Chapter 10 of 11 · 2808 words · ~14 min read

part iii

., or Harnack and Preuschen, _Gesch. der altch. Litt._, vol. i.

LITERATURE.--A copious bibliography will be found in Harnack, _Chronologie_, vol. ii., or in Bardenhewer, _Gesch. der altk. Lit._ Either of these will supply the names of works upon Clement's biblical text, his use of Stoic writers, his quotations from heathen writers, and his relation to heathen philosophy. A valuable book is de Faye, _Clém. d'Alex_. (1898). For his theological position see Harnack, _Dogmengeschichte_; Hort, _Six Lectures on the Ante-Nicene Fathers_; Westcott, "Clem, of Alex." in _Dict. Christ. Biog._; Bigg, _Christian Platonists of Alex._ (1886). A book on Clement's relation to Mysticism is wanted. (C. Bi.; J. D.)

FOOTNOTE:

[1] Zahn thinks we have part of them in the _Adumbrationes Clem. Alex. in epistolas canonicas_ (Codex Lindum, 96, sec. ix.). They were perhaps intended as a completion of the preceding course.

CLÉMENT, FRANÇOIS (1714-1793), French historian, was born at Bèze, near Dijon, and was educated at the Jesuit College at Dijon. At the age of seventeen he entered the society of the Benedictines of Saint Maur, and worked with such intense application that at the age of twenty-five he was obliged to take a protracted rest. He now resided in Paris, where he wrote the 11th and 12th vols. of the _Histoire littéraire de la France_, and edited (with Dom Brial) the 12th and 13th vols. of the _Recueil des historiens des Gauls et de la France_. The king appointed him on the committee which was engaged in publishing charters, diplomas and other documents connected with French history (see Xavier Charmes, _Le Comité des travaux historiques et scientifiques_, vol. i., 1886, passim); and the Academy of Inscriptions chose him as a member (1785). Dom Clément also revised the _Art de vérifier les dates_, edited in 1750 by Dom Clémencet. Three volumes with the Indexes appeared from 1783 to 1792. He was engaged in preparing another volume including the period before the Christian era, when he died suddenly of apoplexy, at the age of sixty-nine. The work was afterwards brought down from 1770 to 1827 by Julien de Courcelles and Fortia d'Urban.

CLÉMENT, JACQUES (1567-1589), murderer of the French king Henry III., was born at Sorbon in the Ardennes, and became a Dominican friar. Civil war was raging in France, and Clément became an ardent partisan of the League; his mind appears to have become unhinged by religious fanaticism, and he talked of exterminating the heretics, and formed a plan to kill Henry III. His project was encouraged by some of the heads of the League; he was assured of temporal rewards if he succeeded, and of eternal bliss if he failed. Having obtained letters for the king, he left Paris on the 31st of July 1589, and reached St Cloud, the headquarters of Henry, who was besieging Paris. On the following day he was admitted to the royal presence, and presenting his letters he told the king that he had an important and confidential message to deliver. The attendants then withdrew, and while Henry was reading the letters Clément mortally wounded him with a dagger which had been concealed beneath his cloak. The assassin was at once killed by the attendants who rushed in, and Henry died early on the following day. Clément's body was afterwards quartered and burned. This deed, however, was viewed with far different feelings in Paris and by the partisans of the League, the murderer being regarded as a martyr and extolled by Pope Sixtus V., while even his canonization was discussed.

See E. Lavisse, _Histoire de France_, tome vi. (Paris, 1904).

CLEMENTI, MUZIO (c. 1751-1832), Italian pianist and composer, was born at Rome between 1750 and 1752. His father, a jeweller, encouraged his son's early musical talent. Buroni and Cordicelli were his first masters, and at the age of nine Clementi's theoretical and practical studies had advanced to such a degree that he was able to win the position of organist at a church. He continued his studies under Santarelli and Carpani, and at the age of fourteen wrote a mass which was performed in public. About 1766 Beckford, the author of _Vathek_, persuaded Clementi to follow him to England, where the young composer lived in retirement at one of the country seats of his protector in Dorsetshire until 1770. In that year he first appeared in London, where his success both as composer and pianist was rapid and brilliant. In 1777 he was for some time employed as conductor of the Italian opera, but he soon afterwards left London for Paris. Here also his concerts were crowded by enthusiastic audiences, and the same success accompanied Clementi on a tour about the year 1780 to southern Germany and Austria. At Vienna, which he visited between 1781 and 1782, he was received with high honour by the emperor Joseph II., in whose presence he met Mozart, and fought a kind of musical duel with him. His technical skill proved to be equal if not superior to that of his rival, who on the other hand infinitely surpassed him by the passionate beauty of his interpretation. It is worth noting that one of the finest of Clementi's sonatas, that in B flat, shows an exactly identical opening theme with Mozart's overture to the _Flauto Magico_.

In May 1782 Clementi returned to London, where for the next twelve years he continued his lucrative occupations of fashionable teacher and performer at the concerts of the aristocracy. He took shares in the pianoforte business of a firm which went bankrupt in 1800. He then established a pianoforte and music business of his own, under the name of Clementi & Co. Other members were added to the firm, including Collard and Davis, and the firm was ultimately taken over by Messrs Collard alone. Amongst his pupils on the pianoforte during this period may be mentioned John Field, the composer of the celebrated _Nocturnes_. In his company Clementi paid, in 1804, a visit to Paris, Vienna, St Petersburg, Berlin and other cities. While he was in Berlin, Meyerbeer became one of his pupils. He also revisited his own country after an absence of more than thirty years. In 1810 Clementi returned to London, but refused to play again in public, devoting the remainder of his life to composition. Several symphonies belong to this time, and were played with much success at contemporary concerts, but none of them seem to have been published. His intellectual and musical faculties remained unimpaired until his death, on the 9th of March 1832, at Evesham, Worcester.

Of Clementi's playing in his youth, Moscheles wrote that it was "marked by a most beautiful _legato_, a supple touch in lively passages, and a most unfailing _technique_." Mozart may be said to have closed the old and Clementi to have founded the newer school of _technique_ on the piano. Amongst Clementi's compositions the most remarkable are sixty sonatas for pianoforte, and the great collection of _Études_ called _Gradus ad Parnassum_.

CLEMENTINE LITERATURE, the name generally given to the writings which at one time or another were fathered upon Pope Clement I. (q.v.), commonly called Clemens Romanus, who was early regarded as a disciple of St Peter. Thus they are for the most part a species of the larger pseudo-Petrine genus. Chief among them are: (1) The so-called Second Epistle; (2) two Epistles on Virginity; (3) the _Homilies_ and _Recognitions_; (4) the _Apostolical Constitutions_ (q.v.); and (5) five epistles forming part of the Forged Decretals (see DECRETALS). The present article deals mainly with the third group, to which the title "Clementine literature" is usually confined, owing to the stress laid upon it in the famous Tübingen reconstruction of primitive Christianity, in which it played a leading part; but later criticism has lowered its importance as its true date and historical relations have been progressively ascertained. (1) and (2) became "Clementine" only by chance, but (3) was so originally by literary device or fiction, the cause at work also in (4) and (5). But while in all cases the suggestion of Clement's authorship came ultimately from his prestige as writer of the genuine Epistle of Clement (see CLEMENT I.), both (3) and (4) were due to this idea as operative on Syrian soil; (5) is a secondary formation based on (3) as known to the West.

(1) _The "Second Epistle of Clement."_--This is really the earliest extant Christian homily (see APOSTOLIC FATHERS). Its theme is the duty of Christian repentance, with a view to obedience to Christ's precepts as the true confession and homage which He requires. Its special charge is "Preserve the flesh pure and the seal (i.e. baptism) unstained" (viii. 6). But the peculiar way in which it enforces its morals in terms of the Platonic contrast between the spiritual and sensuous worlds, as archetype and temporal manifestation, suggests a special local type of theology which must be taken into account in fixing its _provenance_. This theology, the fact that the preacher seems to quote the _Gospel according to the Egyptians_ (in ch. xii. and possibly elsewhere) as if familiar to his hearers, and indeed its literary affinities generally, all point to Alexandria as the original home of the homily, at a date about 120-140 (see _Zeit. f. N. T. Wissenschaft_, vii. 123 ff). Neither Corinth (as Lightfoot) nor Rome (as Harnack, who assigns it to Bishop Soter, c. 166-174) satisfies all the internal conditions, while the Eastern nature of the external evidence and the homily's quasi-canonical status in the Codex-Alexandrinus strongly favour an Alexandrine origin.

(2) _The Two Epistles to Virgins_, i.e. to Christian celibates of both sexes. These are known in their entirety only in Syriac, and were first published by Wetstein (1752), who held them genuine. This view is now generally discredited, even by Roman Catholics like Funk, their best recent editor (_Patres Apost._, vol. ii.). External evidence begins with Epiphanius (_Haer._ xxx. 15) and Jerome (_Ad Jovin._ i. 12); and the silence of Eusebius tells heavily against their existence before the 4th century, at any rate as writings of Clement. The Monophysite Timothy of Alexandria (A.D. 457) cites one of them as Clement's, while Antiochus of St Saba (c. A.D. 620) makes copious but unacknowledged extracts from both in the original Greek. There is no trace of their use in the West. Thus their Syrian origin is manifest, the more so that in the Syriac MS. they are appended to the New Testament, like the better-known epistles of Clement in the Codex Alexandrinus. Indeed, judging from another Syriac MS. of earlier date, which includes the latter writings in its canon, it seems that the Epistles on Virginity gradually replaced the earlier pair in certain Syrian churches--even should Lightfoot be right in doubting if this had really occurred by Epiphanius's day (_S. Clement of Rome_, i. 412).

Probably these epistles did not originally bear Clement's name at all, but formed a single epistle addressed to ascetics among an actual circle of churches. In that case they, or rather it, may date from the 3rd century in spite of Eusebius's silence, and are not pseudo-Clementine in any real sense. It matters little whether or not the false ascription was made before the division into two implied already by Epiphanius (c. A.D. 375). Special occasion for such a hortatory letter may be discerned in its polemic against intimate relations between ascetics of opposite sex, implied to exist among its readers, in contrast to usage in the writer's own locality. Now we know that spiritual unions, prompted originally by highstrung Christian idealism as to a religious fellowship transcending the law of nature in relation to sex, did exist between persons living under vows of celibacy during the 3rd century in

## particular, and not least in Syria (cf. the case of Paul of Samosata, c.

265, and the Synod of Ancyra in Galatia, c. 314). It is natural, then, to see in the original epistle a protest against the dangers of such spiritual boldness (cf. "Subintroductae" in Herzog-Hauck's _Realencyklopädie_), prior perhaps to the famous case at Antioch just noted. Possibly it is the feeling of south Syria or Palestine that here expresses itself in remonstrance against usages prevalent in north Syria. Such a view finds support also in the New Testament canon implied in these epistles.

(3)[a] _The Epistle of Clement to James_ (the Lord's brother). This was originally part of (3)[b], in connexion with which its origin and date are discussed. But as known to the West through Rufinus's Latin version, it was quoted as genuine by the synod of Vaison (A.D. 442) and throughout the middle ages. It became "the starting point of the most momentous and gigantic of medieval forgeries, the Isidorian Decretals," "where it stands at the head of the pontifical letters, extended to more than twice its original length." This extension perhaps occurred during the 5th century. At any rate the letter in this form, along with a "second epistle to James" (on the Eucharist, church furniture, &c.), dating from the early 6th century, had separate currency long before the 9th century, when they were incorporated in the _Decretals_ by the forger who raised the Clementine epistles to five (see Lightfoot, _Clement_, i. 414 ff.).

(3)[b] _The "Homilies" and "Recognitions_"--"The two chief extant Clementine writings, differing considerably in some respects in doctrine, are both evidently the outcome of a peculiar speculative type of Judaistic Christianity, for which the most characteristic name of Christ was 'the true Prophet.' The framework of both is a narrative purporting to be written by Clement (of Rome) to St James, the Lord's brother, describing at the beginning his own conversion and the circumstances of his first acquaintance with St Peter, and then a long succession of incidents accompanying St Peter's discourses and disputations, leading up to a romantic recognition of Clement's father, mother and two brothers, from whom he had been separated since childhood. The problems discussed under this fictitious guise are with rare exceptions fundamental problems for every age; and, whatever may be thought of the positions maintained, the discussions are hardly ever feeble or trivial. Regarded simply as mirroring the past, few, if any, remains of Christian antiquity present us with so vivid a picture of the working of men's minds under the influence of the new leaven which had entered into the world" (Hort, _Clem. Recog._, p. xiv.).

The indispensable preliminary to a really historic view of these writings is some solution of the problem of their mutual relations. The older criticism assumed a dependence of one upon the other, and assigned one or both to the latter part of the 2nd century. Recent criticism, however, builds on the principle, which emerges alike from the external and internal evidence (see Salmon in the _Dict. of Christian Biography_), that both used a common basis. Our main task, then, is to define the nature, origin and date of the parent document, and if possible its own literary antecedents. Towards the solution of this problem two contributions of prime importance have recently been made. The earlier of these is by F.J.A. Hort, and was delivered in the form of lectures as far back as 1884, though issued posthumously only in 1901; the other is the elaborate monograph of Dr Hans Waitz (1904).

_Criticism._--(i.) _External Evidence as to the Clementine Romance._ The evidence of ancient writers really begins, not with Origen,[1] but with Eusebius of Caesarea, who in his _Eccl. Hist._ iii. 38, writes as follows: "Certain men have quite lately brought forward as written by him (Clement) other verbose and lengthy writings, containing dialogues of Peter, forsooth, and Apion, whereof not the slightest mention is to be found among the ancients, for they do not even preserve in purity the stamp of the Apostolic orthodoxy." Apion, the Alexandrine grammarian and foe of Judaism, whose criticism was answered by Josephus, appears in this character both in _Homilies_ and _Recognitions_, though mainly in the former (iv. 6-vii. 5). Thus Eusebius implies (1) a spurious Clementine work containing matter found also in our _Homilies_ at any rate; and (2) its quite recent origin. Next we note that an extract in the _Philocalia_ is introduced as follows: "Yea, and Clement the Roman, a disciple of Peter the Apostle, after using words in harmony with these on the present problem, in conversation with his father at Laodicea in the _Circuits_, speaks a very necessary word for the end of arguments touching this matter, viz. those things which seem to have proceeded from _genesis_ (= astrological destiny), in the fourteenth book." The extract answers to _Recognitions_, x. 10-13, but it is absent from our _Homilies_. Here we observe that (1) the extract agrees this time with _Recognitions_, not with _Homilies_; (2) its framework is that of the Clementine romance found in both; (3) the tenth and last book of _Recognitions_ is here parallel to