississippi Valley_, p. 201.

[134] For such instances in Soto’s journey, see Bourne, _op. cit._ For Coronado’s journey, see _Original Narratives of Early American History_, ii, pp. 289, 329, 342; _Narrative of Jaramillo_, in _Fourteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology_.

[135] Bourne, _op. cit._, ii, p. 11.

[136] _Ibid._, i, p. 20.

[137] _Ibid._, ii, p. 55.

[138] _The Narrative of the Expedition of Coronado_, by Castañeda, in _Original Narratives of Early American History_, ii, pp. 329, 342.

[139] Bourne, _op. cit._, ii, pp. 21, 117.

[140] _Ibid._, i, p. 45; ii, pp. 25, 121.

[141] _The Narrative of the Expedition of Coronado_, by Castañeda, in _Original Narratives of Early American History_, ii, p. 289.

[142] Bourne, _op. cit._, i, pp. 193–194.

[143] Fairbanks, _History of Florida from Its Discovery_, etc., p. 58.

[144] Lowery, _The Spanish Settlements within the Present Limits of the United States, 1513–1561_, pp. 249 (note), 357, 415, 417.

[145] _The Narrative of the Expedition of Coronado_, by Castañeda, in _Original Narratives of Early American History_, ii, p. 324.

[146] Bourne, _op. cit._, i, p. 177; ii, p. 60.

[147] _Ibid._, i, pp. 102, 139, 171, 191; ii, pp. 80, 121.

[148] _Ibid._, i, pp. 44, 84, 93; ii, pp. 94, 97, 103, 105, 106, 110, 112, 113, 115, 116, 117.

[149] See Lucas and Stevens, _The New Laws of the Indies_.

[150] Houck, _History of Missouri_, ii, p. 240; Wheeler, _A Practical Treatise of the Law of Slavery_, pp. 12–14. O’Reilly’s instructions to the various commandants at Natchitoches, the coast and elsewhere, are given in Gayarré, _History of Louisiana, Spanish Domination_, pp. 20, 25.

[151] Bancroft, _History of Arizona and New Mexico, 1530–1888_, p. 132.

[152] Lowery, _The Spanish Settlements within the Present Limits of the United States, Florida, 1562–1574_, pp. 145–160.

[153] Hodge, _op. cit._, pt. i, p. 874.

[154] Hodge, _op. cit._, pt. i, p. 893.

[155] _Ibid._, pt. i, pp. 894–895.

[156] _Ibid._, pt. i, p. 895; Bancroft, _History of California_, i, p. 111; Coman, _Economic Beginnings of the Far West_, i, pp. 100–101, 147–155.

[157] Hodge, _op. cit._, pt. i, p. 894.

[158] Coman, _op. cit._, ii, pp. 28–29, 31–32, 144.

[159] _Ibid._, i, pp. 40–44.

[160] _Ibid._, i, p. 99.

[161] Barrett, _The Ethno-Geography of the Pomo and Neighboring Indians_, in _University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology_, vi, p. 45.

[162] The edict of Louis XIV in 1688 authorizing the importation of slaves related only to negroes from Africa. Hamilton, _Slavery in Canada_, in _Transactions of the Canadian Institute_, 1890, i, p. 102.

[163] Hamilton, _op. cit._, in _Transactions of the Canadian Institute_, 1890, i, p. 102; _Mémoires et Documents Relatifs à l’Histoire du Canada_, p. 5.

[164] Margry, _op. cit._, vi, p. 316.

[165] Hamilton, _op. cit._, in _Transactions of the Canadian Institute_, 1890, i, p. 102.

[166] Hamilton, _op. cit._, in _Transactions of the Canadian Institute_, 1890, i, p. 102; _New York Colonial Documents_, x, p. 1118. General Amherst, the English commander and agent in the negotiations, wrote opposite the proposition: “Granted, except those who shall have been made prisoners.”

Though the word “Pawnee,” in the records, seems to have special reference to Indian slaves, it is sometimes used by the old Canadian writers to signify all persons in servitude, without regard to color. Hamilton, _op. cit._, in _Transactions of the Canadian Institute_, 1890, i, p. 107.

[167] In 1557, ten young Brazilian Indians were purchased by Villegaignon, and sent to France as a gift to King Henry II. The king distributed them among the nobles of his court. Lescarbot, _Histoire de la Nouvelle-France_, i, p. 174.

[168] See _Transactions of the Canadian Institute_, ii, p. 173.

[169] Parkman, _The Discovery of the Great West_, sixth edition, p. 27.

[170] Thwaites, _Father Marquette_, p. 34.

[171] It should be noted that the missions never attained the same prominence among the French, within the limits of the present United States, as among the Spaniards. “The neophyte was too much a child, too much a slave, too little a man” to please the Frenchman.

[172] Margry, _op. cit._, v, p. 162. La Salle, on his expedition, employed Indian hunters who were not slaves. Joutel’s _Journal of La Salle’s Last Voyage_, pp. 20, 76, 82, 94, 95, 97, 98; Parkman, _The Discovery of the Great West_, sixth edition, pp. 144, 356.

[173] _Jesuit Relations_, xxx, p. 133.

[174] _Archives du Ministre des Colonies, C. 13 ... Correspondance Générale_, ii, 1707–1712.

[175] Lowry and McCardle, _A History of Mississippi from the Discovery_, etc., second edition, p. 84.

[176] Thwaites, _Early Western Travels_, xiii, p. 179.

[177] Thomas, _The Indians of North America_, etc., p. 321.

[178] Garneau, _Histoire du Canada_, etc., fourth edition, ii, p. 95. “The number of the Natchez that escaped the grasp of Périer, at this time, has been put down by some writers as three hundred warriors.” French, _Historical Memoirs of Louisiana_, series 5, p. 102.

[179] Hodge, _op. cit._, pt. ii, p. 36; Monette, _History of the Discovery and Settlement of the Valley of the Mississippi_, etc., i, p. 272, states the number as four hundred and twenty-seven. Lowry and McCardle, _op. cit._, p. 85, place the number as forty-five male Indians, and four hundred and fifty women and children.

[180] Pittman, _The Present State of the European Settlements on the Mississippi_, Hodder edition, p. 80.

[181] On the passage, some of the Indians, for “showing their resentment by upbraiding the authors of their misery,” were thrown into the sea. _Ibid._, p. 80.

[182] Marbois, _op. cit._, p. 119, and appendix, No. 4.

[183] Ferland, _Cours d’Histoire du Canada_, seconde partie, p. 446.

[184] Landun, _Journal d’un Voyage à la Louisiane fait en 1720_, p. 247; Margry, _op. cit._, vi, p. 316; La Harpe’s _Journal_ in French, _op. cit._, p. 351.

[185] Martin, _The History of Louisiana from the Earliest Period_, i, p. 256.

[186] _Ibid._, i, p. 256.

[187] Dubroca, _L’Itinéraire des Français dans la Louisiane_, p. 81.

[188] Thomas, _The Indians of North America_, etc., p. 319; Cramoisy, _Journal de la Guerre du Micissippi contre les Chicachas_, p. 65.

[189] Cramoisy, _op. cit._, p. 65.

[190] Gayarré, _Louisiana, its History as a French Colony_, p. 64.

[191] Cramoisy, _op. cit._, pp. 49, 65, 67, 68, 89; Margry, _op. cit._, v, p. 432.

[192] Margry, _op. cit._, iii, p. 564.

[193] French, _op. cit._, pt. i, p. 42.

[194] Margry, _op. cit._, v, p. 476; French, _op. cit._, new series, i. p. 100. Hennepin, _A New Discovery_, etc., p. 631, mentions the French of Kaskaskia using both Indian and negro slaves.

[195] _Michigan Pioneer and Historical Society Collections_, xxxiii, p. 286.

[196] _Ibid._, pp. 324, 397.

[197] _Ibid._, pp. 328, 439, 544.

[198] _Ibid._, p. 550.

[199] _Ibid._, pp. 365, 396.

[200] _Wisconsin Historical Society Collections_, xvi, pp. 434, 436.

[201] Bossu, _Nouveaux Voyages dans l’Amérique Septentrionale_, p. 100.

[202] _Wisconsin Historical Society Collections_, xvi, p. 343.

[203] Kohl, _Documentary History of Maine_, i, p. 255. Verrazano says of the Indians of this region: “They are suspicious, hostile and desirous of obtaining steel implements for defense against kidnappers, who frequent the coast to seize and transport them to the Spanish Islands of the West Indies.”

[204] Hakluyt, _Voyages_, iii, pp. 209, 213; Lescarbot, _Histoire de la Nouvelle-France_, ii, p. 350; Kohl, _Documentary History of Maine_, i, pp. 327, 330; Douglas, _Old France in the New World_, pp. 22, 23, 27, 28, 30; Robinson, _An Account of Discoveries_, etc., p. 359. _Early English and French Voyages, chiefly from Hakluyt_, 1534–1608, in _Original Narratives of Early American History_, p. 81.

[205] Lescarbot, _Histoire de la Nouvelle-France_, ii, p. 364; Douglas, _op. cit._, pp. 39, 40, 42.

[206] Lescarbot, _op. cit._, ii, pp. 363–367; Kohl, _Documentary History of Maine_, i, p. 336; Douglas, _op. cit._, p. 37; Robinson, _op cit._, p. 369. _Early English and French Voyages, chiefly from Hakluyt_, 1534–1608, in _Original Narratives of Early American History_, p. 81. The promise of Cartier that the prisoners should be well treated was evidently kept. In the archives of St. Malo for the year 1538, is noted the baptism of three savages brought there by Cartier. Winsor, _Narrative and Critical History of America_, iv, p. 57. These Indians were questioned by Francis I, (Thevet, _Cosmographie Universelle_, Tome II, p. 1013), and thus served the purpose for which they had been brought. They never returned to America, for all of them, except one little girl, died in Brittany before Cartier’s third voyage in 1540. Kohl, _Documentary History of Maine_, i, p. 342; Robinson, _op. cit._, p. 406.

[207] Hakluyt, _op. cit._, iii, pp. 303–319; Lescarbot, _op. cit._, i, p. 44; _Narrative of Jean Ribaut’s Whole and True Discovery of Terra Florida_, reprinted in Courtnay, _The Genesis of South Carolina_, p. xxiv.

[208] Hakluyt, _op. cit._, iii, p. 320, says, “by permission of the king”; Robinson, _op. cit._, p. 431.

[209] French, _op. cit._, p. 74; Margry, _op. cit._, vi, pp. 282, 370, 371. An instance of kidnapping Indians in Canada by military officials is worthy of mention. In 1687, a number of Iroquois chiefs went to a French camp near Montreal, on the invitation of the French officials, to confer with the governor of Canada. The intendant, Champigny, had these chiefs seized and by the king’s orders sent to France to serve in the galleys. Brodhead, _History of New York_, first edition, ii, p. 476.

[210] Margry, _op. cit._, vi, p. 314.

[211] Margry, _op. cit._, vi, p. 29.

[212] _Ibid._, vi, p. 315.

[213] _Ibid._, vi, p. 406.

[214] _Ibid._, vi, p. 410.

[215] _Ibid._, vi, p. 593.

[216] Farmer, _The History of Detroit and Michigan_, p. 344.

[217] Margry, _op. cit._, vi, p. 601.

[218] _Ibid._, iv, p. 230; _Mississippi Provincial Archives, French Domination, Correspondance Générale_, ix, 1720–1722, p. 111; _Archives du Ministre des Colonies_, C. 13, vi, p. 50.

[219] _Archives du Ministre des Colonies_, C. 13, 1707–1712, p. 398.

[220] French, _op. cit._, pt. iii, p. 36.

[221] _Ibid._, pt. iii. p. 36.

[222] Carver, _Travels through the Interior Parts of North America_, etc., p. 346.

[223] Margry, _op. cit._, iii, p. 564.

[224] French, _op. cit._, pt. i, p. 42; _A Memoir of La Salle to Frontenac_, November 9, 1680, states: “The young bisons are easily tamed, and may be of great help, as well as the slaves in which the natives are accustomed to trade.” _Historical Magazine_, v, p. 197.

[225] Margry, _op. cit._, v, p. 476; French, _op. cit._, new series, i, p. 100; Hennepin, _A New Discovery_, etc., p. 631, mentions the French of Kaskaskia using both negro and Indian slaves.

[226] _Wisconsin Historical Society Collections_, xvi, pp. 434, 436.

[227] Savoile reported from Ft. Biloxi, August 4, 1701, that he possessed some slaves from the territory to the west and one Illinois slave, who was probably a runaway, and then adds that the French “voyageurs” would not miss this one runaway since they had so many. _Mississippi Provincial Archives, French Domination, Correspondance Générale,_ 1678–1701, i, p. 152; _Archives Nationales, Colonies_, C. 13, _Louisiane, Correspondance Générale_, 1678–1708, i, p. 315.

[228] _Archives Nationales, Colonies_, C. 12, second series, Carton I—_Louisiane, Correspondance Générale_, 1699–1773. (Transcript in Mr. Peter J. Hamilton’s library); Charlevoix, _History and General Description of New France_, (Shea’s Translation), vi, p. 32.

[229] _Mississippi Provincial Archives, French Domination, Correspondance Générale_, 1713–1714, iv; _Archives du Ministre des Colonies_, C. 13, 1710–1712, iii.

[230] Margry, _op. cit._, v, p. 476; French, _op. cit._, new series, i, p. 100.

[231] Kingsford, _The History of Canada_, iii, p. 226.

[232] _Ibid._

[233] _Mississippi Provincial Archives, French Domination, Correspondance Générale_, 1716, vii, p. 23; _Archives du Ministre des Colonies_, C. 13, iv, p. 248.

[234] Carver, _Travels through the Interior Parts of North America_, etc., p. 347.

[235] Robinson, _An Account of Discoveries in the West until 1519_, etc., p. 369; _Early English and French Voyages, chiefly from Hakluyt_, 1534–1608, in _Original Narratives of Early American History_, p. 50.

[236] Lescarbot, _op. cit._, ii, p. 352.

[237] Robinson, _op. cit._, p. 369; _Early English and French Voyages, chiefly from Hakluyt_, 1534–1608, in _Original Narratives of Early American History_, p. 55.

[238] Lescarbot, _op. cit._, i, p. 71; Hakluyt, _op. cit._, iii, pp. 319–349.

[239] Lescarbot, _op. cit._, i, p. 74; Hakluyt, _op. cit._, iii, p. 396.

[240] Sagard-Theodat, _Histoire du Canada et Voyages_, etc., new edition, iv, p. 829; Le Clercq, _The First Establishment of the Faith in New France_, Shea’s translation, i, p. 283; Douglas, _op. cit._, pp. 181, 195; Laverdière, _Oeuvres de Champlain_, seconde édition, vi, pp. 154–158.

[241] _Purchas His Pilgrimes_, xviii, p. 225; Bourne, _The Voyages and Explorations of Samuel de Champlain_, etc., i, p. 229.

[242] Bourne, _op. cit._, i, pp. 226, 229; Laverdière, _op. cit._, seconde édition, vi, pp. 154–158; Marshall, _Historical Writings Relating to the Early History of the West_, p. 22. It will be seen that these Indians were not considered as slaves by Champlain. They were to be educated and trained in religious duties for their own good, for that of the faith and the future good of the French. Yet they illustrate the readiness with which the Indians parted with members of their own tribe, as well as with those whom they held captive.

[243] Shea, _Discovery and Exploration of the Mississippi Valley_, pp. xxxii, 23; _Jesuit Relations_, lix, p. 121; French, _op. cit._, pt. iv, p. xxxii.

[244] Shea, _Discovery and Exploration of the Mississippi Valley_, p. lv.

[245] French, _op. cit._, pt. iv, p. li.

[246] _Ibid._, pt. iv, p. 169; pt. i, pp. 71, 72, 74; Margry, _op. cit._, ii, p. 98; Joutel, _Journal of La Salle’s Last Voyage_, p. 118.

[247] French, _op. cit._, series 2, p. 100.

[248] _Ibid._, new series, p. 84; Margry, _op. cit._, v, p. 433.

[249] Margry, _op. cit._, vi, p. 21.

[250] _Ibid._, vi, pp. 47, 48.

[251] _Wisconsin Historical Society Collections_, xvi, p. 192.

[252] French, _op. cit._, p. 74; Margry, _op. cit._, vi, pp. 282, 370, 37?.

[253] Margry, _op. cit._, vi, p. 407.

[254] _Mississippi Provincial Archives, French Domination, Correspondance Générale_, 1716, vi, p. 355.

[255] _Le Code Noir_, Article IX.

[256] Robinson, _op. cit._, p. 363.

[257] Lescarbot, _op. cit._, i, p. 74.

[258] Margry, _op. cit._, vi. p. 21.

[259] _Ibid._, vi, p. 458.

[260] _Ibid._, vi, p. 417.

[261] As in the case of the Spaniards, not all the Indians who accompanied the French exploring parties were slaves. Many of them were hired. Others were sent by their chiefs. Some went voluntarily.

[262] Le Page du Pratz, _The History of Louisiana_, etc., p. 20.

[263] _Correspondance Générale_, 1678–1706. Tome 2, p. 328. A memoir in the possession of the Louisiana Historical Society.

[264] _The Present State of the Country and Inhabitants, European and Indians of Louisiana on the North Continent of America_, p. 12.

[265] _Archives du Ministre des Colonies_, C. 13. 1707–1712, p. 398.

[266] Pittman, _The Present State of the European Settlements on the Mississippi_, etc., Hodder edition, p. 102; Hamilton, _Colonial Mobile_, p. 67; Monette, _History of the Discovery and Settlement of the Valley of the Mississippi_, i, p. 192; Gayarré, _History of Louisiana, French Domination_, i, p. 242; Thwaites, _Early Western Travels_, xxvii, p. 55; _Jesuit Relations_, lxix, p. 145; Martin, _History of Louisiana_, i. p. 173.

[267] Guénin, _La Louisiane_, p. 297.

[268] Pittman, _op. cit._, Hodder edition, p. 102.

[269] _Jesuit Relations_, lxix, p. 145.

[270] _Wisconsin Historical Society Collections_, xvi, p. 332.

[271] _Mississippi Provincial Archives, French Domination, Correspondance Générale_, iv, 1713–1714, p. 14; _Notes et Documents Historiques de la Louisiane_, p. 29.

[272] Bossu, _op. cit._, p. 114; Margry, _op. cit._, i, p. 112.

[273] _Wisconsin Historical Society Collections_, xvi, pp. 378, 379, 454.

[274] Margry. _op. cit._, ii, p. 293. The only instance in which a home government demanded that Indians be sent to Europe to perform actual labor as slaves, exists in the case of the French. On July 31, 1684, Louis XIV ordered de la Barre to send all Iroquois prisoners to France to serve in the galleys, because, said the letters royal, “these savages are strong and robust.” Brodhead, _History of New York_, first edition, ii, p. 476. De la Barre made an expedition against the Iroquois, but was unsuccessful. In 1687, Denonville, the succeeding governor-general, led another expedition against the Iroquois who had been especially arrogant toward the French since the repulse of de la Barre. Before the expedition had set out from Fort Frontenac, another dispatch from the king had arrived. This repeated his former orders to send the Iroquois prisoners to France to serve in the galleys. Denonville obeyed the command. Brodhead, _op. cit._, ii, p. 507. The order was repeated March, 1688, declaring “It is certain that those Indians, who are vigorous and accustomed to hardship, can serve usefully on board his Majesty’s galleys,” Brodhead, _op. cit._, ii, p. 546. Continued difficulties with the Indians led Denonville, among other concessions and attempts at conciliation, to write to France, asking that as many of the Indian galley slaves as survived should be returned to Canada, and suggesting that, to produce as good an effect as possible, they be decently clothed. The request was complied with. Marshall, _Historical Writings relating to the early History of the West_, p. 159; De Brumath, _Bishop Laval_, pp. 214, 215, 216. For a description of the French galleys of the time, see Clément, _Vie de Colbert_, p. 456.

[275] Parkman, _A Half-Century of Conflict_, ii, p. 17.

[276] Margry, _op. cit._, vi, p. 402.

[277] _Arkansas Historical Society Publications_, ii, p. 342.

[278] Hamilton, _Slavery in Canada_, in _Transactions of the Canadian Institute_, 1890, i, p. 103.

[279] See Hinsdale, _The Old Northwest_, etc., revised edition, p. 347; Monette, _op. cit._, pp. 199–200; _Wisconsin Historical Society Collections_, 1856, iii, pp. 256 _et seq._

[280] Cramoisy, _Journal de la Guerre du Micissippi contre les Chicachas_, p. 53.

[281] _Wisconsin Historical Society Proceedings_, xlvi, p. 141.

[282] Bienville ordered one of the Indian prisoners, who had assisted in the murder of St. Cosmé, to be placed on a wooden horse, and his brains to be beaten out with a club. His scalp was then cut off, and his body thrown into the river.

[283] Parkman, _The Pioneers of France in the New World_, pp. 217, 244.

[284] Lescarbot, _op. cit._, iii, p. 612; Parkman, _The Pioneers of France in the New World_, p. 279; Marshall, _op. cit._, p. 127.

[285] The following records are from a transcript in the library of Tulane University.

1724, Feb. 4, est né un fils d’une esclave Indienne appt—le père est inconnu. (p. 26).

1724, May 2—autre fois esclave de la nation des Panis marié avec Francarte de la nation de Chat—(p. 33).

1728, Sept. 13—ai inhumé dans la cimetière de cette paroisse—le corps de sauvagesse apport à—(p. 280).

1729, Feb. 26—ai baptisé—sauvage appt. à M. Roquet, (p. 371).

1729, June 20—ai baptisé—sauvage appt. à M. Villevalle (p. 389).

1730, Janvier 30—ai inhumé dans la cimetière de cette paroisse avec les ceremonies ordinaires de l’église, le corps de Jean Baptise, sauvage, age de deux ans, appt. à M. de Ste. Cheuse (p. 424).

au fay de quoy j’ai signé, Fr. Hyacueltre.

[286] Tanguay, _A Travers les Registres_, pp. 88, 111, 157 (instances cited).

[287] _Jesuit Relations_, lxx, p. 232.

[288] Dunn, _Indiana_, p. 127. _Parkman Club Papers_, p. 210, gives an account of the marriage of two Indian slaves in 1754. About 1750 half the baptisms and marriages recorded in the church register of Vincennes were “red or Indian slaves,” belonging to the commandant or to the inhabitants. Law, _The General History of Vincennes_, etc., p. 145.

[289] This register is now kept in the Mobile cathedral under the care of the Bishop of Mobile. It was presented for examination through the kindness of Father Hacket.

[290] Margry, _op. cit._, iii, p. 66; Godwyn, _The Negro and Indian’s Advocate_, etc., p. 30. When arrangements for an expedition to New Biscay were being made, a memorial on America, February, 1684, called attention to this state of affairs, and urged the king to enforce it in order to attract to the side of the French the numerous negro, Indian and mulatto slaves of that country. Margry, _op. cit._, iii, p. 66.

[291] Fortier, _A History of Louisiana_, i, p. 87.

[292] _Archives Nationales, Colonies_, C. 13, _Louisiane, Correspondance Générale_, 1673–1706, i, p. 168.

[293] French, _Historical Collections of Louisiana and Florida_, new series, i, p. 99; Pickett, _History of Alabama_, etc., p. 179.

[294] Martin, _The History of Louisiana from the Earliest Period_, i, p. 173.

[295] Quoted in Fortier, _A History of Louisiana_, i, p. 101.

[296] Margry, _op. cit._, vi, p. 231; _Mississippi Provincial Archives, French Domination, Correspondance Générale_, ix, p. 12; _Archives du Ministre des Colonies_, C. 13, vi, p. 51.

[297] _The Present State of the Country and Inhabitants, European and Indians of Louisiana on the North Continent of America_, etc., p. 26.

[298] _Jesuit Relations_, lxix, p. 211.

[299] Smith, _Slavery in Canada_, in _Nova Scotia Historical Society Collections_, 1896–1898, x, p. 3.

[300] Dunn, _Indiana_, p. 126.

[301] _Jesuit Relations_, lxix, p. 145; Hinsdale, _The Old Northwest_, etc., p. 347.

[302] Burton, _Cadillac’s Village, or Detroit under Cadillac_, p. 34.

[303] _Wisconsin Historical Society Collections_, xvi, p. 295.

[304] _Ibid._, xvi, p. 340.

[305] _Beauharnois et Hocquart au Ministre._ Quoted in Salone, _La Colonisation de la Nouvelle-France_, deuxième édition, p. 353.

[306] _Mémoires et Documents Relatifs à l’Histoire du Canada_, published by the Montreal Historical Society, pp. 8–9. Records following that time show Pawnee slaves still in existence down to 1827, _Wisconsin Historical Society Collections_, vii, pp. 158, 177, 179; xi, p. 393; xii, p. 94; _Nova Scotia Historical Society Collections_, 1896–1898, x, p. 3. In the Niagara _Herald_ several advertisements are found relating to Indian slaves. One of August 25, 1802, forbids all persons harboring a runaway Indian slave. So in the _Gazette_ and _Oracle_, early in the nineteenth century, advertisements refer to Indian slaves or “Pawnees.”

[307] Rambaut, _A Sketch of the Constitutional History of Canada_, p. 28.

[308] Smith, _Slavery in Canada_, in _Nova Scotia Historical Society Collections_, 1896–1898, x, p. 3.

[309] Grignon, _Recollections_, in _Wisconsin Historical Society Collections_, 1856, iii, pp. 256–258, mentions several such instances.

[310] _Report Concerning Canadian Archives_, 1904, pt. ii, p. 211.

[311] _Mémoires et Documents Relatifs à l’Histoire du Canada_, pp. 5–6.

An interesting example of such manumission is recorded in Louisiana in 1770. On April 30th of that year, the Sieur Pierre Clermont appeared before the notary of the Cabildo and declared that he had had for a long time in his service an Indian, Louison, of the nation of the “Sious.” The latter had served him with so much attachment and zeal that he desired to reward him, and believed that the best way to do so was to give him his freedom. As, however, he had an indispensable need for the Indian for three years longer, and feared that he might be prevented by death from liberating him, he stated that it was his wish that in three years Louison be set free and enjoy all the rights of freedom. Louison, in his turn, stated that he thanked the Sieur Clermont, and promised to serve him faithfully for three years. He also agreed to lose all rights given him by his master if he should be ungrateful to him. Fortier, _Old Papers of Colonial Times_, in _Louisiana Historical Society Publications_, i, pt. ii, 1895, p. 17.

[312] _Mississippi Provincial Archives, French Domination, Correspondance Générale_, 1716, vi, p. 355.

[313] _Ibid._, 1721–1722, x, p. 217; _Archives du Ministre des Colonies_, C. 13, vi, p. 368.

[314] Hewat, _An Historical Account of the Rise and Progress of the Colonies of South Carolina and Georgia_, ii, p. 227.

[315] Wilson, _A New History of the Conquest of Mexico_, p. 34.

[316] Dunn, _Indiana_, p. 126.

[317] Carver, _Travels through the Interior Parts of North America_, etc., p. 348.

[318] Salone, _La Colonisation de la Nouvelle-France_, deuxième édition, p. 353.

[319] In 1793, slavery was abolished in Upper Canada by act of the Provincial Parliament. In Lower Canada, it had practically ceased by 1800, the few remaining slaves being freed by an imperial act in 1834. _Jesuit Relations_, lxix, p. 301. The last public sale of a slave in Canada took place in Montreal in 1797. It has been held, however, that it was the proceeding of the Canadian courts, consistent with the rising public sentiment in England and France against slavery, rather than the actual state of the law, which reached the slave owners’ claims, and finally broke them. Hamilton, _Slavery in Canada_, in _Transactions of the Canadian Institute_, 1890, i, p. 102.

[320] _Archives Nationales, Colonies_, C. 13, _Louisiane, Correspondance Générale_, i, 1678–1706, p. 514; Gayarré, _History of Louisiana_, i, p. 100.

[321] _Mississippi Provincial Archives, French Domination, Correspondance Générale_, viii, 1717–1720, pp. 73–74.

[322] _Mississippi Provincial Archives, French Domination, Correspondance Générale_, xvii, pp. 303–307.

[323] _Report Concerning Canadian Archives_, 1905, i, p. 117.

[324] John Long’s _Journal_, 1768–1782, in Thwaites, _Early Western Travels_, ii, p. 116.

[325] Care should be taken to distinguish between the term “Pawnee” as applied to an Indian tribe, and as used by the French to mean any Indian slave, regardless of the tribe to which he originally belonged.

[326] Parkman, _The Old Régime in Canada_, p. 338.

[327] _Ibid._, p. 388.

[328] Hamilton, _Slavery in Canada_, in _Transactions of the Canadian Institute_, 1890, i, p. 102.

[329] Fortier, _A History of Louisiana_, i, p. 85; Burke, _An Account of the European Settlements in America_, i, p. 45.

[330] France also had in mind the getting rid of an undesirable class.

[331] Martin, _The History of Louisiana_, i, p. 266.

[332] French, _op. cit._, pt. iii, p. 42. Hamilton, _Slavery in Canada_, in _Transactions of the Canadian Institute_, 1890, i, p. 102.

[333] French, _op. cit._, pt. iii, p. 42.

[334] Rowland, _Encyclopedia of Mississippi History_, ii, p. 673.

[335] Wallace, _History of Louisiana and Illinois_, p. 239.

[336] Rowland, _op. cit._, ii, p. 673.

[337] French, _op. cit._, pt. iii, p. 21.

[338] Stoddard, _History of Louisiana_, p. 36.

[339] Martin, _History of Louisiana_, i, p. 266. For an instance of one hundred and seventy-five negroes brought in one vessel to Louisiana in 1721, see Margry, _op. cit._, v, p. 583.

[340] See Fortier, _op. cit._, i, pp. 87–94.

[341] _Jesuit Relations_, lxvii, p. 281.

[342] Albach, _Annals of the West_, p. 88; _Illinois Historical Society Publications_, xi, 1906, p. 49.

[343] Breese, _Early History of Illinois_, p. 194.

[344] _Illinois Historical Society Publications_, xi, 1906, p. 49.

[345] Doyle, _English Colonies in America, The Puritan Colonies_, ii, p. 506.

[346] _I. e._, until after the Pequot and King Philip Wars.

[347] Freeman, _The History of Cape Cod_, p. 72.

[348] _Connecticut Colonial Records_, 1715, p. 516.

[349] Coffin, _A Sketch of the History of Newbury_, etc., p. 337; _Essex Institute Historical Collections_, vii, p. 73; _Connecticut Colonial Records_, 1711, p. 233.

[350] Hawks, _History of North Carolina_, etc., second edition, ii, p. 577.

[351] _Bancroft Papers Relating to Carolina_, in New York City Public Library, MSS. vol. i, 1662–1769; Rivers, _A Sketch of the History of South Carolina to the Close of the Proprietary Government_, etc., p. 232; _South Carolina Historical Society Collections_, ii, p. 217; Thomas, _The Indians of North America_, etc., p. 95; Schaper, _Sectionalism in South Carolina_, p. 263.

[352] Logan, _A History of the Upper Country of South Carolina_, i, p. 189.

[353] Rivers, _A Sketch of the History of South Carolina to the Close of Proprietary Government_, etc., p. 231.

[354] _Public Records of South Carolina_, 1711–1716, vi, p. 276; _British Public Record Office_, Am. N. I., vol. 620.

[355] Hewat, _An Historical Account of the Rise of the Colonies of South Carolina and Georgia_, i, p. 309.

[356] Glenn, _A Description of South Carolina_, etc., p. 81; _Charleston Year Book_, 1883, p. 407. (A quotation from a pamphlet entitled, “The Importance of the British Plantations in America to this Kingdom,” London, 1731).

[357] Dalcho, _An Historical Account of the Protestant Episcopal Church in South Carolina_, p. 287; Humphreys, _An Historical Account of the Incorporated Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts_, etc., edition of 1730, pp. 103–105.

As the result of the intermingling of negroes and Indians, which came about when the coast tribes dwindled and the small number of remaining members moved inland, associated and intermarried with the negroes until they finally lost their identity and were classed with that race, a considerable portion of the blood of the southern negroes is unquestionably Indian. _Nineteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology_, 1897–1898, p. 233. It was these mixed bloods, as well as the pure blood Indians, to which the statutes referred by the terms “Indian slaves” and “mustee,” or “mestee,” slaves. Occasional mention is made in the colonial newspapers of slaves of the mixed red and black races. _American Weekly Mercury_, October 24, 1734. The opinion has even been advanced that, in certain of the colonies, there never were any pure blood Indian slaves. Mr. W. B. Melius of Albany, New York, asserts; “I do not believe the pure Indian was sold as a slave (in New York), I believe the Indian who was the slave was not without mixture.” _New York State Library Bulletin, History_, No. 4, May, 1900. One instance of the mixture of the Indians and negroes in New York is found in a complaint made in 1717, that negro slaves ran away, and were secreted by the Minisink with whose women they intermarried. _Ibid._, No. 4, May, 1900.

[358] _Colonial Records of the State of Georgia_, vi, p. 259, mentions an Indian slave in 1749.

[359] Howe, _Historical Collections of Virginia_, etc., p. 134.

[360] Winthrop, _Journal History of New England_, i, p. 225, in _Original Narratives of Early American History_.

[361] See