CHAPTER XXIX

.

CONCLUSION OF THE WAR.

BEFORE summing up the Artillery share in the American War of Independence, a glance may be taken at the domestic life of the Regiment at this time. From the date when the Regimental feeling first developed itself, there has always been a body of officers whom taste, opportunity, or ability has singled out to express the hopes, schemes, or resolutions, which may have existed among the officers at large for the welfare of the Corps. The centre of the Regimental life which has found its expression in such men has always been Woolwich. In the earlier days of the Regiment this was natural, as its head-quarters and its commanding officer were at that station: in later times, when the Regiment became too large for the supervision of one man, the head- quarters of the Battalions were concentrated there; and after the appointment of a Deputy-Adjutant-General of the Royal Artillery, his office remained at Woolwich for many years, the centre of administration of the whole corps. The large force of Artillery always at Woolwich, the manufacturing departments, and the numerous Regimental establishments, such, for example, as the Royal Artillery Institution, and the Department of Artillery studies, conspire at the present day to render Woolwich more than ever the centre of the Regiment's intellectual and domestic life.

In the correspondence between officers at out-stations and at head- quarters, at various times in the Regiment's history, may be read much that is interesting of Regimental schemes and wishes. The great domestic event during the American war was undoubtedly the formation of the Invalid Battalion, thus ridding the four service Battalions of their invalid companies, and giving them effective men instead. The promotion given by the augmentation gave also great satisfaction to the officers, and in no place was it hailed with more delight than in America. Although the Invalid Battalion was not formed until 1779, its formation had been part of a scheme which had entered into the consideration of the thoughtful officers of the Regiment for some years. In a letter from General Pattison, at New York, to Captain Blomefield, at Woolwich, the scheme is thus alluded to. "I have just time, and that is all, to acknowledge and thank you for your obliging communication of the new arrangement for the Corps of Artillery. I began to despair of that plan, after lying dormant so long, ever taking place. You will, I am sure, do me the justice to believe that its being brought to light again, and carried into execution, affords me the truest satisfaction, and I very sincerely congratulate you upon the event. I hope, too, it is a prelude to something still better, _and that the next step will be to form the four Battalions into as many Regiments, to consist of two Battalions each_; and then I think the young officers need not be very solicitous to get into the Line." This is a very interesting quotation; and shows that the idea which has frequently been entertained, although happily never carried out, of dividing the Regiment into small Regiments with independent promotion, is at least a century old. Division of a different description may soon be necessary; a more thorough separation of the Garrison Artillery from the Horse and Field Artillery; but a division into several Regiments would have few good results, and many evil. That the division, which it is said above may become necessary, has never been effected, is demonstrative of the strength of the Regimental feeling, which could tolerate so many anomalies, rather than admit the small end of the wedge of separation. As science progresses, Siege and Garrison Artillery wander farther away every day from the Field branch of the Arm; and the difficulty of ensuring the necessary proficiency in officers who are changed repeatedly from one service to another wholly distinct, as well as the natural tendencies of young officers towards the mounted branches, may some day compel the issue of the long deferred edict of divorce. That such divorce is practicable without infringing on the Regimental system is as firmly believed by those who have given the subject their consideration, as that the duties of the various branches would be better performed, were the officers to realize that they would be retained in their performance during the whole of their professional lives. Embarrassing details, and individual hardships, might terrify a military reformer from undertaking the task; but such hardships are inevitable in every reform, and it is the duty of a conscientious and statesmanlike reformer to master details, instead of being mastered by them.

A century ago, the anxiety for a division of the Regiment which animated not a few thoughtful officers was inspired by the longing to create a promotion in the junior ranks, which would stimulate zeal, and remove the despair which was creeping over them. Not a few subalterns during the American War, who distinguished themselves, asked and obtained as their reward commissions in the Line. The elder officers might well become anxious, and look hungrily for any scheme which would deter their younger comrades from abandoning a service to which they did honour. And in this anxiety we may read an explanation of the almost undue delight which the creation of the Invalid Battalion, and eight additional service companies, with the consequent promotion, produced.

Not that in the Fourth Battalion there was not another minor reason for rejoicing. Its head-quarter staff had accompanied the Battalion almost from the commencement of the War; and there was no one at home to give the same attention to the recruiting, as would have been paid by the Battalion's own staff. The creation of two new service companies, to remain at Woolwich as a Depôt for the companies abroad, would, it was hoped, ensure more care in recruiting, and, as General Pattison wrote ironically, "my friends will not be put to the trouble of sending me any more drafts of _picked_ men." The recruiting accounts for the various companies would also be expedited, for under the existing arrangement it too often happened, as the General wrote, that "the Agents have been prevented by more important affairs from bringing to any settlement the concerns of those, who are at 3000 miles' distance."

But there were more pleasing subjects of correspondence between Woolwich and the out-stations than recruiting or promotion. There was a genuine desire springing up in the hearts of the more thoughtful officers for a more scientific training, a desire which was daily acquiring strength, and whose mere existence ensured success; for those who sought it for others, endeavoured by their own exertions to secure it for themselves. At this time in the Regiment's history the feeling attained strength and certainty that to be a scientific corps was as high an aim as to win battles. Armed science was felt to be the aim of study. Something higher than mere gallantry, something more durable than brilliancy or _dash_, was felt to be necessary in officers of Artillery. Inventive genius was encouraged in the professional field; individual talent was coaxed and rewarded; and to the ordinary Regimental _esprit_, without which a military life would be a mere Valley of Dry Bones, was added scientific enthusiasm. There was, doubtless, much haziness as to ways and means; much uncertainty as to the details of the closer alliance which it was felt should exist between the corps and the scientific world; but there was enthusiasm, and a readiness to employ any aids already existing, which would certainly ensure success. The foundation of the Royal Military Repository; the establishment of such Government works as those at Waltham Abbey; the closer connection between the Royal Laboratory and the Regiment by the appointment of Captain Congreve as the Controller of the former,—all combined to give increased life and strength to the scientific tendencies which might otherwise have languished. The feeling which was to find strong and eloquent expression from distinguished, although unprofessional lips, nearly a century later, in the same Woolwich where it had been born, was certainly, albeit dimly, in existence then. With what a ring did the words now to be quoted echo in the old birthplace of the Regiment! How grandly did they give shape and consistency to the dreams which for a hundred years had been haunting those to whom their profession was dear!

"The two classes," said the eloquent speaker,[38] "which will have an increasing—it may be a preponderating—influence on the fate of the human race for some time, will be the pupils of Aristotle and those of Alexander,—the men of science and the soldiers. In spite of all appearances and all declamations to the contrary, that is my firm conviction. They, and they alone, will be left to rule, because they alone—each in his own sphere—have learnt to obey. It is, therefore, most needful for the welfare of society that they should pull with, and not against, each other,—that they should understand each other, respect each other, take counsel with each other, supplement each other's defects, bring out each other's higher tendencies, counteract each other's lower ones. The scientific man has something to learn of you, which I doubt not that he will learn in good time. You, again, have something to learn of him, which you, I doubt not, will learn in good time likewise. Repeat—each of you according to his powers—the old friendship between Aristotle and Alexander; and so, from the sympathy and co-operation of you two, a class of thinkers and actors may yet arise, which can save this nation, and the other civilized nations of the world, from that of which I had rather not speak, and wish that I did not think, too often and too earnestly.

"I may be a dreamer; and I may consider, in my turn, as wilder dreamers than myself, certain persons who fancy that their only business in life is to make money;—the scientific man's only business to show them how to make money;—and the soldier's only business to guard their money for them. Be that as it may, the finest type of civilized man which we are likely to see for some generations to come will be produced by a combination of the truly military with the truly scientific man. I say, I may be a dreamer; but you at least, as well as my scientific friends, will bear with me, for my dream is to your honour."

But to return to the operations of the Army in America. In the last chapter allusion was made to the successful attack made on Stony Point, on the Hudson, by the British troops from New York, in which General Pattison took a prominent part. Very shortly afterwards a dashing attempt was made by the Americans to retake it. The post was considered to be safe against any sudden surprise; but at midnight, on the 15th July, 1779, a bold and daring attempt was made to retake it, and it was carried by storm in less than twenty minutes. The number of the assailants was stated by themselves not to exceed six hundred, under Brigadier Wayne. The garrison was nearly equal in strength, and commanded by Colonel Johnson, of the 17th Regiment, an officer of considerable experience and reputation; yet the enemy, advancing in two or three columns from different points, was in a few minutes master of the place. The Commandant of New York, in his report of the occurrence to Lord Townshend, said: "It must, in justice, be allowed to General Wayne's credit, as well as to all acting under his orders, that no instance of inhumanity was shown to any of the unhappy captives. No one was unnecessarily put to the sword or wantonly wounded. Our loss in killed is not yet ascertained, but it is thought to be trifling, and the number of wounded amounts only to one Captain, four subalterns, and about eight-and-thirty men, of whom is one corporal of the Artillery. The rebels assert that they had only four men killed. Our loss in prisoners is a very serious one—almost the whole of the 17th Regiment, two companies of the 71st (Grenadiers), about sixty of the Loyal American Corps, and, I am particularly grieved to say, one Captain, one subaltern, four non-commissioned officers, thirty-nine privates, and one drummer of the Artillery. One subaltern (Lieutenant Roberts) made his escape by getting to the shore, and swimming near a mile to the 'Vulture' Sloop of War."[39]

As soon as they obtained possession of the work, the Americans turned the guns of the fort against the opposite post of Verplank's Point, occupied by the 33rd Regiment, Ferguson's Corps, and part of the Loyal American Battalion. Part of the rebel force, under General Macdougal, threatened an attack upon the east side, and repeatedly attempted to force the piquets, but without success, for Colonel Webster and the troops under his command behaved with great spirit. Reinforcements from the camp and from Philipsburg soon arrived; and the enemy, somewhat hastily, evacuated Stony Point, demolishing the works as much as possible, and carrying off all the brass guns and stores in a large armed galley, mounting one 32-pounder and eight 4-pounders, which they sent down the river for the purpose. Fortunately, the wind was against the vessel on her return; and Lieutenant Douglas, of the Artillery, who was in command of a detachment at Verplank's Point, opened fire on her with such success from an 18-pounder gun, that, after being hulled several times, she was run on shore to prevent her sinking, and then set on fire. Lieutenant Douglas, as was mentioned in the last chapter, and his detachment, were honoured by the thanks of the Commander-in-Chief for their good behaviour. "Endeavours were afterwards used to recover the cannon, but as they did not succeed it was presumed that the rebels with their usual industry found some means, under favour of the night, to convey them up the river. Upon the enemy evacuating Stony Point, we once more took possession of it, with the 42nd, 63rd, and 64th Regiments. Captain Ferguson is made Governor, and it is now fortifying with a close work, which it had not before. The Army is since fallen back again from Dobbs's Ferry to its former camp at Philipsburg."[40]

The next event worthy of mention is that described by the Commandant of New York as "a most extraordinary attempt to take by assault the post of Paulis Hook, that has been occupied by the King's troops ever since they took possession of New York." This story has been told by American writers, but it will be equally interesting to English and American readers to have placed before them the official report of the occurrence, made by General Pattison to Lord Townshend. "Paulis Hook," wrote the gallant General, "is on the Jersey shore, opposite to this town, and considered as an appendage to it. I am sorry to say the enterprise, bold as it was, succeeded but too well, and little to the honour of the defendants. That your Lordship may judge of the strength of this post from its natural situation and from the works raised for its protection, I send the enclosed plan, which will show how far it ought to have been out of the reach of insult. The troops allotted to garrison it were the 4th Battalion of Skinner's Provincial Brigade, under the command of Colonel Buskirk, and a part of the Invalid Battalion. Major Sutherland, of the Invalid Battalion, was the Commandant. On the preceding day it was determined that Colonel Buskirk should march out a detachment that evening, with the design of surprising a party of 100 rebels near the English neighbourhood. As the garrison would thereby be much weakened, the Major applied to me for a reinforcement for that night of a Captain and forty men, which I complied with, and sent them from the Hessian Regiment of Knyphausen. At half-past three o'clock the next morning advice was brought to me that,— firing of musketry being heard at Paulis Hook,—it was probably attacked, but having (soon after the command was given me of this garrison) established with Major Sutherland the signal he was to make in case he should be attacked in such force as to require succour from hence,— namely, to fire two pieces of cannon and to hang out three lights,—and being informed that no cannon had been heard or lights seen, I concluded that Buskirk was on his return, and that some small party had been harassing his rear, the firing at that time having nearly ceased. However, I immediately sent over to know what was the real state of the post. Upon the return of the messenger, I was filled with astonishment at receiving a letter from Major Sutherland, saying that the enemy, having got through the abattis, had taken the right-hand and centre block-houses and the principal fort, but that the round redoubt, in which was himself, with a Captain and twenty-five Hessians, had been defended; that the left block-house was likewise safe; and that the enemy had retreated, carrying off with them the guards of the two block- houses, which (though almost impregnable, except by cannon) were shamefully abandoned, the detachment of Artillery from the fort, and such officers and soldiers as were in their barracks. He further added that he was under great apprehensions of Colonel Buskirk's corps being cut off. I, thereupon, without loss of time, sent over the flank companies of the Guards, with 100 men from the Brigade, and nearly the same number of Hessians, with a party of Artillery, under the command of the Field Officer of the day, Lieutenant-Colonel Cosmo Gordon. The light infantry were pushed forward about ten miles; and Colonel Buskirk, after the _coup manqué_, made his retreat good to Paulis Hook, without any loss, bringing four prisoners,—and the Guards likewise took a Captain and six prisoners on their march. What is nearly as extraordinary as the enterprise itself and the success of it is, that the enemy, though in full possession of the fort, did not spike a gun, destroy the ammunition, or do the least injury to any of the buildings. The strength of the garrison at the time it was assaulted was about 200; and, by the returns I have received, there were, _killed_, four sergeants, two corporals, and three privates; _wounded_, two sergeants; and, _taken or missing_, four subalterns, seven sergeants, five corporals, and ninety- seven privates. Lieutenant Cockburne, who was the Artillery officer on duty there, says that a soldier came to the hut where he slept, within thirty yards of the fort, to give him the alarm; that he instantly flew towards the fort, but found the enemy masters of it, whereupon he ran to the block-house, and thereby saved himself from being taken prisoner. The Commander-in-Chief was pleased to order a Board of two Brigadier- Generals and three Field Officers to assemble the day following, to inquire into the cause of the affront suffered at Paulis Hook on the morning of the 19th August, 1779, and to report to him thereupon; and yesterday, having received the opinion of the Board, he gave orders for putting Major Sutherland in arrest, and for him to prepare to take his trial before a Court-martial, upon a charge of 'general misconduct as Commandant of Paulis Hook on the morning of the 19th inst.'" Major Sutherland was ultimately acquitted.

The demand for Artillery officers became so great that the Cadets who were attached to the companies in America were commissioned as Second Lieutenants in the autumn of 1779, by Sir Henry Clinton, as Commander- in-Chief, "to entitle them to sit at Courts-martial and to command as officers." This step, combined with the removal of many officers, who were absent on sick leave, to the new invalid companies, their places being filled with effective officers, rendered the force in America more efficient than it had been at any previous period of the war.

With the year 1780 commenced what may be called the Southern epoch of the War of Independence, whose opening scene was successful for the British arms, being the capture by Sir Henry Clinton of Charlestown, South Carolina. Previous to removing so large a portion of the New York garrison to assist in his offensive operations, Sir Henry determined to evacuate Rhode Island, bringing the troops—British and Hessians—with Artillery and stores, to New York. Private intimation was given to Lieut.-Colonel Innes, who commanded the Artillery on the island, and he was thus able to make the necessary preparations for the removal of stores, ammunition, and horses. With such care and assiduity did he perform the duty, that when the troops reached New York on the 27th October, 1779, the whole of his guns, stores, and horses—with the exception of twenty—came with them. The armament of Rhode Island, which was thus added to the defences of New York, consisted of 20 field-guns, 9 howitzers, 17 mortars, and 72 iron guns of various calibres. From want of vessels to convey it, over 1300 tons of hay were left on the island, a commodity which could ill be spared. The enemy made no attempt to molest the troops, either during their embarkation or their retreat.

Notwithstanding the increase just mentioned to the armament of New York, the Commandant was unable with the guns at his command to arm the new fortifications which he had been making. There is a memorandum in the Record Office of the purchase by him of ten 12-pounder iron Swedish guns for the new fortified lines near Fort Knyphausen, from the North to the East River. These guns were exposed to a careful proof, and were bought at the rate of 16_l._ per ton.

It was immediately after the departure of Sir Henry Clinton's force for Charlestown that the intense frost occurred, mentioned in the last chapter as having closed the navigation of New York, and deprived it of its insular advantages. It had the effect of satisfactorily testing the loyalty of the inhabitants, and of adding another proof of General Pattison's ability and energy. In a report made by him to Sir Henry Clinton, dated the 21st February, 1780, he sketches the plan he had resolved on in case of attack; and as it is an interesting contribution to the History of the War, part of it is now given:—"As General Knyphausen and General Tryon were pleased to approve of my disposition of part of the garrison and militia troops for the internal defence and security of the city and its vicinity, I take the liberty of enclosing a copy of it. If the enemy had crossed over at Harlem, or on the North River anywhere to the south of the line of McGowan's Pass, the 42nd Regiment, the Brigade of Losberg, and the two Anspach Battalions, were to have advanced to positions which General Knyphausen had fixed upon, from Colonel Clerke's house to the circular Redoubt on the East River, and several light field-pieces were fixed upon sleighs, ready to march to wherever they might be wanted. In the Foundry Redoubt I placed a 24- pounder and two 6-pounders, with a 13-inch mortar, as commanding a long reach of the North River; and in the new Star Fort near it were added three small mortars.

"The cannon upon the Fort and batteries were kept loaded; the guard at your Excellency's quarters, as well as all the others along the North River, from the time of the ice being passable, were doubled every evening; and a night piquet of a Captain and fifty men put on board the 'Earl Cornwallis,' Ordnance transport, which was so placed at the Hay Magazine Wharf that her guns bore up and down the river. An armed galley which lay near had also every evening an officer and twenty-five seamen on board.... I had almost forgot to mention a little Corps formed from the Baggage and Store Guards left in town, which might be useful, if collected together. I therefore put them under the orders of Major Small, and they made—with those he had of the 84th Regiment—upwards of 200 men. I am sorry to have trespassed so much upon your Excellency's time by giving this long detail, but think it my duty, Sir, to inform you of the several steps and precautions which have been taken for discharging the important trust your Excellency was pleased to honour me with.... I persuade myself that the recent proofs of loyalty among so numerous a body of His Majesty's subjects in this town cannot fail to be acceptable to your Excellency, and I shall be happy if the endeavours I have used to give vigour and exertion to it are so fortunate as to be honoured with your approbation. All the Captains of the City Militia, in order to render it as useful as possible, have agreed to and subscribed certain regulations (of which I enclose a copy), for punishing delinquents and for keeping in repair and in good condition all their arms, &c.; and in order to their being instructed in the use of them, they are to be out every Saturday in the afternoon, and the Associated Volunteer Companies every Sunday. I would therefore presume to hope, Sir, if your Excellency shall please to approve of their continuing embodied, that in a short time so respectable a force as 4000 men in arms, with some knowledge in the use of them, may be capable of giving such protection to this city, as may make a garrison of less strength sufficient in general for the defence of it."[41]

In a subsequent letter to Lord George Germaine, General Pattison writes as follows:—"I will entreat your Lordship's permission to recite further proof, since the Militia were embodied, of their readiness and goodwill to aid and assist the public service—a piece of justice I owe them. About ten weeks ago the commanding Engineer applied for a daily working party from this garrison of 500 men for completing the _hither_ line of defence, agreeable to the orders that were left with him by Sir Henry Clinton, from the North to the East River. As that number could not be given without making the duty of the troops too severe, I sent a requisition to the Associated and Militia Companies to furnish a daily quota of 300 men for the purpose of raising one of the new projected Redoubts. They most readily acquiesced, and after thirty days' labour finished the work in a very complete manner, and with as much cheerfulness as they began it—_taking neither pay nor provisions_;—and having thus raised a monument to their own credit, I called it the Citizens' Redoubt, which the Commander-in-Chief has been pleased to confirm. A more recent instance of their good disposition to answer one of the useful ends of their being put into military array was shown upon the late move which General Knyphausen made into the Jerseys. It was then thought necessary to take over such a force as reduced my garrison to 700 men. The ordinary guards could not with any safety or propriety be lessened below 400. I was therefore under the necessity of calling upon the Militia to act upon that occasion. They most willingly complied, and furnished 150 men with officers in proportion for many days together, which, though attended with loss by quitting their several avocations, was productive of no murmur or discontented expressions, and I had often the pleasure to see citizens of large property standing sentinels over public stores and magazines."

These extracts are interesting to the ordinary reader, as descriptive of New York during the British occupation; and especially interesting to the Artilleryman as evincing the great tact with which General Pattison must have governed the city. The services of the inhabitants were not merely acknowledged warmly by Sir Henry Clinton, but also by the King.

Let the reader now turn for a moment to the military operation which had been the main cause of the reduction of the New York garrison—the Siege of Charlestown, in South Carolina.

The Artillery on this expedition was commanded by Major Traille, or Traile, an officer who has already been mentioned, and who died, as a Major-General, in 1795. The fleet, with the transports, reached Tybee on the 1st February, 1780, after a succession of storms;—on the 9th they sailed for North Ediste; and having reached it on the following day, the Grenadiers and Light Infantry landed on John's Island, and on the 27th the whole army crossed without opposition to James's Island. One of the transports, conveying guns and stores, with a detachment of Artillery under Captain Collins, foundered at sea during a gale, but fortunately the crew and the troops were picked up by a privateer. The stores, which were considerable, including 1000 barrels of powder, had to be replaced from New York without delay.

As far as can be ascertained from the records, the guns used in the siege were 24-pounders and 18-pounders; but a number of 6-pounders and 3-pounders accompanied the force, to be employed in the subsequent field operations. It was the 1st April before Sir Henry Clinton commenced to erect his battery, which he did at a distance of 800 yards from the town: and by the 19th April the second parallel "had been carried to 150 yards from the main works, and the (English) batteries had acquired a manifest superiority over those of the besieged."[42]

The services of the fleet under Admiral Arbuthnot had been eminently useful. On the 9th April he had availed himself of a fair wind and flowing tide, and had passed Fort Moultrie—a strong fortification on Sullivan's Island—which was intended to defend the entrance to the bar. This step took the Americans by surprise. As Lee writes, the uniformly credited opinion that the American naval force could successfully stop the enemy from passing the bar—inasmuch as their ships would have to be lightened, taking out their guns and other incumbrances—was at the moment of trial found fallacious. "It was discovered that the American frigates could not approach near enough to oppose the passage of the bar with any kind of success; and we necessarily abandoned without a struggle this point of defence so much relied on."[43] The summons to surrender immediately followed; and the answer was that "duty and inclination point to the propriety of supporting it to the last extremity." General Lincoln was in command of the garrison—an able and courageous officer, and one who possesses additional interest in the eyes of Royal Artillerymen from the fact that he was subsequently exchanged for their brave brother officer, General Phillips, of whom more will have to be said in this chapter.

The siege was conducted sternly and without intermission. In the words of the American historian "the answer was no sooner received than the British batteries commenced the dire assault, which continued without intermission." The investiture of Charlestown, by extending his operations to the north of Cooper's River, was Sir Henry Clinton's next object. By detaching 1500 men under an excellent officer Lieut.-Colonel Webster, and another whose reputation as a dashing officer has lived longer among his enemies than his friends, Lieut.-Colonel Tarleton, he completely succeeded in his purpose. Further reinforcements from New York enabled Clinton to strengthen this belt—which prevented the retreat of the Charlestown garrison—and Lord Cornwallis assumed the command of the forces on the land side. Then followed in rapid succession the surrender of Mount Pleasant, Lempriere, and Wando posts, and Fort Moultrie itself. "Soon followed the completion of the third parallel, which placed the garrison at the mercy of the besiegers. Unwilling, from motives of humanity, to increase the hardships of the unfortunate, the British Admiral and General a second time demanded surrender. Lincoln, now, from necessity, yielded up his army; but still, anxious to save the militia and inhabitants from captivity, he excepted them in his assenting answer, which exception being declared inadmissible, the negotiation ceased. Reluctantly Sir Henry Clinton renewed the contest by opening the batteries of the third parallel, and pushed his works under their fire to the brink of the canal, which by a sap to the dam was drained.... The inhabitants became assured that the concluding scene could not long be deferred, and though heretofore devoted to the defence of the town, now with one accord supplicated General Lincoln to relinquish the exception made in their favour, and to accept the terms proffered. The amiable Lincoln could no longer hesitate in stopping the effusion of blood. He communicated to Sir Henry Clinton his readiness to lay down his arms upon the conditions before offered. Highly honourable was the conduct of the British commanders. They did not press the unfortunate, but agreed that the terms before rejected should form the basis of capitulation, which being soon prepared, signed, and ratified, Charlestown was surrendered on the 12th May, 1780, six days after the parallel was finished."[44]

Daring, or rather immediately after, the siege, a painful occurrence took place, which is thus alluded to in a report from the officer commanding the Royal Artillery:—"Although your Lordship is doubtless in possession of all the essential particulars relative to the reduction of Charlestown, I nevertheless beg leave to enclose the copy of the return I received from Major Traille of the killed and wounded during the siege of that town. I most sincerely regret the loss of that valuable officer, Captain Collins, as well as the rest who shared his unhappy fate. The misfortune was owing to the incautious proceedings in collecting and assorting the arms of the rebel prisoners in a house where a quantity of powder happened to be lodged. Besides the officers and soldiers, there was a conductor of stores and several artificers who perished by this accident."[45]

The rejoicings in New York on receipt of the intelligence of the fall of Charlestown are thus described in the Commandant's official report:—"We were made happy in the fullest degree by the glad tidings of the surrender of Charlestown and its garrison. So universal a joy was spread on the occasion in this city as was never known before; and if there be any who do not really feel it, they at least affect to express it. Permit me, Sir, with the most heartfelt satisfaction to offer my congratulations upon this glorious event."[45]

In writing to Major Traille, General Pattison said:—"The encomium you give of the good behaviour of the officers and men of the Artillery during the siege of Charlestown cannot fail to be very agreeable to me. I sincerely regret the loss of poor Collins, and all who shared his unhappy fate. The escape young Macleod had upon that occasion was very fortunate."[45]

In a very short time after the fall of Charlestown, South Carolina was cleared of rebels by the English troops, and Sir Henry Clinton returned to New York, leaving Lord Cornwallis in command.

The state of affairs in America at this time cannot but awaken comment and speculation in the student's mind. The speculation may be idle, but it is instinctive. What was the state of the rebel army at this time? of the rebel Government? of the rebel fleet? Let their own historian—so often quoted here—reply. The army was demoralized, neglected, almost mutinous. The Government was imbecile, interfering, and incapable. As to naval operations, Lee's own words were as follows:—"Every attempt made by the naval force of the enemy during the war succeeded: ... and many such operations took place." And yet we lost our colonies.

New York was ours,—thoroughly, loyally ours, in spite of all that American writers may say. Canada was ours; then, as now, loyal and true. The great Middle and Western States did not exist, which now so swell the strength of the great Republic in riches and in muscle. And yet we lost our colonies.

Our fleets more than matched their foes; our soldiers fought then as well as they have ever fought since. The Peninsula, the Crimea, India itself, cannot show in their annals more determined courage than was shown in the English ranks between 1775 and 1781. And yet we lost our colonies.

Where was the weak place in our harness? God help us! it was where it will be again if Englishmen do not take care; if Englishmen do not sink class and party differences when the word is given to fight; if Englishmen do not remember that a nation is weak when disunited, and its army at such a time is weaker still.

There was another weak point, and to it we must now come in our narrative. Our Generals during this great war were brave; they were even in their way able; and, as we have seen, they were frequently successful. But they were in presence of a Master. Pettiness, obstinacy, blundering, on the part of his Government might vex and weary Washington; reluctance and timidity on the part of his allies might at times nearly ruin his plans; but his courage, his skill, his confident hope, survived and surmounted all obstacles. If one reckons up the qualities which make a General, we shall find he possessed them all. Patriotism—it was his almost to an exaggerated extent; for, having once adopted a view which he considered patriotic, he did not care to reason. Enthusiasm—would God that every man who draws a sword for England had but one-half of that which swelled Washington's bosom! Purity of motives—who can think of the scenes which are now historical, when he would have resigned the power he had so justly earned, without feeling (even after all these years) that he is in the antechamber of a man who was pure and above reproach? And skill—if any man doubts it, let him think of that scene at Yorktown to which this chapter slowly leads. To see one's schemes mature so surely and so happily is the highest reward for his exertions for which a General can hope; and as in this case it implied that independence for his country which had been his sole and unselfish aim, one can conceive Washington ready, even then, to resign his command and sheath his sword.

He was to America what Wallace was to Scotland, and Garibaldi to Italy; but he had a larger sphere of action than the former, and a more statesmanlike mind than the latter.

With dissension at home, and Washington against them in the field, who can wonder that, in spite of continued courage and spasmodic success, our armies failed to secure our colonies?

* * * * *

There was an acting-bombardier in the Royal Artillery, named Richard Atkinson Boddy, who died at Woolwich on the 18th January, 1837. Animated by the same desire which has filled the breast of many an Artilleryman, to commemorate in some durable form the services of his corps, Bombardier Boddy commenced to make extracts from all military histories which touched on the subject which he had so strongly at heart. A manuscript volume of such extracts was left by him at his death, and was thus alluded to in his will:—"To the library of the non-commissioned officers of the Royal Artillery I bequeath a manuscript book of the services of many of the officers, written by myself. In the event of the dissolution of the library, I will that the book do revert to my father."

Among the extracts contained in this volume are three, referring to the operations in America subsequent to the capture of Charlestown, and describing in detail the affairs known as Camden, Ninety-six, and Guildford.

Before proceeding to other operations, the result of Bombardier Boddy's industry will be communicated to the reader. And if by means of this work any tribute can be paid to the memory of a non-commissioned officer, whose _esprit_, diligence, and unselfish labour are well worthy of imitation, not merely will justice have been done, but others may be inspired to follow his example. There is no rank in the service in which men may not do something,—not merely to add to, but also to commemorate, the distinction of the corps in which they serve. In the case of the Royal Artillery this has been emphatically proved, not merely by the industrious labourer now mentioned, but also by one already quoted, the author of 'England's Artillerymen.'[46]

The Battle of Camden was fought on the 16th August, 1780. Lord Cornwallis commanded the English troops, whose total strength did not exceed 2000. General Gates—who had received General Burgoyne's submission at Saratoga—commanded the Americans, who were nearly 6000 in number. The Royal Artillery was represented by two subalterns (one of whom, Lieutenant William Marquois, died on the 15th October of wounds received during this action), two sergeants, and fifteen men. In spite of the disparity of strength, so complete was the victory of the English that 1000 of the enemy were killed or wounded; the pursuit by Colonel Tarleton and the English cavalry extended as far as twenty-two miles; the whole of the enemy's artillery, a large number of waggons, and 2000 stand of arms were captured; and "of the 6000 men who composed Gates's army, not sixty could have again been collected."[47] The English regiments which most distinguished themselves were the 23rd, 33rd, and 71st, under Colonel Webster; and the heaviest loss fell upon the 33rd. Four guns were present with the Royal Artillery; but on account of the small number of gunners, men from the Line or volunteers must have assisted in working them. The total number of casualties on the English side was as follows—_killed_, 70; and _wounded_, 250.

The affair called "Ninety-six" in the MS. volume referred to is identical with that known as the "Battle of Cowpens." On this occasion the British were totally defeated, with a loss of their guns, two in number. Fortunately for the Royal Artillery, almost equal satisfaction can be obtained from this defeat as from many victories. Lord Cornwallis, in his despatch to Sir Henry Clinton, wrote as follows:—"In justice to the detachment of Royal Artillery, I must here observe that no terror could induce them to quit their guns, and they were all killed or wounded in defence of them." This engagement took place in January, 1781.

The last of the three actions mentioned in the extracts referred to, is that known as the "Battle of Guildford." It was a victory for the English arms, but a most expensive one. Nearly one-third of the Royal Army was left _hors de combat_. The Royal Artillery lost only Lieutenant Augustus O'Hara and one gunner killed, and four men wounded. Lord Cornwallis could not afford to follow up the victory; and although he captured the enemy's artillery, and the American losses far exceeded that of the English, there is no doubt that from this day the American spirits rose, and Lord Cornwallis's position became serious. The Battle of Guildford was fought in March, 1781. The American force was 5000 strong, but about one-half was composed of militiamen, who were of little use, and who fled to their homes after the battle. The total strength of the British force did not exceed 2400 of all ranks. Soon after the battle, Cornwallis had to commence a retreat.

It was in this battle that Lieutenant Macleod of the Royal Artillery— afterwards Sir John Macleod—behaved with a skill and gallantry which Lord Cornwallis never forgot. If the commendation of his own commanding officer must have been agreeable, how much more that of his enemies! Lee in describing this battle, of which he says, "On no occasion, in any part of the world, was British valour more heroically displayed," singles out young Macleod more than once for conspicuous notice. On one occasion he says that one battalion, which at a critical period had been driven back with slaughter, had "its remains saved by the British Artillery."

Leaving now these three engagements, the reader is requested to turn to an operation in the war, in which the _Commander_ of the English forces was an Artilleryman.

In the beginning of 1781 Major-General Phillips, of the Royal Artillery, who had been a prisoner since the convention at Saratoga, was exchanged for the American General Lincoln. He was immediately appointed, by Sir Henry Clinton, to the command of a force of 2000 men to watch the French and prevent them from sailing for the south. He was then ordered to Virginia, to join General Arnold's force, which had been ravaging the country almost unopposed, but which was now in a somewhat hazardous position. On effecting the junction with Arnold, General Phillips assumed the command of the united force, numbering now about 3500 men. It was a change for the better in every way. Arnold was disliked by all under his command, for they never could forget that he was a traitor; and as a soldier he was in every way inferior to Phillips. Among the regiments forming the force for the service on which Phillips was to be engaged in Virginia were the 76th, 80th, Simcoe's Queen's Rangers, some German troops, and Arnold's American Legion. On the 19th April General Phillips proceeded up James River to Barwell's Ferry, and on the 20th he landed at Williamsburg, a body of the enemy's militia retiring on his approach. On the 22nd he marched to Chickahominy; and on the 25th,—early in the forenoon,—he set his army in motion for Petersburg, reaching it in the evening. A small encounter with some militia took place when within a mile of the town, in which the rebels were defeated, with a loss of 100 killed and wounded. Lee, in his 'Memoirs of the War in the Southern Departments,' writes very severely of the way in which untrained militia were exposed by the American Government to the attacks of regular troops. His strictures, and the lesson he draws from the experiences of this raid in Virginia, are worthy of quotation at a time when it is becoming more generally recognized in England that the profession of arms is one requiring special training as much as any other. "What ills," he writes, "spring from the timidity and impotence of rulers! In them attachment to the common cause is vain and illusory, unless guided, in times of difficulty, by courage, wisdom, and concert.... Whenever the commitment of our militia in battle with regulars occurs, the heart of the writer is rent with painful emotions, knowing, as he does, the waste of life resulting from the stupid, cruel policy. Can there be any system devised by the wit of man more the compound of inhumanity, of murder, and of waste? Ought any Government to be respected which, when peace permits the substitution of a better system, neglects to avail itself of the opportunity? Were a father to put his son, with his small sword drawn for the first time, against an experienced swordsman, would not his neighbours exclaim, 'Murderer! vile murderer!' Just so acts the Government, and yet our parents are all satisfied, although whenever war takes place, their sons are to be led to the altar of blood. Dreadful apathy! shocking coldness to our progeny!"

In Petersburg, and, indeed, wherever the British troops went in Virginia, all military stores belonging to the rebels were destroyed, and the warehouses with their cargoes of tobacco and flour were systematically burnt. Lee is very severe in his description of this method of warfare, very bitter in his denunciations of the human vultures who follow conquering armies, and very ironical in his allusions to the tobacco war carried on by the English; and yet, in the same breath, he admits that no human foe went out to meet them and give them battle; that everywhere there was, on the part of the Americans, "a fatal want of preparation, of military apparatus, and of system." Wanton and purposeless devastation is strongly to be deprecated in war; but was this raid a purposeless one? The garrison of New York had been wofully weakened, and the English troops in the south were at times dangerously divided. If the American armies could not be drawn apart to meet the English by hope of victory, perhaps they might be tempted by the hope of saving Virginia from this "so dreadful visitation, precursor of famine and of plague."[48] Doubtless there was this strategic purpose in the Virginian raid, just as there was later in the raid in Connecticut, by which Clinton hoped to tempt Washington back from that dreaded march which culminated so triumphantly for him at Yorktown.

Again, even admitting irregularities and excesses not to be justified by strategy (although this need only be done for the sake of argument, so much exaggeration is there in the American accounts of this expedition), were there not special reasons which might lead one to expect them? Who filled the ranks of the American Loyalist Regiments which fought under Phillips and Arnold? They were men who had lost everything for their King, whose homes had been confiscated, and who had been outlawed and execrated by their countrymen because, forsooth, they had come to a different opinion on a political question. Were these the men to walk through the enemy's country with dainty step and gloved hand? There is something brutalizing in war under the most favourable conditions; but when the combatants commence with feelings of hatred and thirst for revenge, he would indeed be a rare disciplinarian who could prevent an occasional outbreak in the course of a continued and successful campaign.

On the 27th April, 1781, General Phillips, with his force, marched for Chesterfield Court-house, and detached General Arnold to a place called Osborne's. According to some accounts, the two forces had again met before the circumstance occurred which is now to be related; but, according to a manuscript book in the Royal Artillery Record Office, it was while some guns were attached to General Arnold's detached force. It is not very material, but as it is to the credit of the regiment whose services these pages commemorate, one would rather believe that General Phillips,—an Artilleryman himself,—had been in command, than General Arnold. Some armed vessels had been collected in James River for a special purpose by the Americans, and either the whole or part of Phillips' force marched with a view to secure them. In reply to a summons to surrender, the Commodore replied that he was determined to defend himself to the last extremity.

Two 6-pounders and two 3-pounders (the latter called "grasshoppers" in Lee's account, a favourite nickname for these guns, although sternly forbidden to be used in any official returns to the Commanding Officer of Artillery) were then taken to the banks of the river, with a detachment of the Royal Artillery, under Captain Fage and Lieutenant Rogers. The King's troops were exposed to the fire of the 'Tempest,' twenty guns; the 'Renown,' twenty-six; the 'Jefferson,' fourteen; and several smaller vessels. Some few hundred Militia also kept up a fire from the other bank of the river. It does not say much, for the American fire to find it recorded that not a single English soldier was hurt. The fire of the Royal Artillery seems to have been of a very different description. According to one account, so effectual was it, that, in a very short time, the ships were obliged to strike their colours, and the Militia were driven from the opposite shore. From want of boats the English were unable to secure their prizes; and the Americans made their escape, scuttling some of their vessels and setting fire to others. The loss of the enemy, according to this account, was very great, "owing to the well-directed fire of the British Artillery." Lee's account is as follows: "Quickly two sixes and two grasshoppers were brought to bear upon the Commodore; when he as quickly scuttled and set fire to his vessels, escaping, with his crew, to the northern banks of the river,— one way of 'holding out to the last extremity,' but not that commonly understood by the term." Among the many services in which the Artillery was engaged during the American War, perhaps none were quainter than this successful duel between four light field-pieces and an armed squadron of no inconsiderable strength, supported by troops on shore.

On the 29th April General Phillips marched, with the main body, in the direction of Manchester, which he reached on the following day, and where he destroyed a quantity of stores. General Arnold went, with the remainder of the troops, up the river in boats. Although the Marquis de la Fayette, with a considerable force, was at Richmond, and saw what was being done, he made no attempt to stop the damage; and on the following day General Phillips returned to Osborne's, where the engagement with the ships had taken place. Here he became seriously unwell, with a bad form of fever; and although he lingered to the 13th May, he was unable to perform any active duty, and was carried about in a vehicle until unable longer to leave his couch. The army had reached Petersburg before he died. This place is described by Lee as "the great mart of that section of the State which lies south of the Appomattox, and of the northern part of North Carolina, standing upon its banks about twelve miles from City Point, and, after the destruction of Norfolk, ranking first among the commercial towns of the State." To the Royal Artilleryman this Virginian town will always have a peculiar interest, as having been the scene of the death of as brave and honourable a soldier as ever served in the Regiment. From the glorious day at Minden, his professional career of more than one-and-twenty years had been one of credit to his corps, honour to himself, and usefulness to his country. He had been thirteen years in the Regiment before the Battle of Minden, so that his total service when he died exceeded thirty-four years. He was beloved by all who served with him, and was a model for Artillerymen to imitate, in gallantry, ability, and _progress_. He was eminently a progressive officer.

With September, 1781, came the commencement of the operations which virtually terminated the war. Sir Henry Clinton and Lord Cornwallis held different opinions as to the mode of prosecuting the war in Virginia: the former devoting his energies to the defence of New York; the latter anxious for increased numbers with which to carry on offensive operations. The Home Government was eager to secure some point on the southern coast, where the Army and Navy could mutually assist one another, and such a point Cornwallis was ordered by Sir Henry Clinton to secure. The place ultimately selected by him was a village called Yorktown, on a peninsula between James and York Rivers, along with the adjoining village of Gloucester, on the other bank of York River. This position he fortified to the utmost of his power, and communicated with Sir Henry Clinton at New York, with a view to reinforcements being sent to his assistance. Washington had completely deceived Clinton, and had induced him to believe that New York, not Virginia, was the object of the proposed operations of himself and his French allies. Taken by surprise by the sudden movement to the South now made by Washington and his forces, Clinton endeavoured to recall him by invading Connecticut, but without success; and having received an urgent letter from Cornwallis on the 23rd September, he called a Council of War, and on the 24th he wrote, promising to start about the 5th October with 5000 troops and twenty-three men-of-war to relieve him. Had he fulfilled his promise, a great disaster would have been spared; but instead of leaving on the 5th, it was not until the 19th,—the very day that Cornwallis, after a weary fortnight's expectation, had been obliged to surrender,— that he left Sandyhook; nor did he arrive off the Capes of Virginia until the 24th.

Of the gallantry of Cornwallis and his troops there has never been any question. He did not surrender until his ammunition was expended, his defences crumbled under the enemy's fire, and hope of succour completely fled. Of the gallantry of that portion of his troops in which the reader of these pages is most interested, he himself thus wrote in his official despatches: "Captain Rochfort, who commanded the Artillery, and, indeed, every officer and soldier of that distinguished Corps, have merited, in every respect, my highest approbation."

The force of Royal Artillery present at the capitulation of Yorktown amounted to 167 of all ranks. The largest number whom Lord Cornwallis had commanded during his Virginian campaign did not exceed 233, with fifty additional German Artillerymen. But, in addition to casualties before the investment of Yorktown, the loss to the Royal Artillery during the time between the 27th September and the 19th October,—the date of the capitulation,—was as follows:—

Killed 24 Wounded 21 Missing 2

There were also nineteen sick, in addition to the wounded, on the day the garrison surrendered.

In this crowning point of the American War the defenders were as much outnumbered as Sir Henry Clinton was out-manœuvred by Washington. It is impossible to praise too highly the tactics of the latter General on this occasion. The difficulties with which he had to contend were numerous. A spirit of discontent and insubordination had been manifested during the past year among his troops; there was a Loyalist party of no mean dimensions in the South; in Pennsylvania he could reckon on few

## active supporters; and New York,—stronger now than ever, after six years

of British occupation,—seemed hopelessly unattainable. Worse than all, however, the French Admiral was nervous, and reluctant to remain in so cramped a situation with so large a fleet. Had he carried out his threat of going to sea, instead of yielding to Washington's earnest entreaties and remonstrances, the capitulation would never have taken place. Lee's description of the scene on the day the garrison marched out is doubly interesting, as being that of a spectator: "At two o'clock in the evening the British Army, led by General O'Hara, marched out of its lines with colours cased and drums beating a British march. The author was present at the ceremony; and certainly no spectacle could be more impressive than the one now exhibited. Valiant troops yielding up their arms after fighting in defence of a cause dear to them (because the cause of their country), under a leader who, throughout the war, in every grade and in every situation to which he had been called, appeared the Hector of his host. Battle after battle had he fought; climate after climate had he endured; towns had yielded to his mandate; posts were abandoned at his approach; armies were conquered by his prowess—one nearly exterminated, another chased from the confines of South Carolina beyond the Dan into Virginia, and a third severely chastised in that State, on the shores of James River. But here even he, in the midst of his splendid career, found his conqueror.

"The road through which they marched was lined with spectators, French and American. On one side the Commander-in-chief, surrounded by his suite and the American staff, took his station; on the other side, opposite to him, was the Count de Rochambeau in like manner attended. The captive army approached, moving slowly in column with grace and precision. Universal silence was observed amidst the vast concourse, and the utmost decency prevailed; exhibiting in demeanour an awful sense of the vicissitudes of human fortune, mingled with commiseration for the unhappy.... Every eye was turned, searching for the British Commander- in-chief, anxious to look at that man, heretofore so much the object of their dread. All were disappointed. Cornwallis held himself back from the humiliating scene, obeying emotions which his great character ought to have stifled. He had been unfortunate, not from any false step or deficiency of exertion on his part, but from the infatuated policy of his superior, and the united power of his enemy, brought to bear upon him alone. There was nothing with which he could reproach himself: there was nothing with which he could reproach his brave and faithful army: why not then appear at its head in the day of misfortune, as he had always done in the day of triumph? The British General in this instance deviated from his usual line of conduct, dimming the splendour of his long and brilliant career.... By the official returns it appears that the besieging army, at the termination of the siege, amounted to 16,000 men, viz. 5500 Continentals, 3500 militia, and 7000 French. The British force _in toto_ is put down at 7107; of whom only 4017 rank and file are stated to have been fit for duty."

With this misfortune virtually ends the History of the American War,— certainly as far as the Royal Artillery's services are concerned. Another year, and more, was to pass ere even the preliminaries of the Treaty of Independence should be signed; and not until 1783 was Peace officially proclaimed: but a new Government came into power in England in the beginning of 1782, one of whose political cries was "Peace with the American Colonies!"; and Rodney's glorious victory over the French fleet on the 12th April in that year made the Americans eager to meet the advances of the parent country.

Sir Henry Clinton resigned in favour of Sir Guy Carleton, and Washington remained in Philadelphia. The companies of Artillery were detailed to proceed to Canada, Nova Scotia, the West Indies, and a proportion to England, on the evacuation of New York, which took place in 1783; the Treaty of Peace having been signed on the 3rd September in that year at Versailles. The same Treaty brought peace between England and her other enemies, France and Spain, who had availed themselves of her American troubles to avenge, as they hoped, former injuries.

As far as comfort and satisfaction can be obtained from the study of an unsuccessful war, they can be got by the Royal Artilleryman in tracing the services of his Corps during the great war in America. Bravery, zeal, and readiness to endure hardship, adorn even a defeated army; and these qualities were in a high, and even eminent degree, manifested by the Royal Artillery. In the blaze of triumph which is annually renewed in America on the anniversary of their Declaration of Independence, Americans do not, it is hoped, forget that, whether England's cause was just or not, her soldiers were as brave as themselves.

A few words may here be introduced with reference to such of the officers of the Regiment as were engaged in this war, and afterwards obtained high professional reputation. A summary of their services may be taken from the valuable Appendix to Kane's List. In addition to General Pattison, whose career has already been sketched, the following officers may be mentioned:—

1. Major-General THOMAS JAMES, an officer who held a command during the early part of the War of Independence; who wrote a valuable work on Gibraltar, entitled "The Herculean Straits;" and who died in 1780, as a Colonel-Commandant.

2. Lieut.-General S. CLEAVELAND, an officer who has already been mentioned as having commanded the Royal Artillery during the American War, prior to the arrival of General Pattison; who had previously served in the West Indies and at the capture of the Havannah; and who died in 1794, also in the rank of Colonel-Commandant.

3. Lieut.-General F. MACBEAN, an officer frequently mentioned in this volume, as having been present at Fontenoy, Rocour, Laffeldt, Minden, Warberg, Fritzlar, and in Portugal. He was appointed to the command of the Royal Artillery in Canada, in 1778; was elected a Fellow of the Royal Society in 1786; and died in 1800, as Colonel-Commandant of the Invalid Battalion.

4. Major-General W. PHILLIPS has already been repeatedly noticed in this volume, and his death during the war already recorded.

5. General Sir A. FARRINGTON, Bart., served in America from 1764 to 1768, and from 1773 to 1783, having been engaged in most of the engagements during the war, up to the Capture of Philadelphia, after which he commanded the Artillery in Halifax, Nova Scotia. "He commanded the Royal Artillery at Plymouth in 1788-9, at Gibraltar in 1790-1, at Woolwich 1794-7 and in Holland in 1799. He was D.C.L. of Oxford, and in consideration of his long and valued services he was created a Baronet, on the 3rd October, 1818. He served in three reigns, for the long period of sixty-eight years, being at the time of his death the oldest officer in the British service, retaining the use of his faculties, and performing the functions of his office to the last."[49]

6. Lieutenant-General THOMAS DAVIES is thus mentioned in Kane's List: "He saw much service in North America during the operations connected with the conquest of Canada. At one time (while a Lieutenant) he commanded a naval force on Lake Champlain, and took a French frigate of eighteen guns after a close action of nearly three hours. Lieutenant Davies hoisted the first British flag in Montreal. He served as Captain of a Company in the most important actions of the American Revolutionary War. During his long service he had command of the Royal Artillery at Coxheath Camp; also at Gibraltar, in Canada, and at Plymouth. He was also two years Commandant of Quebec." This officer joined as a cadet in 1755, and died as a Colonel-Commandant in 1799.

7. General Sir THOMAS BLOMEFIELD will receive more detailed notice when the story of the Copenhagen expedition, in 1807, comes to be written in these pages. His services during the American War are thus summarised by Kane's List: "In 1776, Captain Blomefield proceeded to America as Brigade-Major to Brigadier Phillips. Among his services at this period was the construction of floating batteries upon the Canadian Lakes; and he was actively engaged with the army under General Burgoyne until the

## action which preceded the unfortunate convention of Saratoga, when he

was severely wounded by a musket-shot in the head. In 1780 Captain Blomefield was appointed Inspector of Artillery, and of the Brass Foundry.... From this period (1783) dates the high character of British cast-iron and brass ordnance. Major-General Blomefield was selected, in 1807, to command the Artillery in the expedition to Copenhagen, and received for his services on this occasion the thanks of both Houses of Parliament and a baronetcy." He died as a Colonel-Commandant on 24th August, 1822.

8. Major-General ROBERT DOUGLAS has already been mentioned for his gallantry as a subaltern during the American War. In 1795 he was appointed Commandant of the Driver Corps, an office which he held until 1817. He died at Woolwich, in 1827, as a Colonel-Commandant of a Battalion.

9. Lieutenant-General Sir JOHN MACLEOD has already been mentioned in connection with the Battle of Guildford, and will receive more detailed notice in the next volume, his own history and that of his Regiment being indissolubly woven together. It may here be mentioned, however, that, "on his return from America, he was placed on the Staff of the Master-General; and from this time till his death he was employed in the important duties of the organization of the Regiment, and of the arrangement and equipment of the Artillery for all the expeditions (of which there were no fewer than eleven) during this period. He held successively the appointments of Chief of the Ordnance Staff, Deputy- Adjutant-General, and Director-General of Artillery. He commanded the Royal Artillery during the expedition to Walcheren in 1809. In 1820 George IV., desirous of marking his sense of his long and important services, conferred on him the honour of knighthood, and invested him with the Grand Cross of the Royal Guelphic Order."[50] The whole of his official letter-books, during the time he was Deputy-Adjutant-General of Artillery, are deposited in the Royal Artillery Record Office, and afford a priceless historical mine to the student. His letters are distinguished by rare ability and punctilious courtesy.

10. General Sir JOHN SMITH, who had been in Canada since 1773, was taken prisoner by the rebels, at St. John's, in November, 1775. In 1777 he was exchanged, served under Sir William Howe, and was present at Brandywine Creek, Germantown, the Siege of Charlestown, and at Yorktown. He commanded the Artillery under Sir Ralph Abercromby in the West Indies in 1795; accompanied the Duke of York to Holland in 1799; and served at Gibraltar from 1804 to 1814, being Governor of the place at the conclusion of his service. He died as Colonel-Commandant in July, 1837.

Lastly may be mentioned Lieut.-General Sir EDWARD HOWORTH, one of the officers taken prisoner at Saratoga. He commanded the Royal Artillery in later years at the battles of Talavera, Busaco, and Fuentes d'Onore. He died as Colonel-Commandant of a Battalion in 1821.

The reader will now enter upon a region of statistics, which, at the date of the publication of the present work, possess a peculiar interest.

Quickened as promotion had been by the extensive active service, and proportionate number of casualties in the Regiment, between 1775 and 1782, it was still unsatisfactory; and with a future of peace, it was certain to become more so. It was necessary to introduce some remedy, and, in doing so, the Board of Ordnance adopted wisely the principle pursued in later times by the late Secretary of State for War, Mr. Cardwell, and made an organic change in the proportions of the various ranks, instead of accelerating promotion in a temporary, spasmodic way, by encouraging unnecessary, impolitic, and costly retirements. Mr. Cardwell, in 1872, when shadowing forth his views on this subject to the House of Commons, was unconsciously maturing the scheme commenced by the Ordnance in 1782—commenced, but never completed—for the Temple of Janus was not long shut after 1783; and war postponed for many years the necessity of accelerating a promotion which had ceased to be stagnant. The dullness which followed 1815 was relieved periodically by augmentations to the Regiment in the form of other battalions; but the relief was only temporary, and a darker shadow than ever loomed on the Regimental horizon, when Mr. Cardwell took office. His remedy was complex; but included, in a marked manner, the idea, born in 1782, of reducing the number of officers in subordinate positions, and increasing the proportion of field officers.

By a Royal Warrant, dated 31st October, 1782, His Majesty was pleased on the recommendation of the Board of Ordnance to declare that "the present establishment of our Royal Regiment of Artillery is in respect to promotion extremely disadvantageous to the officers belonging thereto, and that the small number of field officers does not bear a due proportion to that of officers of inferior rank." With a view to "giving encouragement suitable to the utility of the said corps, and to the merits of the officers who compose it," His Majesty decided that on the 30th of the following month the existing establishment should cease, and another be substituted, of which the two prominent features were—as will be seen by the annexed tables—a very considerable increase in the number of field officers, and the reduction of one second lieutenant in each company. It was also decided that the second lieutenants remaining over and above the number fixed for the new establishment should be borne as supernumeraries until absorbed, and that stoppages should be made in the following manner to meet the expenses of their pay, viz.:—

£ _s._ _d._

From each of the two junior Second Colonels, 4_s._ 0 8 0

From each of the two junior Second Lieutenant-Colonels, 0 4 0 2_s._

From each of the two junior Second Majors, 5_s._ 0 10 0

From each of the six junior Captains, 4_s._ 1 4 0

From each of the six junior Captain-Lieutenants, 1_s._ 0 8 0 4_d._

From each of the six junior First Lieutenants, 8_d._ 0 4 0

—— —— ——

£2 18 0

—— —— ——

The annual total of this stoppage—amounting to 1058_l._ 10_s._—was in the first instance applied to the payment of the supernumerary second lieutenants, and any surplus that might remain was ordered to be divided annually on the 31st December (in proportion to their pay) among the several officers who were at the time contributing towards it; and it was directed that as soon as the number of second lieutenants should be reduced to one per company, the stoppages should cease to be made.

The effect of the alteration in the proportion of officers in the various ranks is very distinctly shown by Colonel Miller in his pamphlet. Previous to the change, the proportion of company to field officers had been as 21 to 1; now it became as 8½ to 1.

The following tables show (1) the establishment and cost of the Regiment in 1782 prior to the introduction of the new system; and (2) the proposed establishment, which came into force on the 30th November, 1782. The number of company officers—five per company—then fixed, remains, to this day, unchanged in the Horse and Field Artillery; but a subaltern per company or battery in the Garrison Artillery was reduced by the late Secretary of State for War, thus further improving the proportions of the field and company officers:—

1782.—PRESENT ESTABLISHMENT OF THE ROYAL REGIMENT OF ARTILLERY.

FIELD AND STAFF OFFICERS.

Pay per diem. Pay per annum.

£ _s._ _d._ £ _s._ _d._

The Master-General of the Ordnance. Colonel.

The Lieutenant-General of the Ordnance.

Lieutenant-Colonel.

4 Colonels- 44_s._ each. 8 16 0 3212 0 0 Commandant

4 Lieutenant- 20_s._ each. 4 0 0 1460 0 0 Colonels

4 Majors 15_s._ each. 3 0 0 1095 0 0

4 Adjutants 5_s._ each. 1 0 0 365 0 0

1 Surgeon-General 0 8 0 146 0 0

4 Surgeons' Mates 3_s._ 6_d._ 0 14 0 255 10 0 each.

4 Quartermasters 6_s._ each. 1 4 0 438 0 0

1 Bridge-master 0 5 0 91 5 0

4 Chaplains 6_s._ 8_d._ 1 6 8 486 13 4 each.

1 Apothecary- 0 0 0 0 0 0 General

31 ——

MASTER-GENERAL'S COMPANY OF GENTLEMEN CADETS.

1 Captain 1 6 0 474 10 0

1 Captain- 0 6 0 109 10 0 Lieutenant

1 First Lieutenant 0 5 0 91 5 0

2 Second 4_s._ each. 0 8 0 146 0 0 Lieutenants

60 Gentlemen Cadets 2_s._ 6_d._ 7 10 0 2737 10 0 each.

1 Drum-Major 0 1 4 24 6 8

1 Fife-Major 0 1 4 24 6 8

67 ——

COMPANY OF ARTILLERY.

1 Captain 0 10 0 182 10 0

1 Captain- 0 6 0 109 10 0 Lieutenant

2 First Lieutenants 5_s._ each. 0 10 0 182 10 0

2 Second Lieutenant 4_s._ each. 0 8 0 146 0 0

4 Sergeants 2_s._ each. 0 8 0 146 0 0

4 Corporals 1_s._ 10_d._ 0 7 4 133 16 0 each.

9 Bombardiers 1_s._ 8_d._ 0 15 0 273 15 0 each.

18 Gunners 1_s._ 4_d._ 1 4 0 438 0 0 each.

73 Matrosses 1_s._ each. 3 13 0 1332 5 0

2 Drummers 1_s._ each. 0 2 0 36 10 0

116 ——

1044 Nine Companies more the same 73 10 0 26827 10 0

_For service in Jamaica._

116 One Company more the same 8 3 4 2980 16 8

SECOND BATTALION.

1160 Ten Companies of Artillery the 81 13 4 29808 6 8 same as the 1st

THIRD BATTALION.

1160 Ten Companies of Artillery as 81 13 4 29808 6 8 above

FOURTH BATTALION.

1160 Ten Companies of Artillery as 81 13 4 29808 6 8 above

A FIFTH BATTALION OF INVALIDS.

FIELD AND STAFF OFFICERS.

1 Lieutenant- 1 0 0 365 0 0 Colonel Commandant

1 Major 0 15 0 273 15 0

1 Adjutant 0 5 0 91 5 0

3 ——

COMPANY OF INVALIDS.

1 Captain 0 10 0 182 10 0

1 First Lieutenant 0 5 0 91 5 0

1 Second Lieutenant 0 4 0 73 0 0

1 Sergeant 0 2 0 36 10 0

1 Corporal 0 1 10 33 9 2

1 Drummer 0 1 0 18 5 0

3 Bombardiers 1_s._ 8_d._ 0 5 0 91 5 0 each.

6 Gunners 1_s._ 4_d._ 0 8 0 146 0 0 each.

36 Matrosses 1_s._ each. 1 16 0 657 0 0

51 ——

459 Nine Companies more the same 32 15 6 11962 17 6

————

5367

1782—PROPOSED ESTABLISHMENT OF THE ROYAL REGIMENT OF ARTILLERY.

FIELD AND STAFF OFFICERS.

Pay per diem. Pay per annum.

£ _s._ _d._ £ _s._ _d._

Master-General of the Ordnance. Colonel.

Lieutenant-General of the Ordnance.

Colonel, second.

4 Colonel- 44_s._ each. 8 16 0 3,212 0 0 Commandants

4 Second Colonels 24_s._ each. 4 16 0 1,752 0 0

4 Lieutenant- 20_s._ each. 4 0 0 1,460 0 0 Colonels

4 Second 17_s._ each. 3 8 0 1,241 0 0 Lieutenant- Colonels

4 Majors 15_s._ each. 3 0 0 1,095 0 0

4 Second Majors 15_s._ each. 3 0 0 1,095 0 0

4 Adjutants 5_s._ each. 1 0 0 365 0 0

1 Surgeon-General 0 8 0 146 0 0

4 Surgeon's Mates 3_s._ 6_d._ 0 14 0 255 10 0 each.

4 Quartermasters 6_s._ each. 1 4 0 438 0 0

1 Brigade-Major 0 5 0 91 5 0

4 Chaplains 6_s._ 8_d._ 1 6 8 486 13 4 each.

42 ——

MASTER-GENERAL'S COMPANY OF GENTLEMEN CADETS.

1 Captain 1 6 0 474 10 0

1 Captain- 0 6 0 109 10 0 Lieutenant

1 First Lieutenant 0 5 0 91 5 0

2 Second 4_s._ each. 0 8 0 146 0 0 Lieutenants

60 Gentlemen Cadets 2_s._ 6_d._ 7 10 0 2,737 10 0 each.

1 Drum-Major 0 1 4 24 6 8

1 Fife-Major 0 1 4 24 6 8

67 ——

COMPANY OF ARTILLERY.

1 Captain 0 10 0 182 10 0

1 Captain- 0 6 0 109 10 0 Lieutenant

2 First Lieutenants 5_s._ each. 0 10 0 182 10 0

1 Second Lieutenant 0 4 0 73 0 0

4 Sergeants 2_s._ each. 0 8 0 146 0 0

4 Corporals 1_s._ 10_d._ 0 7 4 133 6 8 each.

9 Bombardiers 1_s._ 8_d._ 0 15 0 273 15 0 each.

18 Gunners 1_s._ 4_d._ 1 4 0 438 0 0 each.

73 Matrosses 1_s._ each. 3 13 0 1,332 5 0

2 Drummers 1_s._ each. 0 2 0 36 10 0

115 ——

1035 Nine Companies more the same 71 14 0 26,170 10 0

————

1259

_For service in Jamaica._

115 One Company more the same 7 19 6 2,907 16 8

SECOND BATTALION.

1150 Ten Companies of Artillery the 79 13 4 29,078 6 8 same as the 1st

THIRD BATTALION.

1150 Ten Companies of Artillery as 79 13 4 29,078 6 8 above

FOURTH BATTALION.

1150 Ten Companies of Artillery as 73 13 4 29,078 6 8 above

FIFTH BATTALION—INVALIDS.

FIELD AND STAFF OFFICERS.

1 Lieutenant- 1 0 0 365 0 0 Colonel Commandant

1 Major 0 15 0 273 15 0

1 Adjutant 0 5 0 91 5 0

3 ——

COMPANY OF INVALIDS.

1 Captain 0 10 0 182 10 0

1 First Lieutenant 0 5 0 91 5 0

1 Second Lieutenant 0 4 0 73 0 0

1 Sergeant 0 2 0 36 10 0

1 Corporal 0 1 10 33 9 2

1 Drummer 0 1 0 18 5 0

3 Bombardiers 1_s._ 8_d._ 0 5 0 91 15 0 each.

6 Gunners 1_s._ 4_d._ 0 8 0 146 0 0 each.

36 Matrosses 1_s._ each. 1 16 0 657 0 0

51 ——

459 Nine Companies more the same 32 15 6 11,962 17 6

———— ——— —— —— ——————— —— ——

5337 £406 16 4 148,488 1 8

——— —— —— ——————— —— ——

Proposed Establishment £148,488 1 8 Present Establishment 147,393 1 8 ———————— — — Increase £ 1,095 0 0

With the Peace of 1783 came a reduction in the Regiment from 5337 of all ranks to 3302, with a saving to the country of the difference between 148,488_l._ 1_s._ 8_d._, the cost of the old establishment, and 110,570_l._ 13_s._ 4_d._, the cost of the new. But the reduction and the saving were not effected at once. Every allowance was made for existing claims and interests; and for the first year after the Peace of Versailles, a charge was allowed of 129,373_l._ 11_s._ Two schemes were submitted by the Board for carrying out the required reductions: one left the number of non-commissioned officers untouched; the other reduced it by one-half and spared the privates, who now were to receive the title of gunner universally, that of matross being abolished. The first scheme was approved, but only as a temporary measure, and many of the details were left optional to the captains of companies. In the words of the Royal warrant, "If in any company the commanding officer and captain should choose to keep all the four sergeants, the four corporals, the nine bombardiers, and the eighteen gunners, he will of course have but twenty-two matrosses to retain, and must discharge the remainder, as each company is to consist only of sixty men, whether non- commissioned officers or privates (including three contingent men), besides the two drummers, so that a company wishing to preserve its present sergeants, corporals, bombardiers, and gunners, will be composed of as follows, viz.:—

Sergeants. 4 Corporals. 4 Bombardiers. 9 Gunners. 18 Matrosses. 22 Contingent men. 3 Drummers. 2 —— Total. 62

"But a company choosing to discharge any of their present sergeants, corporals, bombardiers, or gunners, will have so many more matrosses to keep, and all future vacancies of sergeants, corporals, bombardiers, or gunners will be supplied by matrosses only, until the establishment is brought to

Sergeants. 2 Corporals. 2 Bombardiers. 3 Matrosses to be called Gunners. 50 Contingent men. 3 Drummers. 2 —— Total. 62

"It is further intended that fifteen men of each company should be artificers in the following proportion, viz.:—

Carpenters. 4 Smiths. 5 Collar-maker. 1 Wheelers. 4 Tailor. 1 —— Total. 15

"The captains are therefore to endeavour to preserve in each company as many men of those trades as will make up the number required; and should there be in any of the companies more of one trade than the complement, they will be set down as men to be transferred to some other company that may be in want of them. These fifteen artificers, with ten labourers from each company, are to be employed as such at Woolwich, and at the different outposts or garrisons where they may be stationed, and will receive the following extra pay, viz.:—

Smiths. One at 2_s._ per diem. Two at 1_s._ 3_d._ per diem. Two at 1_s._ per diem.

Wheelers. One at 2_s._ per diem. Two at 1_s._ 3_d._ per diem. One at 1_s._ per diem.

Carpenters. One at 2_s._ 6_d._ per diem. Two at 1_s._ 3_d._ per diem. One at 1_s._ per diem.

Collar-maker. One at 1_s._ 3_d._ per diem.

Tailor. One at 1_s._ 3_d._ per diem.

and the labourers at 9_d._, for so many days as they work, which will be four in each week, the other two days being reserved for their being trained as Artillerymen. The other twenty-five men per company are to do all the duty of the Regiment.

"Such men as are entitled to go to the Invalids are to receive the pension, and whom the officers may wish to have discharged will, of course, receive that provision.

"If any of the sergeants, corporals, bombardiers, or gunners, who from their services are not entitled to the Invalids or pension, should wish to be discharged, and can take care of themselves, they should be parted with in preference to matrosses, as the difference of their pay will be a saving to Government, and the establishment will approach so much the nearer to what it is intended to be. It is not, however, meant that men under this description, whom the officers may wish to keep should be discharged, but only such as they can spare without prejudice to their companies....

(Signed) "RICHMOND."

All honour to the Duke of Richmond! No Master-General ever penned a more considerate and kindly Warrant, and none ever more fully realized the speciality of the Artillery service. "Without prejudice to their companies:" here is the true Artillery unit officially recognized. No word of battalions: these were mere paper organizations, devoid of all tactical meaning. History in the end always preaches truth; and at the close of a seven years' season of very earnest war, the uppermost thought in the mind of his Grace—the Colonel _ex officio_ of the Royal Artillery—was the welfare of _the companies_.

The pruning-knife had to be used, for the taxpayers of England were yet staggering and reeling under the burden of wide-spread and continuous hostilities; but it was to be used with all tenderness for the susceptibilities of the true Artillery unit, and of the captains through whom the needs of that unit found expression.

The reductions having been decided upon, the following was the first distribution of the Regiment after the Peace of Versailles:—

FIRST BATTALION.—Six companies were ordered to Gibraltar to relieve the five belonging to the Second Battalion, which had been stationed there during the Siege. Four companies went to the West Indies, and one was reduced.

SECOND BATTALION.—The whole ten companies of this battalion were ordered to Woolwich.

THIRD BATTALION.—The companies were directed to be stationed as follows: five at Woolwich; one at the Tower; two at Portsmouth; one at Plymouth; and one at Chatham.

FOURTH BATTALION.—Three companies of this battalion were stationed in Jamaica, four in Canada, two at Halifax, Nova Scotia, and one in Newfoundland.

Besides various small detachments in Great Britain, the Invalid Battalion had to find the Artillery part of the garrisons of Jersey, Guernsey, Newcastle, and Scotland. It will be observed that Ireland is not mentioned, that country being garrisoned by the Royal Irish Artillery, which still enjoyed a separate existence.

* * * * *

On a November night in 1783, a large gathering of Artillery officers took place at the 'Bull' Inn, on Shooter's Hill, to welcome Colonel Williams and the officers who had served during the Great Siege of Gibraltar, on their return to England. Among those present were officers who had served in the Regiment during the Seven Years' War, in the American War of Independence, in the East and West Indies, and in Minorca, besides those guests whose deeds had attracted such universal admiration. This convivial meeting seems a fit standpoint from which to look back on the years of the Regiment's life and growth between 1716 and 1783. From the two companies with which it commenced, it had now attained forty _service_, and ten _invalid_ companies; and instead of pleading—as was done in its infancy—inability to find men for the foreign establishments, it was able now to furnish Artillery for Canada, Gibraltar, and the West Indies, to the extent of twenty companies, besides finding drafts for the service of the East India Company, one of which had left only a few nights before this gathering to welcome the Gibraltar heroes.

Already the motto—not to be given until 1832—had been earned; already _Ubique_ represented the services of the corps; already _Quo fas et gloria ducunt_ represented the aspirations of its members.

Much jealousy had been displayed by the other arms of the service; but it merely served to consolidate the scattered Regiment, and to awaken as decided a Regimental _esprit_, as existed in smaller and less distributed corps. The decisions on points of difference had almost invariably been in favour of the Royal Artillery: in 1756 the Artillery were directed to take the right of other troops on parade; and every argument as to the status of the officers was answered in their favour up to 1751, when all doubt on the subject was removed, and all discussion ceased, by the King instead of the Master-General signing their commissions.

On every occasion when the services of the corps were required, the zeal and ability of officers and men were readily acknowledged; and their conscientiousness in duty was as conspicuous as their knowledge of their profession. And with this sense of duty and professional skill, came that loveable feeling so well described in the words quoted in the introductory chapter of this volume. "It has ever been our pride, as a corps, to be regarded as one family; and if one member of it, in any remote part of the world, in any way distinguished himself, it was felt universally that he had reflected credit and honour on the whole corps." In this gathering among the woods on Shooter's Hill, on that November night, this Regimental feeling found expression.[51]

* * * * *

Many of the readers of this volume are doubtless familiar with the beautiful interior of the new Garrison Church at Woolwich, the Walhalla of the Royal Artillery. Over the communion table, memorial windows have been placed by the officers of the Regiment, "To the glory of God, and in commemoration of the services of their Corps during the great wars with France and Russia." As autumn deepens into winter, and the twilight comes down during the evening service, many must have noticed how with the dying light all the figures in the painted windows sink away in shadow and darkness, with the exception of the centre figure, whose pale form—ghastly pale as Rubens' Dead Christ in Antwerp Cathedral—seems to start out from the darkness, and become more distinct as the others fade away.

Is the simile far-fetched—it certainly is not irreverent—to say that, as out of the gathering chancel-gloom He, the great emblem of affection and duty, seems to come and linger among his worshippers, so out of the twilight of the receding years there seems to stand amid all the dimness and uncertainty of details—the confusion of figures—the forgetfulness of even great facts, a grand eloquent figure of Duty, learnt in stern warfare, impressed in no idle peace, and loved in exact proportion as the heart became inspired by increasing _esprit_, and enlarged by unselfish pride?

Duty needs not love, nor encouragement, to make it noble; but a warm blush comes into the marble cheek, and a quickened pulse to the strong heart, when affection and duty go hand in hand, and the two great lessons of the God-man—love and obedience—blend unconsciously into one.

During the sixty-seven years of the Regiment's existence, at the date when this chapter concludes, this blending had gradually and surely been effected; the fierce and selfish spirit of the pre-regimental trains had disappeared, and an unselfish ambition had taken its place.

Who shall say that in the sympathy of numbers there is not a power incalculable? And who can say that in its highest sense this sympathy can be attained without either a common object, a common charge, or a common danger? If the Regimental system failed in all else in military life, it succeeds in answering these three requisites. A common object— the attainment of a glory which can be common and yet personal; a common charge—the great legacy of former glory, which a man would be a craven if he let the breath of scorn approach; and a common danger, which on service shall knit every man to his neighbour, and in after times shall bind them together again by sympathies and memory.

At times, indeed, the gloom may be great; the twilight may deepen with unnatural and unexpected rapidity; but even among beaten, and dying, and darkening figures, _one_ must ever stand out in a Corps which has learnt true discipline—a figure which twilight cannot shroud, and which even disaster itself at times may illumine, which not even monotonous routine, nor seemingly valueless tasks can dim—the eternal and divine figure of Duty.

-----

Footnote 38:

Canon Kingsley, at the R.A. Institution, on October 3rd, 1871.

Footnote 39:

MS. Correspondence of General Pattison, R.A.

Footnote 40:

Official MS. Correspondence, Commandant's Office, New York.

Footnote 41:

MSS. in R. A. Regimental Library.

Footnote 42:

Cust.

Footnote 43:

Lee.

Footnote 44:

Lee.

Footnote 45:

MSS. in R. A. Library.

Footnote 46:

Browne, now Bandmaster of the Royal Horse Artillery.

Footnote 47:

Cust.

Footnote 48:

Lee.

Footnote 49:

Kane's List.

Footnote 50:

Kane's List.

Footnote 51:

It may be interesting to state here that on the 5th October, 1783, the first Committee was chosen to establish a regular Regimental Mess in the new barracks on the Common. The entrance subscription was fixed at 1_l._ 1_s._ Hitherto the officers had messed in two public-houses in Woolwich, known jocularly as the "Bastion," and "Redan." The new mess- room—afterwards a chapel—was where the Recreation Rooms now are.

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