Part II

of _Harrison’s Description of England_ (_N. S. S._, 1878) and Adams, 162. The original is held by the steward of the manor.

[1210] App. D, No. cii.

[1211] Cf. p. 361, and for the reliability and value of the record as evidence for the structure and staging of theatres, chh. xviii, xx.

[1212] _S. v. L._ 352, ‘the said howse was then lately afore vsed to have playes in hit’.

[1213] Ibid., ‘the Defendant should be allowed for the true value thereof out of the Complainantes moytie of the gains for the seuerall standinges in the galleries of the said howse which belonged to them’. As ‘which’ may follow on ‘moytie’, I see no reason for Wallace’s inference (360) that the galleries were structurally divided between the two parties, instead of the takings being shared.

[1214] Cf. ch. xiv (Pembroke’s) and ch. xxii (Nashe).

[1215] _S. v. L._ 353 (6 Feb. 1598), ‘the said Defendant hath euer synce had his said howse contynually from tyme to tyme exercysed with other players to his great gaines’.

[1216] App. D, No. cxiv.

[1217] App. D, No. cxv.

[1218] App. C, No. lii.

[1219] Cf. p. 362.

[1220] App. D, No. cxxiii.

[1221] Manningham, 130; Gawdy, 93.

[1222] Ch. xxiii (Vennar).

[1223] _E. S._ xliii. 342.

[1224] Act v, sc. i.

[1225] P. Norman, _The Accounts of the Overseers of the Poor of Paris Garden, 1608–71_ (1901, _Surrey Arch. Colls._ xvi. 55), from _Addl. MS._ 34, 110, and again by C. W. Wallace as a new discovery in _E. S._ xliii. 390. The amounts are £4 6_s._ 8_d._ in 1611, £5 3_s._ 4_d._ in 1612, £5 5_s._ in 1613, £3 0_s._ 10_d._ in 1614, 19_s._ 2_d._ in 1615, and £3 19_s._ 4_d._ in 1621.

[1226] It can hardly have been open at the time of the Watermen’s petition early in 1614 (cf. p. 370).

[1227] Herbert, 63; _Variorum_, iii. 56. Rendle, in _Antiquarian Magazine_, vii. 211, notes a ‘licence for T. B. and three assistants to make shows of Italian motion, at the Prince’s Arms, or the Swan’ in 1623; cf. Herbert, 47.

[1228] Cf. p. 376.

[1229] _N. U. S._ xiii. 279; cf. p. 399.

[1230] Wallace, in _The Times_ (1914), ‘Ac de et in vna domo de novo edificata cum gardino eidem pertinenti in parochia S^{ci} Salvatoris praedicta in comitatu Surria praedicta in occupacione Willielmi Shakespeare et aliorum’.

[1231] Cf. p. 364.

[1232] A rather fantastic argument of Ordish, 85, for the Curtain on the ground of the martial character of the neighbourhood is answered by Murray, i. 99.

[1233] _E. M. O._ 4368.

[1234] _O. v. H._ l. 110.

[1235] _O. v. H._ l. 99; _W. v. H._ 313.

[1236] Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 317.

[1237] _W. v. H._ 314.

[1238] _Century_ (Aug. 1910), 508; cf. p. 424.

[1239] _W. v. H._ 314.

[1240] _O. v. H._ l. 194.

[1241] _W. v. H._ 319.

[1242] Ibid. 317. Wallace dates the admission of Condell in 1610, but this seems to be an error.

[1243] _O. v. H._ l. 97; _W. v. H._ 321.

[1244] Rye, 61, from _Relation_ of Hans Jacob Wurmsser von Vendenheym, ‘Lundi 30 [April 1610] S. E. [Prince Lewis Frederick of Württemberg] alla au Globe, lieu ordinaire ou l’on joue les Commedies, y fut representé l’histoire du More de Venise’; cf. p. 369 on visit of Prince of Hesse-Cassel in 1611.

[1245] _W. v. H._ 320.

[1246] Stowe, 926. Jonas, 104, cites another record of the date from A. Hopten, _A Concordancy of Yeares_ (1615).

[1247] Birch, _James_, i. 253.

[1248] L. Pearsall Smith, _Letters of Wotton_, ii. 32.

[1249] Winwood, iii. 469.

[1250] Arber, iii. 528, ‘Simon Stafford ... a ballad called the sodayne Burninge of the Globe on the Bankside in the Play tyme on Saint Peters day last 1613’; ‘Edward White ... a doleful ballad of the general ouerthrowe of the famous theater on the Banksyde called the Globe &c. by William Parrat’.

[1251] Halliwell-Phillipps, _Outlines_, i. 310, ‘from a manuscript of the early part of the seventeenth century, of unquestionable authenticity, preserved in the library of Sir Mathew Wilson, Bart., of Eshton Hall, co. York’. The Eshton Hall collection, originally formed by John Hopkinson in 1660, has recently been sold, with the verses, to Mr. G. D. Smith of New York. The ‘Sonnett’ was first printed [by Joseph Haslewood] in _The Gentleman’s Magazine_ (1816), lxxxvi. 114, ‘from an old manuscript volume of poems and therefrom by Collier, i. 371, and Hazlitt, _E. D. S._ 225.

[1252] _Taylors Water-Works_ (1614), reprinted as _The Sculler_ (1630, _Works_, 515), ep. 22 of 3rd series.

[1253] _Underwoods_, lxii, written later than the Fortune fire of 9 Dec. 1621.

[1254] _Histriomastix_, 556.

[1255] Birch, _James I_, i. 329.

[1256] Cf. p. 374.

[1257] _W. v. H._ 320.

[1258] Ibid. 321.

[1259] A later statement by Shank in the _Sharers Papers_ puts it at £1,400. Heminges describes Witter’s ‘parte’ by a slip as one-sixth instead of one-seventh of the moiety. If the £120 was one-twelfth of the total cost, his figure (£1,440) would agree with that of Shank. Professor Wallace says in _The Times_ of 2 Oct. 1909, ‘This amount is in fact excessive.... I have other contemporary documents showing the cost was far less than £1,400.’

[1260] _W. v. H._ 323; Wallace in _The Times_ (1914).

[1261] _O. v. H._ ll. 245 sqq.

[1262] Lambert, _Shakespeare Documents_, 87.

[1263] _W. v. H._ 323.

[1264] Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 312.

[1265] Cf. ch. xi. There was a much rougher type of audience at the Globe; cf. Shirley, _Prologue at the Globe, to his Comedy called ‘The Doubtful Heir’, which should have been presented at the Blackfriars_, quoted in _Variorum_, iii. 69.

[1266] Cf. ch. xvii (Blackfriars).

[1267] Wallace in _The Times_ (1914). Bodley seems to have acquired a dubious title to hold the land in his own right in 1608, raised a fine of £20 for recognizing the players’ lease in 1609, and a fine of £2 on Heminges for leave to build his taphouse in 1615. Matthew Brend recovered the property through the Court of Wards, after the end of his minority, in 1622.

[1268] Rendle, _Bankside_, xvii, from _Southwark Vestry Papers_. Brend was knighted in 1622.

[1269] Cf. p. 374. Wallace, in _The Times_ (1914), makes Matthew Brend’s lease end on 25 Dec. Yet he puts the destruction after the expiration of the lease.

[1270] Stowe, _Survey_, ii. 58.

[1271] Martin, 158.

[1272] Stopes, _Burbage_, 196; Martin, 169; from _Close Roll, 3 Car. I_, pt. 23, m. 22.

[1273] Martin, 174.

[1274] A. Hayward, _Autobiography of Mrs. Piozzi_, ii. 33.

[1275] _History of St. Saviour’s_ (1795), 231.

[1276] T. Pennant, _London_ (1791), 60, ‘A little west of S. Mary Overies (in a place still called Globe Alley) stood the Globe.... I have been told that the door was very lately standing’; Concanen and Morgan, 224, ‘Several of the neighbouring inhabitants remember these premises being wholly taken down about fifty years ago, having remained for many years in a very ruinous state: avoided by the young and superstitious as a place haunted by those imaginary beings called evil spirits’.

[1277] Martin, 165, 177. It is probably a mere coincidence that John Knowles held a garden next the Globe site in 1599.

[1278] Rendle, _Bankside_, xix; _Antiquarian_, viii. 216.

[1279] Chalmers, _Apology_ (1797), 114, ‘I maintain, that the Globe was situated on the Bank, within eighty paces of the river, which has since receded from its former limits; that the Globe stood on the site of John Whatley’s windmill, which is at present used for grinding colours; as I was assured by an intelligent manager of Barclay’s brewhouse, which covers, in its ample range, part of Globe Alley; and that Whatley’s wind mill stands due south from the western side of Queenhythe by the compass, which I set for the express purpose of ascertaining the relative bearings of the windmill to the opposite objects on the Thames’; W. Wilson, _History and Antiquities of Dissenting Churches_ (1814), iv. 148, 175, ‘In former days there stood here [in Globe Alley] a theatre called the “Globe”.... Near to this place stood the meeting-house.... Its dissolution took place about the year 1752.... It is at present used for warehousing goods. A mill was also erected over it for the purpose of grinding bones’; R. Wilkinson, _Londina Illustrata_ (1819), i. 135, ‘Upon the disuse of the theatre, its site ... was formed into a meeting-house.... Afterwards a mill was erected here to grind bones; and it is at present appropriated for the purpose of grinding stones and similar materials’. The plan, however, which accompanies Wilkinson’s text, assigns the theatre to an improbable site some way west of the meeting-house. The Globe Alley meeting-house was built in 1672; it appears in a list of 1683, and is marked on Rocque’s map of 1746 on Rendle’s favourite site. Wilson only says the meeting-house was near the Globe; Wilkinson identifies the sites. Chalmers mentions the windmill, but not the meeting-house. I may add that a line drawn south from the west of Queenhithe would pass west of any possible site for the Globe. Malone’s ‘nearly opposite to Friday Street, Cheapside’ (_Variorum_, iii. 63) can also only be approximate.

[1280] Cf. facsimile from token-book in Martin, 157.

[1281] Concanen and Morgan, _History of St. Saviour’s_ (1795), 224, ‘It was situated in what is now called Maid lane; the north side and building adjoining, extending from the west side of Counter-alley to the north side of the passage leading to Mr. Brook’s cooperage; on the east side beyond the end of Globe-alley, including the ground on which stood the late parish workhouse, and from thence continuing to the south end of Mr. Brook’s passage. Under this building was Fountain-alley, leading from Horseshoe-alley into Castle-lane.’ This account appears to make the site extend farther north than Dr. Martin allows for, right up, indeed, to Maid Lane.

[1282] Plan of 1810 in R. Taylor, _Londina Illustrata_, ii. (1825) 136; plan of 1818 in Taylor, _Annals of St. Mary Overy_ (1833), 140.

[1283] Martin, 171. One cannot lay much stress upon hearsay locations of the site by employees of the brewery (Martin, 183), or the discovery of underground staging still farther south than Dr. Martin’s site on a spot which in 1599 must have been well within Winchester Park (Martin, 201), or of a stone inscribed ‘[T]heayter’, just south of Globe Alley (Martin, 184).

[1284] Martin, 164.

[1285] A Clink poor relief assessment of 1609 (Collier, _Alleyn Memoirs_, 91; Warner, 49) shows two names, each assessed for ‘halfe the parke’; this would hardly be the Bishop’s. The token-books also show persons resident in the park, but here the order of the entries points to a locality south of Maiden Lane, near the gate of the Bishop’s Park (_11 N. Q._ xii. 143).

[1286] Wallace in _The Times_ (1914). Dr. Martin explains (_11 N. Q._ xii. 161) that, in order to conduct their patrons from Bankside to the play-house south of Maiden Lane, ‘the owners of the Globe had erected a bridge over the ditches and quagmire of Maid Lane’.

[1287] Dr. Wallace says that all these records were made by the Commissioners ‘in dealing with the property of Brend and others on the north side’ of Maiden Lane. But there is no reference to ‘the north side’ in the actual record. Bingham had, and Sellers may have had, more than one plot in the neighbourhood.

[1288] Cf. p. 379.

[1289] _R. I. B. A. Journal_, 3rd series, xvii. 26.

[1290] Halliwell-Phillipps (_Calendar of Shakespeare Rarities_, 81) had a document of 1653 concerning a sewer ‘in Maide Lane nere the place where the Globe play-house lately stood’, which he considered as establishing the exact locality of the theatre. It is probably now in America.

[1291] Cf. p. 436.

[1292] I ought not to have suggested in _The Stage of the Globe_, 356, that the first Globe might have been rectangular.

[1293] _Variorum_, iii. 67.

[1294] _Henslowe Papers_, 14; Henslowe, ii. 56.

[1295] _Henslowe Papers_, 16.

[1296] Ibid. 25.

[1297] Ibid. 108.

[1298] Printed by W. W. Greg, _Henslowe Papers_, 4, from _Dulwich Muniments_, 22; also in _Variorum_, iii. 338, and Halliwell-Phillipps, _Illustrations_, 81; _Outlines_, i. 304.

[1299] _Quarterly Review_, ccviii. 442; _Architectural Review_, xxiii. 239. Models by Mr. Godfrey are at the Columbia and Illinois Universities (Adams, 277). M. W. Sampson has pointed out in _M. L. N._ for June 1915 (cited by Adams, 279) that the passage in _The Roaring Girl_ (1611), i. 1, where Sir Alexander Weargrave displays his house to his friends, is really a description of the Fortune when ‘Within one square a thousand heads are laid’.

[1300] _Henslowe Papers_, 25.

[1301] Ibid. 11.

[1302] App. D, Nos. cxvii, cxviii, cxxi, cxxii, cxxiv.

[1303] Cf. ch. viii and App. D, No. cl.

[1304] _Henslowe Papers_, 110.

[1305] Cf. ch. xi.

[1306] _Henslowe Papers_, 64.

[1307] Ibid. 25.

[1308] Ibid. 27.

[1309] Birch, _James I_, ii. 270.

[1310] Cf. ch. xi.

[1311] Birch, _James I_, ii. 280.

[1312] Young, ii. 225.

[1313] _Henslowe Papers_, 28.

[1314] Cf. App. I. It is this second house that is represented as a small angular flagged building in the ‘Ryther’ maps.

[1315] _Fortnightly Review_ (May 1916).

[1316] W. J. Lawrence in _Archiv_ (1914), 301; cf. p. 520.

[1317] Adams, 284, gives the history of the Fortune during 1621–49.

[1318] A Boar’s Head on the Bankside, which belonged to Henslowe in 1604 and previously to Alleyn (Henslowe, ii. 30), was apparently not an inn.

[1319] E. Gayton, _Pleasant Notes upon Don Quixot_ (1654), 277, ‘Sir John of famous memory; not he of the Boares Head in Eastcheap’. Neither the text nor the stage-directions of _Henry IV_ name the Boar’s Head; but the references to Eastcheap (_1 Hen. IV_, I. ii. 145, 176; II. iv. 16, 485; _2 Hen. IV_, II. i. 76; II. ii. 161) are sufficient, and when Prince Hal asks (_2 Hen. IV_, II. ii. 159) ‘Doth the old boar feed in the old frank?’, Bardolph answers, ‘At the old place, my lord, in Eastcheap’. Doll Tearsheet (II. iv. 250) calls Falstaff a ‘whoreson little tidy Bartholomew boar-pig’.

[1320] Halliwell-Phillipps, ii. 258. Harben, 88, however, suggests that the name was transferred to this house from another on the north side of Great Eastcheap in St. Clement’s.

[1321] Stowe, _Survey_, i. 126; ii. 72. I suppose the inn is identical with the ‘Blue Bore Inne’ marked by Ogilby (1677). The site is at No. 30 on the north of Aldgate High Street (Harben, 87).

[1322] Dasent, vi. 168.

[1323] App. D, No. cxxx. The description of this letter in the _Index to Remembrancia_, 355, as referring to ‘the Boar’s Head in Eastcheap’ has proved misleading.

[1324] App. D, Nos. cxxv, cxxix, cxxxv.

[1325] Cf. ch. xiii (Anne’s).

[1326] Adams, 17; cf. ch. xiii (Duke of York’s). The further suggestion of Adams, 8, that Rawlidge in 1628 (cf. p. 360) wrote ‘Whitefriars’ for ‘Whitechapel’ is less plausible. Rawlidge is only dealing with play-houses within the City.

[1327] Adams, 17, identifies the site with Boar’s Head Yard, between Middlesex Street and Goulston Street, Whitechapel. But this is the house of 1557 (v. _supra_) within the liberties. Rocque (1746) shows an oval site, just east of Church Lane and south of the church of St. Mary, Whitechapel, which rather suggests an amphitheatre, but may be merely a churchyard.

[1328] _Henslowe Papers_, 59.

[1329] Cf. p. 374.

[1330] The section is reproduced in Adams, 294.

[1331] Not the mercer Stone who sold stuffs to the Admiral’s in 1601 and 1602 (Henslowe, ii. 313); he was doubtless William Stone (Knt. in 1604).

[1332] _W. v. H._ 296. Professor Wallace has confused this 1_s._ 6_d._ with the profits of Woodford’s seventh, and thinks that a gatherer got one-eighteenth of the receipts.

[1333] I think the inference is that the gallery profits were divided in the proportion of seven-eighteenths to the housekeepers and eleven-eighteenths to the players.

[1334] No order seems to have been made as to the gatherer’s place.

[1335] _Knight of the Burning Pestle_, IV. i. 43.

[1336] _Travels of the Three Brothers_ (ed. Bullen, p. 88).

[1337] Dekker, _Works_, iv. 97; cf. p. 367.

[1338] Jeaffreson, ii. 64, 86.

[1339] Wither, _Abuses Stript and Whipt_ (1613), i. 1,

‘His poetry is such as he can cull From plays he heard at Curtain or at Bull’;

_Albumazar_, II. i. 16, ‘Then will I confound her with compliments drawn from the plays I see at the Fortune and Red Bull, where I learn all the words I speak and understand not’; Gayton, 24, ‘I have heard that the poets of the Fortune and Red Bull had always a mouth-measure for their actors (who were terrible tear-throats) and made their lines proportionable to their compass, which were sesquipedales, a foot and a half’.

[1340] Collier, _Memoirs of Alleyn_, 107; _D. N. B._ s.v. Alleyn. The _Diary_ (Young, ii. 51) runs:

‘Oct. 1, 1617. I came to London in the coach and went to the red Bull. 2^d.

Oct. 3. I went to the red bull and ℞ for the younger brother but 3. 6. 4, water 4^d.’

_The Younger Brother_ was entered in the Stationers’ Register in 1653, but is not extant.

[1341] Heywood, _Pleasant Dialogues and Dramas_, 247.

[1342] Adams, 300.

[1343] Prynne, _Epistle_ to _Histriomastix_ (1633); W. C., _London’s Lamentation for her Sins_ (1625), ‘Yet even then, Oh Lord, were the theatres magnified and enlarged’.

[1344] _Fortnightly Review_ (May 1916).

[1345] Cf. App. I.

[1346] Cf. ch. xviii, _Bibl. Note_.

[1347] _Mediaeval Stage_, ii. 250; cf. i. 53, 68, 72; ii. 244 (Durham Priory), 246 (Thetford Priory), 247 (Winchester College), 248 (Magdalen, Oxford).

[1348] Strutt, _Sports and Pastimes_ (ed. Cox), 195.

[1349] Rendle, _Old Southwark_, f. p., 31.

[1350] It is also, although unnamed, in Smith’s drawing of 1588, but that is probably based on Agas.

[1351] William Fitzstephen (_c._ 1170–82) in J. C. Robertson, _Materials for the History of Becket_ (R. S.), iii. 11, ‘In hieme singulis feré festis ante prandium ... pingues tauri cornipetae, seu ursi immanes, cum objectis depugnant canibus’.

[1352] Erasmus, _Adagia_, 3354, ‘Sed intolerabilius est quod apud Britannos complures alunt greges ursorum ad saltationem, animal vorax et maleficum’. I owe the correct reference to Mr. P. S. Allen. Presumably ‘greges’ is no more than ‘numbers’.

[1353] Collier, i. 42, from _Harl. MS._ 433.

[1354] _Egerton MS._ 2623, f. 11. Collier, who owned this document, or some other modern, has substituted the name of John Dorrington. A copy, exemplified for Morgan Pope on 18 Nov. 1585, is at Dulwich; cf. _Henslowe Papers_, 1. Long became steward of Paris Garden in 1536 (Kingsford, 159).

[1355] Collier, i. 194, from list of fees payable by the Treasurer of the Chamber in 1571 (_Cotton MS._ Vesp. C. xiv), ‘keapers of Beares and Mastives, iij. Item to Mathew Becke, Sergeaunte of the beares, for his wages per ann. 12^l 10^s 7½^d. Item to Symon Powlter, yoman, per ann. 14^l 6^s 3^d. Item to Richard Darryngton M^r and kepar of the bandogges and mastives, per ann. 21^l 5^s 10^d’. Similarly, the Treasurer’s _Declared Account_ for 1594–5 (_Pipe Roll_, 542) shows a total payment to keepers of Bears and Mastiffs of £48 12_s._ 8½_d._ There is an error in one or other entry of 10_s._

[1356] The Privy Council Acts record warrants _inter alia_ to Ralph in 1574 (Dasent, viii. 257), Thomas in 1576, 1577, 1578, 1579, and 1580 (ix. 121, 153, 335; x. 148; xi. 70, 392), Ralph in 1581 (xii. 321), and Edward in 1581 and 1582 (xiii. 115, 311). Edward Bowes seems to have held the Keepership of Dogs, but disclaimed having a fee of £15 17_s._ 4_d._ at the subsidy of 1588 (_M. S. C._ i. 355).

[1357] Earlier licensees were William Payne and Simon Powlter (> 1574). Wistow (_c._ 1575), John Napton, Morgan Pope (_c._ 1585–7), Thomas Burnaby (_c._ 1590–4), and perhaps others; cf. p. 464; Wallace in _The Times_ (1914); Kingsford, 171–8.

[1358] _Alleyn Memoirs_, 213; cf. _Henslowe Papers_, 4.

[1359] Henslowe, i. 71. Some payments of June 1597 on account of a privy seal and a patent for Alleyn (Henslowe, i. 200) may relate to this.

[1360] _Henslowe Papers_, 98. Possibly an undated letter from Arthur Langworth to Alleyn (_Henslowe Papers_, 99), in which he refers to Bowes’s illness and protests against a charge of not giving Alleyn sufficient help in procuring some ‘place’, relates to this. But it is allusive and obscure.

[1361] _S. P. D. Eliz._ cclxviii. 18; cf. _Henslowe Papers_, 12.

[1362] Probably Bowes had also held this keepership with his Mastership, as he was drawing a fee from the Chamber in 1596 (Henslowe, i. 128).

[1363] Muniment 19 in the _Dulwich MSS._ is a warrant of 24 Nov. 1599 by Meade to a deputy; cf. Henslowe, ii. 38. A list of fees _c._ 1600 in _Henslowe Papers_, 108, shows, under the general heading ‘Parris garden’, only two keeperships, instead of the three of 1571, that of Bears at £12 8_s._ 1½_d._, and that of Mastiffs at £21 5_s._ 10½_d._

[1364] _Henslowe Papers_, 12; cf. Henslowe, ii. 37.

[1365] Receipts by or on behalf of Dorrington dated Jan. and April 1602 are in _Henslowe Papers_, 101; Henslowe, i. 212. Each is for a quarter’s ‘rent’ of £10, and the earlier is specified as ‘for the commissyon for the Bear-garden’. A letter of May 1600 from Dorrington to Henslowe asking him and Meade to have the ‘games’ ready for Court is in _Henslowe Papers_, 100. In 1603 Henslowe spent 16_s._ 4_d._ ‘for sewinge at the cort’, on petitions to Dorrington, the Lord Chamberlain, and the Council, the drawing of two licences, and ‘our warent for baytynge’ (_Henslowe Papers_, 109). I think that from 1603, if not earlier, he had a regular appointment as deputy to Dorrington. On 18 April 1604 he received the Treasurer of the Chamber’s reward as ‘Deputy Master of the Game’.

[1366] _Alleyn Memoirs_, 213; cf. _Henslowe Papers_, 4.

[1367] _S. P. D. Jac. I, 1603–10_, p. 134.

[1368] _Henslowe Papers_, 101; _S. P. D. Jac. I_, x, p. 167. It appears from a memorandum of Alleyn’s in _Henslowe Papers_, 107, that he paid £250 for his share.

[1369] _Henslowe Papers_, 104.

[1370] This is recited in a warrant to one of their deputies in _Henslowe Papers_, 18.

[1371] Henslowe, ii. 38. Dr. Greg gives many interesting details of the business, and of the relations of the Masters with their agents, for which I have not space. Others, of Bowes’s time, are in Dasent, ix. 9; xiii. 101.

[1372] _Sydney Papers_, ii. 194 (12 May 1600), ‘This day she appointes to see a Frenchman doe feates upon a rope, in the Conduit court. To morrow she hath commanded the beares, the bull and the ape to be baited in the tiltyard. Upon Wednesday she will have solemn dawncing’; cf. _Epicoene_, iii. 1, ‘Were you ever so much as look’d upon by a lord or a lady, before I married you, but on the Easter or Whitsun-holidays? and then out at the banqueting-house window, when Ned Whiting or George Stone were at the stake?’ George Stone was killed during the visit of Christian of Denmark in 1606 (_H. P._ 105). The Court practice was followed by the Lord Mayor and Aldermen. Payments to the bearward of Paris Garden for pastime showed at the Conduit Heads are in Harrison, iv. 322.

[1373] Machyn, 198.

[1374] Ibid. 270; Nichols, _Eliz._ i. 305; ii. 469; Walsingham, _Journal_, 42; Boississe, i. 345. There is a spirited description of a baiting before Elizabeth at Kenilworth on 14 July 1575 in _Laneham’s Letter_ (Furnivall, _Captain Cox_, 17); but I do not suppose that these were the London bears. Leicester, whose cognizance was the bear and ragged staff, doubtless kept his own ursine establishment.

[1375] Rye, 123.

[1376] _Pipe Office Declared Account_, 543, m. 194.

[1377] Stowe, _Annales_ (1615), 835, 865, 895.

[1378] Translated by F. Madden in _Archaeologia_, xxiii. 354.

[1379] Machyn, 198.

[1380] Translated by G. von Bülow in _2 Transactions of Royal Hist. Soc._ ix. 230, from a manuscript in the possession of Graf von der Osten at Plathe, Pomerania. I add for the sake of completeness the following lines from the _Hodoeporica_ (1568, ed. 2, 1575), 224, of N. Chytraeus, whose visit was probably _c._ 1565–7:

Opposita in Tamesis ripa, longa area paruis Distincta aspicitur tectis, vbi magna canum vis Vrsorumque alitur diuersarumque ferarum, Quae canibus commissae Anglis spectacula praebent, Hospitibusque nouis, vincti dum praelia miscent, Luctantes aut ungue fero, vel dentibus uncis.

[1381] Cf. ch. xviii.

[1382] Translated in Rye, 45.

[1383] Cf. p. 362.

[1384] Hentzner, 196; cf. p. 363.

[1385] G. Binz in _Anglia_, xxii. 460, ‘Man pfleget auch alle Sontag vnndt mittwochen zu Londen, yenseits desz wassers den Berenhatz zu halten.... Der Schauplatz ist in die Ründe gebauwen, sind oben herumb viel geng, darauf man zusicht, vnden am boden vnder dem heiteren Himmel ist es nicht besetzet. Da bande man in mitten desz platzes einen grossen Beeren an ein stock am langen seil an.... Wie wir die stegen hinunter kamen, gungen wir hinder den schauwplatz, besahen die Englischen docken, deren bey 120 in einem bezirk beysamen, yedoch yetwederer in einem sonderbahren ställin an einer kettin angeheftet wahren.’

[1386] _Hatfield MSS._ xi. 382.

[1387] G. von Bülow in _2 Transactions of the Royal Hist. Soc._ vi. 16, ‘16 Sept. Auf den Nachmittag haben wir den Bär u. Stierhetze zugesehen ... wohlmehr as 200 Hünde an selbigem Ort in einem besonderen Häuslein unterhalten’.

[1388] Rye, 61.

[1389] Rye, 133.

[1390] _Englische Studien_, xiv. 440.

[1391] _Epigram_ xliii:

Publius, student at the common law, Oft leaves his books, and for his recreation, To Paris Garden doth himself withdraw, Where he is ravished with such delectation, As down among the bears and dogs he goes; Where, whilst he skipping cries, ‘To head! to head!’ His satin doublet and his velvet hose Are all with spittle from above bespread: When he is like his father’s country hall, Stinking with dogs and muted all with hawks; And rightly on him too this filth doth fall, Which for such filthy sports his books forsakes, Leaving old Ployden, Dyer, Brooke alone, To see old Harry Hunks, and Sacarson.

[1392] _Merry Wives_, I. i. 306.

[1393] Dekker, _Work for Armourers_ (1609, _Works_, iv. 98), ‘At length a blind bear was tied to the stake, and instead of baiting him with dogs, a company of creatures that had the shapes of men and faces of Christians (being either colliers, carters, or watermen) took the office of beadles upon them, and whipped Monsieur Hunkes till the blood ran down his old shoulders’.

[1394] _Coryats Crudities_ (1611), i. 114, ‘Hunks of the Beare-garden to be feared if he be nigh on’.

[1395] Cf. p. 453. Nashe, _Strange News_ (1592, _Works_, i. 281, also names ‘great Ned’ and adds ‘Harry of Tame’. In 1590 Burnaby had at the Bear Garden ‘Tom Hunckes’, ‘Whitinge’, ‘Harry of Tame’, three other bears, three bulls, a horse, an ape. A ‘great’ bear was worth £8 or £10, a bull £4 or £5 (Kingsford, 175).

[1396] _Puritan_, iii. 5, ‘How many dogs do you think I had upon me?... almost as many as George Stone, the bear; three at once’.

[1397] _Henslowe Papers_, 106.

[1398] _Copley Accounts_, s. a. 1575, in _Collectanea Genealogica et Topographica_, viii. 253, ‘Gyven to the master of Paryshe Garden his man for goynge with Thos. Sharples into Barmensy Street to see certen mastyve dogges’.

[1399] R. Crowley, _One and thyrtye Epigrammes_ (1550, ed. E. E. T. S.), 381:

And yet me thynke those men be mooste foles of all, Whose store of money is but verye smale, And yet euerye Sondaye they will surely spende One peny or two, the bearwardes lyuyng to mende. At Paryse garden, eche Sundaye, a man shall not fayle To fynde two or thre hundredes for the bearwardes vaile. One halpenye a piece they vse for to giue, When some haue no more in their purse, I belieue;

Jonson, _Execration upon Vulcan_ (_Works_, iii. 322):

a threatning to the bears, And that accursed ground, the Paris-garden;

Taylor, _Bull, Bear and Horse_ (1638):

And that we have obtained again the game, Our Paris Garden flag proclaims the same.

Cf. Sir John Davies’ lines already quoted; also Dekker, ii. 125 (_News from Hell_), iv. 109 (_Work for Armourers_), &c., &c.

[1400] Stowe, _Annales_, 695.

[1401] _Henslowe Papers_, 15, 104. Miss Dormer Harris kindly tells me that the Coventry Corporation rewarded the ‘Bearward of palace Garden’ in 1576–7.

[1402] Cf. p. 411.

[1403] Malone, _Variorum_, xix. 483; Rendle, _Bankside_, iii; _Antiquarian_, vii. 277; Ordish, 128.

[1404] _Annales Monasterii de Bermundseia_, s. a. 1113 (Luard, _Annales Monastici_, iii. 432), ‘Hoc anno Robertus Marmion dedit hidam de Wideflete cum molendino et aliis pertinentibus suis monachis de Bermundeseye’; _Register of Hospital of St. John_, s. a. 1420 (_Monasticon Anglicanum_, vi. 819), ‘Haec sunt statuta et ordinationes concernentia locum privilegiatum vocatum Parishgardyn, alias dictum Wideflete, sive Wiles, cum pertinentiis, facta per Johannem nuper Ducem Bedfordiae, firmarium ibidem, anno Domini mccc[c]xx’ [Rules for a sanctuary, with a dominus, senescallus, ballivus, constabularius, and societas, follow]; _Liber Fundatorum of St. John_ (ibid. vi. 832), ‘Molendina de Wideflete cum gardino vocato Parish-gardin ... tenentur de Abbate de Barmondesey’ (1434). Kingsford, 157, traces the manor through Bermondsey priory, the Templars, and St. John’s Hospital to the Crown in 1536.

[1405] Blount, _Glossographia_ (ed. 4, 1674), 469, quotes _Close Roll, 16 Rich. II_, dorso ii. Kingsford, 156, translates the writ, which is abstracted (Sharpe, _Letter Book H_, 392), ‘Writ to the Mayor and Sheriffs to proclaim ordinances made in the last Parliament at Winchester to the effect that the laystall or latrine (fimarium sive sterquilinium) on the bank of the Thames near the house of Robert de Parys be removed, and a house be built on its site for the use of butchers, where they may cut up their offal and take it in boats to mid-stream and cast it into the water at ebb-tide.... Witness the King at Westminster 21 Feb. 16 Rich. II’. The ordinance is recorded in _Rot. Parl._ iii. 306.

[1406] _Index to Remembrancia_, 478.

[1407] Brewer, xxi. 2. 88, ‘a licence for Thomas Fluddie, yeoman of your Majesty’s bears, to bait and make pastime with your Graces bears at the accustomed place at London, called the Stewes, notwithstanding the proclamation’ (Sept. 1546); Machyn, 78, ‘The sam day [9 Dec. 1554] at after-non was a bere-beytyn on the Banke syde, and ther the grett blynd bere broke losse, and in ronnyng away he chakt a servyng man by the calff of the lege, and bytt a gret pesse away, and after by the hokyll-bone, that within iij days after he ded’.

[1408] Foxe, _Acts and Monuments_ (ed. 1846), v. 388. Collier, iii. 94, cites ‘a book of the expenses of the Northumberland family’ to the effect that the earl went to Paris Garden to behold the bear-baiting in 1525–6. Ordish, 129, criticizes this on the ground that the statement is not in the _Northumberland Household Book_ printed by Percy. It was in fact a different book, from which Collier, i. 86, gives entries, of which one is of boat-hire from and to ‘Parys gardyn’. But there is nothing about bear-baiting.

[1409] _Account of Treasurer of Chamber_, s. a. 1515 (Brewer, ii. 1466), ‘Hen. Anesley, conveying the King’s barge from Greenwich to Parys Garden, 16^d’.

[1410] Ordish, 127.

[1411] In _Shaw v. Langley_ (1597) the Swan is described as ‘in the oulde Parrisgardin’, although there is no specific mention of baiting (_E. S._ xliii. 345, 355).

[1412] Fleetwood, writing to Burghley on 13 July 1578 (Rendle, _Antiquarian_, vii. 274, from _S. P. D. Eliz._ cxxv. 21), describes intrigues of the French ambassador ‘on the Thames side behind Paris Garden toward Lambeth, in the fields ... I got a skuller to Paris Garden, but the place was dark and shadowed with trees, that one man cannot see another unless they have _lynceos oculos_ or els cattes eys, shewing how admirable a place it was for such doings. The place is that boowre of conspiracies, it is the college of male cownsell.... There be certain _virgulta_ or eightes of willows set by the Thames near that place; they grow now exceeding thick, and a notable covert for confederates to shrowd in; a milkmade lately did see the French ambassador land in that _virgulta_’.

[1413] The ring, without a name, is also shown in Smith’s drawing (1588), but this is probably based on one of the maps.

[1414] Rendle, _Antiquarian_, viii. 57, from _Exchequer Depositions, 18 Jac. I_. The depositions also mention a bull-house built in a dog-yard, a bear-house, a hay-house, a pond for the bears to wash in, and a pond for dead dogs. Kingsford, 175, gives fuller extracts.

[1415] Stowe, _Survey_, ii. 54. A short passage in i. 95 adds nothing.

[1416] Stowe (1615), 695.

[1417] Halliwell, _Dr. Dee’s Diary_ (C. S.), 18; App. C, No. xxxi; App. D, No. lxiv. The ballad of which four stanzas are given by Collier, i. 244, is presumably a forgery.

[1418] More, _Works_ (ed. 1557), 208, ‘This is much like as at Beuerlay late, whan much of the people beyng at a bere baytyng, the church fell sodeinly down at euensonge tyme, and ouer whelmed some that than were in it: a good felow, that after herde the tale tolde, “lo”, quod he, “now maie you see what it is to be at euensong whan ye should be at the bere baytynge”. How be it, the hurt was not ther in beinge at euensonge, but in that the churche was falsely wrought’.

[1419] App. D, No. lxx.

[1420] Rendle, _Antiquarian_, viii. 57.

[1421] Rendle, _Antiquarian_, viii. 57; _Bankside_, xxx, with map.

[1422] The tithes were for ‘the bear garden and for the ground adjoining to the same where the dogs are’ (Rendle, _Bankside_, v). It was for Morgan Pope that Bowes’s patent as Master of the Game was exemplified in 1585; cf. p. 450.

[1423] Henslowe, ii. 25, from _Egerton MS._ 2623, f. 13, and _Dulwich MS._ iv. 21.

[1424] Henslowe, i. 71, ‘Ano do 1595 the xxviij^{th} of Novembere Reseved of M^r Henslow the day and yeare abov written the som of syx poundes of curant mony of England and is in part of a mor som [yf he the sayd] by twyxt the sayd Phillyp Henslow and me consaning a bargen of the beargarden I say Reseved vj^{ll}. By me John Mavlthouse. Wittnes I E Alley.’ I take the words in square brackets, which are cancelled in the diary, to represent ‘if he proceed’. In Henslowe, i. 43, are further receipts for 40_s._ ‘in part of the bargen for the tenymentes on the bankes syd’ in Dec. 1595, and sums of £10, £20, and £4 for unspecified purposes in Jan. and Feb. 1596. Kingsford, 177, gives the date of Henslowe’s purchase.

[1425] Henslowe, i. 209; cf. _Henslowe Papers_, 109.

[1426] Henslowe, ii. 25.

[1427] _Henslowe Papers_, 107. I agree with Dr. Greg (Henslowe, ii. 30, 39) that it is difficult to see what a lease from Thomas Garland to Henslowe and Alleyn in 1608 of a close called Long Slip or Long Meadow in Lambeth can have had to do with the baiting. But Alleyn added the word ‘Bear-garden’ to the original endorsement ‘M^r Garlands lece’ (_Henslowe Papers_, 12). Perhaps the land was used for some subsidiary purpose in connexion with the Garden.

[1428] _Henslowe Papers_, 110; _Architectural Review_, xlvii. 152.

[1429] Full text in _Alleyn Memoirs_, 78; abstract in _Henslowe Papers_, 102.

[1430] Henslowe, i. 214; cf. p. 189 (_supra_).

[1431] Cf. p. 458.

[1432] Cf. ch. xviii.

[1433] _Henslowe Papers_, 19, from Dulwich Muniment 49; also printed in _Variorum_, iii. 343. Muniment 50 is Katherens’ bond, and Muniment 51 a sub-contract of 8 Sept. 1613 with John Browne, bricklayer, to do the brickwork for £80.

[1434] Cf. p. 370.

[1435] Taylor, _Works_ (1630), 304, with a reply by Fennor and rejoinder by Taylor. Incidentally Taylor mentions the arras of the theatre and the tiles with which it was covered.

[1436] The Southwark vestry order of 1 May 1598 (App. D, No. cxv) seems to connect him with ‘play-houses’, but I doubt whether anything but the bear garden is meant.

[1437] Cf. _Satiromastix_, 1247, ‘Th’ast a breath as sweet as the Rose that growes by the Beare-Garden’.

[1438] _Alleyn Memoirs_, 159.

[1439] Ordish, 235. No date can be assigned to _A North Countrey Song_ in _Wit and Drollery_ (1656):

When I’se come there [to Paris Garden], I was in a rage, I rayl’d on him that kept the Beares, Instead of a Stake was suffered a Stage, And in Hunkes his house a crue of Players.

[1440] Collier, iii. 102.

[1441] Cf. p. 375.

[1442] Ordish, 244. A Bearsfoot Alley shown farther to the east by Rocque (1746) may derive from one of the earlier baiting-places.

[1443] C. W. Wallace in _The Times_ (30 April 1914), ‘We present John Wardner William Sellors and all the land holders or their tenantes that holde anie landes gardeines ground or tenementes abbutting vpon the common sewer leadinge from Sellors gardin to the beare garden to cast clense and scoure their and euerie one of their seuerall partes of the common sewer by Candlemas nexte vpon paine of euerie pole then vndone ... ij^s’.

[1444] Cf. p. 458.

[1445] E. Hake, _Newes out of Poules Churchyarde_ (1579), Sat. v:

What else but gaine and money gote Maintaines each Saboth day The bayting of the Beare and Bull? What brings this brutish play?

Many of the attacks on plays (App. C) also refer to baiting.

[1446] App. D, No. lxxxiv.

[1447] App. D, No. cxxxii.

[1448] ‘In the late quenes tyme fre libertie was permited with owt restrainte to bayght them which now is tacken a way frome vs especiallye one the Sondayes in the after none after devine service which was the cheffest meanes and benefit to the place’; cf. p. 452.

[1449] Cf. p. 375.

[1450] _Henslowe Papers_, 88, 125.

[1451] Printed in _M. S. C._ i. 277, from _P. R. 13 Jac. I_, pt. 20; also by Collier, i. 381, and Hazlitt, _E. D. S._ 46, from the Signet Bill, misdescribed as the Privy Seal, of 31 May.

[1452] Cf. App. D, No. clvii.

[1453] Cf. App. D, No. clx. Collier, i. 384, without giving his authority, says that the Corporation reported the carrying out of this mandate ‘before three days had elapsed’.

[1454] Shaw. ii. 107. Sir Thomas Saunders had the same lodgings _c._ 1551 (cf. p. 478, n. 4; _M. S. C._ ii. 120).

[1455] Cf. ch. xvii (Blackfriars); _M. S. C._ ii. 93, 110, 120.

[1456] W. P. Baildon, _Black Books of Lincoln’s Inn_, iv. 263; C. F. R. Palmer, _The Friar-Preachers of Holborn, London_ (_Reliquary_, xvii. 33, 75).

[1457] Stowe, _Survey_, i. 9, 27, 40, 64, 339; ii. 14, 44, 89; (1720) i. 3. 177; Halle, ii. 150; Nicolas, _Acts of Privy Council_, _passim_; _Rot. Parl._ v. 171; Clapham, 58; _V. H._ i. 498; Brewer, iv. 2483; Riley, _Memorials of London_, 90; Baldwin, 154, 261, 355, 358, 499; Gairdner, _Paston Letters_, i. 426, ‘for the ease of resorting of the Lordys that are withinne the toun’.

[1458] _V. H._ i. 498.

[1459] Brewer, iii. 2. 1053.

[1460] Ibid. xiii. 2. 215.

[1461] Rymer, xiv. 609; Brewer, xiii. 2. 320.

[1462] _M. S. C._ ii. 3.

[1463] Ibid. ii. 4, 6, 8, 109, 114. Cawarden had had a lease of part of the property on 4 April 1548.

[1464] Stowe (1720), i. 3. 178.

[1465] Printed from _Journal_, 14, f. 129, as appendix to _Memoranda, References, and Documents relating to the Royal Hospitals of the City of London_ (1836).

[1466] Stowe (1720), i. 3. 178. Portinari was a pensioner _c._ 1526 (Brewer, iv. 871), and he was aged 64 in 1572 (_M. S. C._ ii. 52). He was a Florentine by birth and an engineer by profession (_Sp. P._ ii. 399; Winwood, i. 145).

[1467] _B. M. Lansd. MS._ 155, f. 80^v.

[1468] _M. S. C._ ii. 2, 5, 103, 127; Stowe (1598), i. 339; _Athenaeum_ (1886), ii. 91; Dasent, xxvi. 448; xxvii. 13.

[1469] In 1585 the Lord Mayor asked that the Blackfriars might contribute to the musters (Stowe, ed. Strype, i. 3. 180). In 1588 and 1593 requisitions for a levy were sent to the chief officer, i. e. the constable, and the inhabitants (Dasent, xv. 428; xxiv. 30). But in 1589 similar action was taken through the Lord Mayor (Dasent, xvii. 118). A local dispute was referred to Richard Young and another Middlesex justice in 1591, with whom the Lord Mayor was joined because a City company was involved (Dasent, xx. 245, 283). Young and others again received the Council’s instructions, after they had heard the inhabitants, on a building matter in 1591 (Dasent, xxi. 337). At a time of danger in 1592 the keeping of a midsummer watch was committed to Lord Cobham (Dasent, xxii. 551).

[1470] Stowe (1720), i. 3. 183; Dasent, iii. 235 (Letter of 14 March 1551 ‘to the Maiour of London to suffer the Lorde Cobham, the Lorde Wardein, and others dwelling within the Blacke Freres t’enjoye their liberties there’). The riot was put down by Sir Thomas Saunders, Sir Henry Jerningham, and William More.

[1471] Stowe (1720), i. 3. 183.

[1472] Stowe, ed. Strype (1720), i. 3. 184. The Blackfriars papers added by A. Munday in 1618 appear to be all notes and examinations taken by Sir Thomas Saunders, who appealed to the Earl of Arundel for support.

[1473] Dasent, viii. 240, 257.

[1474] Dasent, x. 429; xii. 19. Pending a decision the Lord Mayor was directed ‘not to intermeddle in any cawse within the saide liberties, savinge onlie for the punishment of fellons as heretofore he hath don’. The report dated 27 Jan. 1580 is printed by Ingleby, 250, from the Bridgewater MSS. It seems to be genuine. Collier does not print it, although he mentions it (_New Facts_, 9) in connexion with a forged Privy Council order which he dates 23 Dec. 1579. Wallace, ii. 22, describes an unprinted statement of the City’s case, dated 27 Jan. 1579, in _Letter Book_ Z, f. 23^v.

[1475] Dasent, xv. 137; Stowe (1720), i. 3. 177.

[1476] This may be the undated petition relating both to the Blackfriars and the Whitefriars in _B. M. Lansd. MS._ 155, f. 79^v.

[1477] Wallace, i. 174, from _Loseley MSS._, bundle 425.

[1478] _M. S. C._ ii. 124; cf. Dasent, xiii. 76.

[1479] Dasent, xxvi. 448. Lord Hunsdon and Sir John Fortescue, both residents in or near the Blackfriars, sat on the commission with the chief justices. Lady Russell records the want of a steward and bailiff to keep order in 1597 (_Hatfield MSS._ vii. 298).

[1480] Dasent, xxvii. 13; xxx. 134, 149; cf. App. D, No. cxxvi.

[1481] W. de G. Birch, _Historical Charters and Constitutional Documents of the City of London_, 142. James is said to have made the City pay for the rebuilding of the Banqueting House (cf. ch. i) in return for this extension of jurisdiction (Goodman, ii. 176). Collier, _N. F._ 20, 22, 32, although ignorant of the charter, quotes documents relating to the status of the Blackfriars in 1608, of which two at least, a note of the interest of the players in the theatre and a letter in their favour signed ‘H. S.’, are forgeries (Ingleby, 244, 246, 256).

[1482] _M. S. C._ ii. 66, 114; cf. Cawarden’s i. p.m. in Fry, _London Inquisitiones Post Mortem_, i. 191.

[1483] The general lie of Blackfriars can be gathered from Stowe (1598), i. 313; ii. 11, with the maps described in the _Bibl. Note_ to ch. xvi, and the modern ordnance maps. The earlier maps are largely picturesque, and notably place far too much of the precinct on the east of Water Lane. But they seem to preserve certain details, such as the arches over the north to south highway. The old lines of the roads appear to have been preserved at the rebuilding after the great fire of 1666. I have added some details from other sources.

[1484] _M. S. C._ ii. 115.

[1485] The reconstructed map of London by Emery Walker in C. L. Kingsford’s edition of Stowe gives this name in error to Water Lane.

[1486] The 1586 documents in Stowe (1720), i. 3. 178, state that the prior held of the lord of St. John’s, ‘who did make the bridge at the Thames’. Feuillerat, _Eliz._ 454, however, quotes a Declared Account of 1550 for ‘the ereccion and buyldynge ... of two bridges thone at the Blackfreers and thother at the Temple’. Under Elizabeth the liberty maintained the bridge as well as that at Bridewell (_Lansd. MS._ 155, f. 80^v). The tenure from St. John’s is also alleged (1587) in Dasent, xv. 137. It is rather curious that in an endorsement of the survey of St. John’s in 1586–7 (Feuillerat, _Eliz._ 47) that house, although in Clerkenwell, is described, perhaps by a slip, as in the Blackfriars.

[1487] _M. S. C._ ii. 115. For the ‘turngate’ cf. _M. S. C._ ii. 114; Strype (1720), i. 3. 184. This, with the great gate, and the gates at the Thames and Fleet bridges, made up the four gates of conventual times. The gate, over which Shakespeare had a house, where Ireland Yard debouches into St. Andrew’s Hill, was probably of later date.

[1488] _M. S. C._ ii. 6, 11, 109.

[1489] The upper gate is described in a lease as ‘a gate of the Citie of London’ (_Loseley MS._ 1396, f. 44). It may have been a relic of the pre-1276 wall. Its site is shown on the Ordnance map. The lower gate is visible in the maps of Braun and Agas. It seems to have carried Charles V’s gallery over the roadway to the guest-house.

[1490] _M. S. C._ ii. 9, 107, 110; Clapham, 64.

[1491] The details for the rest of this paragraph are mainly taken from Crown surveys of 1548 and 1550 (_M. S. C._ ii. 6, 8), and from a memorandum by Cawarden on the grants anterior to his own (_M. S. C._ ii. 1, 103), and Professor Feuillerat’s notes of the original patents which illustrate this.

[1492] _M. S. C._ ii. 9, 107, 114; Clapham, 62; _London Inquisitiones Post Mortem_, ii. 115.

[1493] Ibid. 9, 10, 112.

[1494] Ibid. 111, 113.

[1495] Ibid. 110; Clapham, 63.

[1496] Ibid. 10, 110, 114.

[1497] Ibid. 3.

[1498] Some vaulted fragments stood until 1900 at a spot which must have been just east of the school-house. Possibly they formed part of the provincial’s lodging. They are shown in a plan of _c._ 1670–80 (Clapham, 71), and their condition in 1900 was carefully recorded (Clapham, 69, 70, 78). Only a fragment of wall is now _in situ_, just north of what is now the west end of Ireland Yard, but appears on the seventeenth-century plan as Cloister Court. It must, however, have run out from the south-east corner of the cloister towards the east. The name Cloister Court has now passed to a yard farther south.

[1499] Clapham, 68; cf. p. 486.

[1500] Clapham suggests, plausibly enough, that the description (_c._ 1394) of a Dominican house in _Pierce the Ploughmans Crede_ (ed. Skeat, _E. E. T. S._ 153–215) was based upon the London Blackfriars. The following passages relate to the cloister and refectory.

Þanne kam i to þat cloister . & gaped abouten Whouȝ it was pilered and peynt . & portred well clene, All y-hyled wiþ leed . lowe to þe stones, And y-paued wiþ peynt til . iche poynte after oþer; With kundites of clene tyn . closed all aboute, Wiþ lauoures of latun . louelyche y-greithed....

... Þanne was þe chaptire-hous wrouȝt . as a greet chirche, Coruen and couered . and queyntliche entayled; Wiþ semlich selure . y-set on lofte; As a Parlement-hous . y-peynted aboute....

... Þanne ferd y into fraytour . and fond þere an oþer, An halle for an heyȝ king . an housholde to holden, Wiþ brode bordes aboute . y-benched wel clene, Wiþ windowes of glas . wrouȝt as a Chirche....

... Chambers wiþ chymneyes . & Chapells gaie; And kychens for an hyȝe kinge . in castells to holden, And her dortour y-diȝte . wiþ dores ful stronge; Fermery and fraitur . with fele mo houses, And all strong ston wall . sterne opon heiþe, Wiþ gaie garites & grete . & iche hole y-glased; And oþere houses y-nowe . to herberwe þe queene.

[1501] _M. S. C._ ii. 1.

[1502] Ibid. 13, 115.

[1503] Ibid. 6, 8, gives the texts of two surveys (_a_) of the property leased to Cawarden on 4 April 1548, (_b_) of that included in his grant of 12 March 1550.

[1504] Ibid. 7, 12, 35; cf. p. 499.

[1505] _London Inquisitiones Post Mortem_, i. 191; cf. _M. S. C._ ii. 4, 12.

[1506] Stowe (1598), i. 341; _Athenaeum_ (1886), ii. 91; _M. S. C._ ii. 2, 127; Hennessy, 88; _Loseley MSS._

[1507] _M. S. C._ ii. 103.

[1508] Ibid. 92, 117.

[1509] Ibid. 21, 31, 92, 126.

[1510] Ibid. 21, 93, 119. They were let to Henry Knowles in 1565 and had been earlier occupied by Roger Lygon, Lady Parr, and Sir Thomas Saunders. Later Nicholas Saunders had them.

[1511] Ibid. 117, 124, 125, show Anthony Browne, probably, as tenant in 1560, Henry Lord Hunsdon, probably, in 1584 and 1585, and Ralph Bowes in 1596.

[1512] Dasent, xxi. 402, gives a Privy Council letter of 18 August 1591 to the Lord Mayor requiring him to repair the supply pipe from Clerkenwell; cf. p. 494.

[1513] (1548) ‘A Cuchin yarde, an owlde Cuchyn, an entre or passage Ioyninge to the same, conteyninge in lengethe 84 fote, abuttinge to the lane aforseide on the weste side, being in breddethe at that ende 68 fote, Abuttinge ageanste an owlde butery on the easte side, being in breddethe at that ende 74 foote, Abuttinge to M^r Portynarys parler nexte the lane on the Southe side, And to my lorde Cobhames brick wall and garden on the Northe syde. An owlde buttery and an entrye or passage with a greate stayre therin, with Sellers therunder, with a hall place at the vpper ende of the stayre and an entere there to the ffrater ouer the same buttery, all which conteyne in lengethe 36 foote and in breddethe 95 foote, abuttinge to the cloyster on the Este side, the Cuchin on the weste side, to the lorde Cobhams howse on the Northe syde, and on the Sowthe side to a blynd parlour that my lorde warden did clame.

A howse called the vpper frater conteyninge in lengethe 107 foote and in breddethe 52 foote, abuttinge Sowthe and easte to my ladye Kingestons howse and garden, Northe to a hall where the kinges revelles lyes at this presente, and weste towardes the seide Duchie Chamber and M^r Portynaryes howse.

[Sidenote: Memorandum my lorde warden clamethe the seide hall, parlour, Cutchin and Chaumber.]

A hall and a parlour vnder the seide frater of the same lengethe and breddethe, A litle Cuchen conteyning in lengethe 23 foote and in breddethe 22 foote abuttinge to the aforseide lane on the weste, towardes the seide parlour on the este, to M^r Portinarys howse on the northe, and to a waye ledinge to my ladye Kingestons howse on the southe, A litle Chamber with a voyde rome therunder, conteyning in lengethe 26 fote, in breddeth 10 foote, abuttinge weste to the cuchin, este to the parlour, northe to M^r Portinarys howse, and ye seid way to my ladie Kingestons howse Sowthe, with 4 small Sellers or darke holes therunder.

A voyde rome, beinge an entre towardes the lytle cytchin and colehowse, conteyning in lengeth 30 fote and in breddethe 17 fote.

A Chamber called the Duchie Chaumber, with a darke loginge therunder, conteyninge in lengthe 50 fote and in breddethe 16 foote, abuttinge este ageanste the north ende of the seide ffrater, abuttinge weste on M^r Portinaryes parlour ---- 66^s 8^d.’

(1550) ‘One Kitchyn yarde, an olde Kitchyn, an Entrie or passage ioyneinge to the same, Conteineinge in lengthe 84 fote, abutinge to the Lane aforesaid on the west side, beinge in bredethe at that ende three score fowrtene fote, abutinge to M^r Portinareys parler next the Lane on the southe side and to the Lord Cobham brickewall & gardeine on the Northe side. One olde Butterie & a Entrie or passage with a great staier therein, with Cellers therevnder, with a Hawle place at the vpper ende of the staiers and a entrie there to the ffrater ouer the same butterie, which all conteinethe in lengthe 95 fote and in bredethe 36 fote, abuttinge to the Cloyster on thest side, the kitchyn on the west side, to the Lorde Cobham howse on the northe side, and on the southe side to a blinde parler that my Lord warden did Clayme. One howse called the vpper ffrater conteinethe in Lengthe 107 fote and in bredethe 52 fote, Abuttinge southe and est to the Ladie Kingston howse and gardein, northe to a hawle where the Kinges Revelles Liethe at theis presentes, and west towardes the Duchie Chamber and M^r Portinareyes howse. A voide rome, beinge an Entrie towardes the Litle Kitchyn & Cole howse, conteininge in Lengthe 30 fote and in bredethe 17 fote. One Chamber called the Duchie chamber, with a darke Lodginge there vnder, conteininge in Lengthe 50 fote and in bredethe 16 fote, abuttinge est agaynst the northe ende of the said ffrater, and abuttinge west apon M^r Portinareys parler. All which premisses be valued to be worthe by yere ---- iij^{li} vj^s viij^d.’

[1514] _M. S. C._ ii. 14, 24, 116, 117, 119, 120; cf. p. 482. The stone gallery was removed in 1564.

[1515] Ibid. 13, 16, 115.

[1516] Ibid. 14, 16.

[1517] Ibid. 7, 11, ‘an entrye or passage with a greate stayre therin’ (1548, 1550), 21 ‘one entrye ledinge vnder parcell of the premysses demysed from that end of the house of William More wherin John Horleye his servaunt doth lodge’ (1560), 118, ‘the entre in the west ende of the garden openyng into the same garden’ (1560), 31, ‘an entrye leadynge from the sayde voyde ground into the sayd dwellynge howse or tenement of the sayd Sir William More’ (1576), 63, ‘the dore entry way voide ground and passage leadinge and vsed to and from the saide greate yard nexte the saide Pipe Office’ (1596), 126, ‘the gate-house with the appurtenances on the west side of the sayd monastery’ (1611), ‘the great gate near the play-house’ (1617).

[1518] _M. S. C._ ii. 20.

[1519] Ibid. 14 (cf. 116), ‘vnius paris graduum ducentium a coquina predicta vsque magnum claustrum’ (1546), 21, ‘the waye ledinge from the house and garden of William More towards the Water Lane’, ‘one entrye ledinge vnder parcell of the premysses demysed from the garden of William More to the voide grounde’ (1560), 119.

[1520] Ibid. 16.

[1521] Ibid. 115.

[1522] Ibid. 27, 29.

[1523] The whole length of the Neville-Farrant holding is given in 1560 (_M. S. C._ ii. 20) as 157½ ft., and in 1576 (_M. S. C._ ii. 29) as 156½ ft. As this included 37 ft. of the northern block, 119½ ft. or 120½ ft. seems to be left for the staircase and frater. The difference between inside and outside measurements often causes confusion in old surveys.

[1524] _M. S. C._ ii. 62, 119; cf. p. 504.

[1525] Ibid. 94.

[1526] Cf. p. 513.

[1527] _M. S. C._ ii. 105.

[1528] The room is described as ‘intrale seu le parlour’ in Cawarden’s grant of 1550.

[1529] _M. S. C._ ii. 105, 124. There was yet another room under the infirmary. One Kempe, an assign of Lady Kingston’s heir, tried to claim the Parliament Chamber from Cawarden, on the strength of her grant of the infirmary.

[1530] Cf. p. 504.

[1531] On Cheyne’s houses cf. p. 499.

[1532] _M. S. C._ ii. 42–51. This hall is doubtless the ground-floor frater referred to in a document of _c_. 1562 (_M. S. C._ ii. 105).

[1533] Cf. p. 499. The ‘blinde parler that my Lord warden did clayme’ and ‘the litle kitchyn and cole howse’ are mentioned in the survey of 1550 to define the position of other parcels. But the hall and parlour might be held to be covered by the grant of the ‘howse called the vpper frater’, and I do not know what the ‘little tenement’ near that held by Kirkham from Cheyne was, if it was not the little chamber and kitchen. It is noteworthy that the disputed rooms, after being included, with a note of Cheyne’s claim, in the survey of 1548, were left out of Cawarden’s lease of the same year.

[1534] _M. S. C._ ii. 109.

[1535] Brewer, ii. 2. 1494.

[1536] _Tudor Revels_, 7.

[1537] Feuillerat, _Edw. and Mary_, 255; Wallace, i. 140.

[1538] _Athenaeum_ (1886), ii. 91.

[1539] Feuillerat, _Eliz._ 430; cf. _M. S. C._ ii. 120; Wallace, i. 192.

[1540] _M. S. C._ ii. 35. I do not know whether More deliberately confused the Tents and Revels.

[1541] Ibid. 52.

[1542] Ibid. 105.

[1543] Ibid. 14, 116; _Hist. MSS._ vii. 603.

[1544] Ibid. 15.

[1545] Only an abstract of title at the date of the sale exists (Barrett, _Apothecaries_, 46), but Apothecaries’ Hall occupies the site of these rooms.

[1546] _M. S. C._ ii. 4, 9; Feuillerat, _Eliz._ 440. In 1552 Jane Fremownte had succeeded Barnard (_M. S. C._ ii. 115), but she cannot have had the whole of the original lodge, as her 4 ft. entry on Water Lane is too small to have been the main access to the cloister. Probably part had been granted to her neighbour, Sir George Harper. Nor did all her holding pass to Cobham in 1554. Some of it was probably added to the house on the north, which occupied the site of the old church porch.

[1547] _M. S. C._ ii. 44, 53; cf. p. 502.

[1548] Ibid. 51, 121.

[1549] Ibid. 16.

[1550] Feuillerat, _Edw. and Mary_, 210, 230, 242, 301; _Eliz._ 103, 107.

[1551] _M. S. C._ ii. 118, ‘one other grete rome or vawte next the ground next the entre in the west ende of the garden openyng into the same garden wherin now the robes of the revelles do lye’ (Lease of 12 Feb. 1560).

[1552] _M. S. C._ ii. 19.

[1553] Cf. p. 489.

[1554] _M. S. C._ ii. 105, 118.

[1555] Ibid. 119, 120.

[1556] Wallace, i. 175.

[1557] _M. S. C._ ii. 119.

[1558] Ibid. 27; Wallace, i. 175.

[1559] Wallace, i. 175.

[1560] _M. S. C._ ii. 120.

[1561] Ibid. 27.

[1562] _Jahrbuch_, xlviii. 92; Wallace, i. 131.

[1563] Ibid. 93; _M. S. C._ ii. 28; Wallace, i. 132.

[1564] On the plays performed there, cf. chh. xii, xiii (Chapel, Paul’s, Oxford’s). Collier appears to have been aware, probably from the Lyly prologues and the reference in Gosson, _P. C._ 188, of the existence of the earlier Blackfriars play-house, and to have dated it, by a singular coincidence, in 1576. He knew nothing of the real facts, but inferred (_H. E. D. P._ i. 219) that the undated petition of the Blackfriars inhabitants, which is really of 1596, was of 1576, on the strength of a reference in it to a banishment of the players from the City, which an incorrect endorsement on a _Lansdowne MS._ (cf. App. D, No. lxxv) had led him to place in 1575. This did not prevent him from also assigning the petition, with a forged reply from the players, to 1596 (cf. p. 508). He proceeded to forge (_a_) an order dated 23 Dec. 1579 for the toleration of Leicester’s men at the Blackfriars (_New Facts_, 9), and (_b_) a memorial by Shakespeare and others as Queen’s men and Blackfriars ‘sharers’ in 1589 (_New Facts_, 11; cf. Ingleby, 244, 249).

[1565] Cf. ch. xii (Chapel).

[1566] _Jahrbuch_, xlviii. 99; Wallace, i. 152 (Will of Farrant, 30 Nov. 1580), 153 (Anne Farrant to More, 25 Dec. 1580), 154 (Leicester to More, 19 Sept. 1581), 158 (Anne Farrant to Walsingham, _c._ 1583), 159 (Court of Common Pleas, _Farrant v. Hunnis_ and _Farrant v. Newman_, 1583–4), 160 (Court of Requests, _Newman and Hunnis v. Farrant_, 1584), 177 (Wolley to More, 13 Jan. 1587), 174 (Memoranda by More, _c._ 1587; cf. Dasent, xv. 137).

[1567] _M. S. C._ ii. 123. More’s rental of 1584 includes £50 from Hunsdon for the mansion house, £20 from Oxford, £8 from Lyly; that of 1585 the same three sums, all from Hunsdon. But the two smaller sums represent twice Farrant’s rent, which was £14.

[1568] Kempe, 495; _M. S. C._ ii. 123; Wallace, i. 186 (More to Hunsdon, 8 April 1586; Hunsdon to More, 27 April 1586; Hunsdon to More, 14 April 1590; More to Hunsdon, draft, 17 April 1590; More to Hunsdon, 18 April 1590). Did the Paul’s ‘boyes’ keep up connexion with the Blackfriars by learning dancing and perhaps playing in Frith’s school?

[1569] _M. S. C._ ii. 61, 93, 94, 98.

[1570] Ibid. 123 (Skinner to More, 11 Oct. 1591).

[1571] Ibid. 50, 54.

[1572] This may have been Thomas Hale, Groom of the Tents, who was a witness in the case (ibid. 44), or the Thomas Hall, musician, who in 1565 was sub-tenant of Frith’s garrets (ibid. 119).

[1573] Ibid. 35 (memorandum by More), 36 (award by arbitrators), 40 (depositions of More’s witnesses), 122 (notes of evidence by Pole’s witnesses).

[1574] On Bonetti’s career as a fencer, cf. Wallace, i. 187; _M. S. C._ ii. 122; Reyher, 257; G. Silver, _Paradoxes of Defence_, 64.

[1575] _M. S. C._ ii. 56; Wallace, i. 188 (Willoughby to More, July 1584), 190.

[1576] Wallace, i. 189; _M. S. C._ ii. 122. I do not think the lease of the fencing-school was in question between More and Bonetti. Both Raleigh’s letter and the workmen’s petition imply house-building, not mere internal repairs. Bonetti could have added no building to the fencing-school except perhaps the kitchen which adjoined in 1596 (ibid. 61). But the western house had been extensively rebuilt by 1584.

[1577] Ibid. 55.

[1578] Ibid. 56. The whole description from ‘All w^{ch} six foote & a halfe’ (l. 18) to ‘xxxix foote & viij inches’ (l. 29) is parenthetic, a point which the punctuation obscures.

[1579] Cf. chh. ii, xiii (Chamberlain’s).

[1580] _M. S. C._ ii. 124; cf. p. 490.

[1581] Ibid. 62; cf. p. 504.

[1582] _M. S. C._ ii. 36, 47, 51, 122.

[1583] Ibid. 36, 38, 56 (‘the tenemente of Margrett Poole on the south and weste’), 70, 77, 81, 85, 125. Here must have been the chamber which Thomas Blagrave, finding the butler’s lodging too small, hired of Parson Wythers, Cheyne’s servant, from 1552 to 1560, and which Pole still had in 1572 (ibid. 53). But if it was strictly ‘adjoininge’ to his house he must have had the ‘little kitchen’ as well as the ‘little chamber’.

[1584] Ibid. 63, 71.

[1585] Ibid. 125. An unfortunate hiatus in a document (ibid. 70) leaves it uncertain whether Tice occupied one of Mrs. Pole’s houses or More’s enlarged ‘little kitchen’.

[1586] Ibid. 50.

[1587] Cf. p. 504.

[1588] Kempe, 496; Wallace, i. 195; _M. S. C._ ii. 125, misdated 1595. The ‘other’ house was probably the mansion house, which was let to Ralph Bowes on 3 March 1596 (cf. p. 497). Hunsdon died on 22 July 1596.

[1589] Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 299, from enrolment in R. O.; _M. S. C._ ii. 60, from counterpart executed by Burbadge in _Loseley MS._ 348.

[1590] I suppose that this was the old lavatory. If so, probably Burbadge’s use terminated when this became a glass-house in 1601; cf. p. 506.

[1591] The account in Wallace, ii. 37, is not trustworthy; it assumes, in lieu of the Duchy Chamber and staircase tower, a ‘north section’ of the building 40 ft. from north to south.

[1592] Cf. p. 498.

[1593] Wallace, i. 196; ii. 38, is misleading here.

[1594] _M. S. C._ ii. 70.

[1595] Ibid. 76 (conveyance by Sir Richard Michelborne, George Pole, and Charles Pole), 84 (conveyance by Richard and Elizabeth Mansell), 125.

[1596] _Variorum_, iii. 62; Birch, ii. 426.

[1597] H. R. Plomer, _The King’s Printing House under the Stuarts_ (_2 Library_ ii. 353).

[1598] _M. S. C._ ii. 83 (Recital of conveyance by trustees of Lady Howard); cf. p. 512.

[1599] Ibid. 98 (Recital of lease in deed of sale of 1609).

[1600] Ibid. 93, ‘all that greate Vault or lowe roome adioyneing to the said greate Garden lyeing and being at the south west end of the said greate garden nowe vsed and imployed for a glassehowse’ (1609). By 26 June 1601 (_M. S. C._ ii. 70) the way south of the kitchen yard has become ‘the yard or way ... which leadeth towardes the glassehouse nowe in the tenure of Sir Ierom Bowes’. Bowes had obtained a patent for making drinking-glasses in 1592 and occupied a warehouse under the church in 1597 (_D. N. B._). Dekker, _Newes from Hell_ (1606, _Works_, ii. 97), says, ‘Like the Glass-house Furnace in Blacke-friers, the bonefiers that are kept there neuer goe out’.

[1601] _M. S. C._ ii. 92 (Deed of Sale).

[1602] Ibid. 126. There is some confusion as to the position of Mrs. Basil’s house. I think it was west of the gate-house.

[1603] Ibid. 88 (Deed of Sale, misdated 1602).

[1604] Ibid. 64.

[1605] Ibid. 83; _S. P. D. Jac. I_, viii. 18 (Grant to trustees for Lady Kildare). An _inquisitio_ on Cobham’s Blackfriars property (_1 Jac. I_) appears to be amongst the Special Commissions and Returns in the Exchequer (R. O. _Lists and Indexes_, xxxvii. 61).

[1606] C. R. B. Barrett, _History of the Society of Apothecaries_, 42. The existing Hall dates from 1669–70. John Downes (cf. App. I, No. iii) and Pepys, i. 336, record the use of the older building by Davenant for plays at the Restoration. So Farrant’s tradition survived.

[1607] For text and discussion of bona fides cf. App. D, No. cvii. Collier, having already assigned the document to 1576 (cf. p. 496), uses it again for 1596 (_H. E. D. P._ i. 287). With it, in his first edition (i. 297), he printed a reply, now in _S. P. D. Eliz._ cclx. 117, by Pope, Richard Burbadge, Heminges, Phillips, Shakespeare, Kempe, Sly, and Tooley, on behalf of the players, which is palaeographically a forgery (Ingleby, 289) and could not be genuine in substance, since it refers to the Globe, which did not exist in 1596.

[1608] Cf. p. 511. Wallace, ii. 53, thinks this an error or invention of the City in 1619, because the Privy Council registers ‘giving all the official acts of that body, record no such order’. But the Privy Council registers notoriously do not record all the official acts of that body (cf. ch. ii). The petitioners of 1619 are not likely to have invented the ‘petition and indorsemente’ of 1596 to which they appealed.

[1609] In the _Sharers Papers_ of 1635 (Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 317) Cuthbert and the other Burbadges then living say ‘now for the Blackfriers, that is our inheritance; our father purchased it at extreame rates, and made it into a play-house with great charge and troble’. Further, Cuthbert was associated with Richard in buying subsidiary property in 1601, 1610, 1612, and 1614 (cf. p. 505). But the leases of 1600 and 1608 were by Richard alone, and under one of these Cuthbert became his tenant.

[1610] Cf. p. 511.

[1611] Fleay, 211, 234, 240.

[1612] Cf. ch. xii.

[1613] Fleay, 224, 230, 245, 250. Evans maintained that the assignment to Hawkins was absolute, to cover his liability under the bond to Burbadge. But the court appears to have held that a reassignment was intended, but that ‘the conveyance was never perfected and sealed’.

[1614] Wallace, ii. 89, from unpublished document; _Evans v. Kirkham_ in Fleay, 214.

[1615] Ibid. 235.

[1616] Ibid. 221, 231, 235, 246.

[1617] The Burbadges say in the _Sharers Papers_ of 1635, ‘the more to strengthen the service, the boys daily wearing out, it was considered that house would be as fit for ourselves, and so purchased the lease remaining from Evans with our money, and placed men players, which were Hemings, Condall, Shakspeare, etc.’. They also say that the players had their shares ‘of us for nothing’. Very likely they paid no fine, but they had to pay their quota towards rent. It is reasonable to infer that Thomas Evans was a relative and nominee of Henry Evans. Kirkham’s allegation in the 1612 litigation that Henry Evans had shared in the Blackfriars profits during the past four years (Fleay, 225) was not seriously contested.

[1618] Cf. ch. xiii. Collier (_New Facts_, 16) printed a document professing to set out action taken by the City against scurrilities of Kempe and Armin at Blackfriars in 1605. But this cannot be traced in the City archives (S. Lee in _D. N. B._ s.v. Kempe), and the City did not obtain control of the Blackfriars until 1608 (cf. p. 480). It is probably a forgery.

[1619] Cf. vol. i, p. 357.

[1620] C. W. Wallace, _Advance Sheets from Shakespeare, the Globe, and Blackfriars_ (p.p. 1909).

[1621] _Sharers Papers_ in Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 312. Collier, _Alleyn Memoirs_, 105, conjectures that Alleyn bought Shakespeare’s interest in April 1612, and it appears from G. F. Warner, _Dulwich MSS._ 115, 172, 174, that he forged entries in documents relating to other property of Alleyn’s in Blackfriars, as a support to this conjecture.

[1622] Cf. p. 480.

[1623] Text in Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 311, and Harrison, iv. 323, from City _Repertory_, xxxiv, f. 38^v. The two petitions of the officials and inhabitants are in _M. S. C._ i. 90, from _Remembrancia_, v. 28, 29. They are undated, but can be identified from a recital in the order. The officials allege ‘that whereas in November 1596 divers both honorable persons and others then inhabiting the said precinct made knowne to the Lordes and others of the privie Counsell, what inconveniencies were likelie to fall vpon them, by a common Play-house which was then preparinge to bee erected there, wherevpon their Honours then forbadd the vse of the said howse for playes, as by the peticion and indorsemente in aunswere thereof may appeare.... Nevertheles ... the owner of the said play-house doth vnder the name of a private howse (respectinge indeed private comoditie only) convert the said howse to a publique play-house.’ They dwell on the inconvenience caused by the congested streets and the difficulty of getting to church ‘the ordinary passage for a great part of the precinct aforesaid being close by the play house dore’.

[1624] Text in _M. S. C._ i. 280.

[1625] Text in Collier, i. 455, from _S. P. D. Car. I_, ccv. 32, where it is accompanied by copies of the Privy Council order and letter of 22 June 1600 (App. D, No. cxxiv) and the City order of 21 Jan. 1619. Probably the copy of the petition of Blackfriars inhabitants in 1596 (cf. p. 508), now in _S. P. D. Eliz._ cclx. 116, originally belonged to this set of documents.

[1626] _M. S. C._ i. 386.

[1627] The report of the commissioners is printed by Collier, _New Facts_, 27, and _H. E. D. P._ i. 477. It is confirmed by a memorandum of Secretary Windebank in _S. P. D. Car. I_, ccli. p. 293, and I think Ingleby, 304, is wrong in suspecting a forgery (cf. _M. S. C._ i. 386). The commissioners allowed (_a_) £700 to Cuthbert and William Burbadge for 14 years’ purchase of the rent of £50 reserved to them by lease, (_b_) £1,134 for 14 years’ purchase of an interest in four tenements rated at £75 and a piece of void ground to turn coaches at £6, (_c_) £1,066 13_s._ 4_d._ for 100 marks apiece to 16 players for ‘the interest that some of them haue by lease in the said Play-house, and in respect of the shares which others haue in the benefits thereof’, and for compensation for removal. Collier, _Reply_, 39, mentions but does not print another document containing a summary of the players’ claim, with notes by Buck. But Buck was long dead. A third valuation published by Collier, in which Laz. Fletcher’s name occurs, is certainly a forgery (Ingleby, 246).

[1628] _M. S. C._ i. 386.

[1629] Fleay, 211, 213. I suppose it was on this that Evans spent £11 0_s._ 2_d._ in Dec. 1603 (Wallace, ii. 89).

[1630] In _The Times_ of 12 Sept. 1906 Professor Wallace gives the number of new suits as four; in _The Children of the Chapel at Blackfriars_ (1908), 36, as twelve. Presumably the Court of Requests suit of _Keysar v. Burbadge et al._, printed in _Nebraska University Studies_, x. 336, is one of these.

[1631] Wallace, ii. 39, 40, 41, 43, 49.

[1632] Cf. p. 511.

[1633] _M. S. C._ ii. 31, ‘all the Leds couerynge the premysses’ (1576), 61, ‘the stone staires leadinge vpp vnto the Leades or route over the saide seaven greate vpper romes oute of the saide seaven greate vpper romes’ (1596).

[1634] Wallace, ii. 40.

[1635] Marston, _The Dutch Courtesan_, v. iii. 162.

[1636] Cf. p. 425.

[1637] R. Flecknoe, _Miscellania_ (1653), 141, ‘From thence passing on to the Black-fryers, and seeing never a Play-bil on the Gate, no Coaches on the place, nor Doorkeeper at the Play-house door, with his Boxe like a Churchwarden, desiring you to remember the poor Players, I cannot but say for Epilogue to all the Playes were ever acted there:

Poor House that in dayes of our Grand-sires, Belongst unto the Mendiant Fryers: And where so oft in our Fathers dayes We have seen so many of Shakspears Playes, So many of Johnsons, Beaumonts & Fletchers.’

[1638] I do not know what value to attach to a print in the Gardiner collection, reproduced by Baker, 44, 78, as representing the theatre. It shows a Renaissance façade, which can have been no part of the mediaeval building. Adams, 197, reproduces a painting of mediaeval fragments found in rebuilding _The Times_ in 1872, small ground-floor rooms divided by entries. But _The Times_ must cover the site of Hunsdon House as well as that of the theatre.

[1639] As an epilogue to this narrative and an example of how popular history is written, I quote D. E. Oliver, _The English Stage_ (1912), 9, ‘Blackfriars House, a deserted monastery on the Thames side, was granted by Edward VI in 1596 to the Court Players for their use as a play-house, but it was not until the accession of Elizabeth that it received official sanction as a recognized place of public entertainment’.

[1640] Jonas, 132, however, quotes from the register of St. Dunstan’s, Whitefriars, with the date 29 Sept. 1607, ‘Gerry out of the play-house in the Friars buried’, which suggests use of the theatre before 1608. The King’s Revels may well have started by 1607. He also quotes, without date, ‘We present one play-house in the same precinct, not fitting these to be now tolerable’.

[1641] I do not know why Adams, 312, identifies the play-house with a cloister shown in Clapham’s plan. Surely it is more likely to have been the hall also shown at the north-west corner.

[1642] _P. C. Acts_ (1613–14), 166. One Sturgis had leased a house and garden from Sir Edward Gorge, and sublet the garden to ‘one Rossetoe Kynman and others, who goe aboute to erecte a p[l]aye house thereupon’.

[1643] _M. S. C._ i. 91; cf. ch. xvii. The Blackfriars is still the ‘private house’ of the King’s men in the patent of 1619 issued to them after this controversy.

[1644] It is true that, when the prentices took up Whitefriars for _The Hog Hath Lost His Pearl_ in 1613, the admission _per bullettini_ is said to have been ‘for a note of distinction from ordinary comedians’. But the companies had no need to continue any special system of admission after they had the protection of their patents; Dekker (_vide_ p. 523) speaks of gatherers at private houses in 1609. After the Restoration, ‘ballatine, or tickets sealed for all doors and boxes’ were introduced at the Duke’s Theatre in 1660 (R. W. Lowe, _Thomas Betterton_, 75).

[1645] Lawrence, i. 230; cf. App. D, No. xxxii.

[1646] The earliest example is _The Troublesome Reign of King John_ (1591).

[1647] But ‘priuately’ is also used of strictly private performances on the title-pages of _Caesar’s Revenge_ (1607) acted at Trinity College, Oxford, and, later, W. Montague’s _Shepherd’s Paradise_ (1659) acted by amateurs at Court.

[1648] T. M., _Black Book_ (1604), in Bullen, _Middleton_, viii. 42, ‘arch tobacco-taker of England ... upon stages both common and private’; _Malcontent_ (1604), ind., ‘we may sit upon the stage at the private house’; _Sophonisba_ (1606), _ad fin._, ‘it is printed only as it was represented by youths, and after the fashion of the private stage’; Dekker, _Gull’s Horn Book_ (cf. App. H), ‘Whether therefore the gatherers of the publique or priuate Play-house stand to receiue the afternoones rent’; Dekker, _Seven Deadly Sins_ (1606, _Works_, ii. 41), ‘All the Citty lookt like a priuate Play-house, when the windowes are clapt downe’; _Roaring Girl_ (1611), ii. 1, ‘the private stage’s audience, the twelve-penny stool gentlemen’; _Daborne to Henslowe_ (1613, _Henslowe Papers_, 79), ‘as good a play for your publique howse as ever was playd’.

[1649] Cf. Wright (App. I).

[1650] Lawrence (_Fortnightly_, May 1916) has shown that the rebuilt Fortune of 1623 and Red Bull of _c._ 1632 were probably roofed, and Wright’s description confuses the two phases of these houses.

[1651] Chapman’s _Byron_ (1625) is said to have been acted ‘at the Blacke-Friers and other publique Stages’, Heywood’s _English Traveller_ (1633), _A Maidenhead Well Lost_ (1634), and _Love’s Mistress_ (1636) to have been ‘publikely acted’ at the Cockpit, and Shirley’s _Martyred Soldier_ (1638) to have been acted ‘at the Private House in Drury Lane and at other publicke Theaters’. This is exceptional terminology, but shows the obsolescence of the distinction.

[1652] Cf. ch. xvi.

[1653] _Old Fortunatus_ (Rose, 1599), prol. 81, ‘this small circumference’; _Warning for Fair Women_ (? Curtain, 1599), prol. 83, 88, ‘all this fair circuit ... this round’; _Hen. V_ (Curtain or Globe, 1599), prol. 11, ‘this cockpit ... this wooden O’; _E. M. O._ (Globe, 1599), prol. 199, epil. 4406, ‘this thronged round ... this faire-fild Globe’; _Sejanus_ (Globe, 1603), comm. v, ‘the Globe’s fair ring’; _Three English Brothers_ (Curtain or Red Bull, 1607), epil., ‘this round circumference’; _Merry Devil of Edmonton_ (Globe, 1608), prol. 5, ‘this round’. On the other hand, _Whore of Babylon_ (Fortune, 1607), prol. 1, ‘The charmes of Silence through this Square be throwne’.

[1654] Ordish, 12.

[1655] Before the Swan was built, Nashe wrote in _The Unfortunate Traveller_ (1594), ‘I sawe a banketting house belonging to a merchant that was the meruaile of the world.... It was builte round of green marble like a Theater without’ (_Works_, ii. 282).

[1656] Cf. chh. iv, xvi (introd.).

[1657] _Atlantic Monthly_ (1906), xcvii. 369.

[1658] Kirkman also says in the preface to _The Wits_ (1672), ‘I have seen the Red Bull Play-house, which was a large one’; but he is referring, more certainly than Wright, to the rebuilt house.

[1659] Cf. Albright, 40; Lawrence, i. 12, and _E. S._ xxxii. 44.

[1660] There is a dot in Wheatley’s facsimile over the second well-marked ‘r’ of the word ‘orchestra’. Is it possible that Van Buchell misread it ‘orchestia’?

[1661] Cf. Brereton in _Homage_, 204.

[1662] Cf. ch. xvi.

[1663] The _Theatrum_ of Jonson’s 1616 Folio t.p. is oval, rather than round, but it is safer to take this, in spite of its hut, as representing Jonson’s notion of a classical theatre.

[1664] Cf. ch. xvi. Graves, 32, tries to minimize the structural influence of inn-yards on the theatres, and even doubts whether the actors preferred to act in these ‘rather than in the great halls’. But I do not think that he makes much of a case. Had the inns, indeed, ‘great halls’ at all?

[1665] Gosson, _P. C._ (1582), ‘it is the fashion of youthes to go first into the yarde, and to carry theire eye through every gallery’; _Hamlet_, III. ii. 10, ‘tear a passion to tatters, to very rags, to split the ears of the groundlings, who for the most part are capable of nothing but inexplicable dumb-shows and noise’; Dekker, _G. H. B._ (1609), ‘your _Groundling_ and _Gallery-Commoner_ buyes his sport by the penny ... neither are you to be hunted from thence, though the Scar-crows in the yard hoot at you, hisse at you, spit at you, yea, throw durt euen in your teeth’; _Bartholomew Fair_ (1614), ind. 51, ‘the vnderstanding Gentlemen o’ the ground here, ask’d my iudgement’, 59, 79; _The Hog Has Lost His Pearl_ (1614), prol.:

We may be pelted off for ought we know, With apples, egges, or stones, from thence belowe;

W. Fennor, _Descriptions_ (1616):

the understanding, grounded, men for their just reward, Shall gape and gaze among the fools in the yard.

So later, _Vox Graculi_ (1623), ‘they will sit dryer in the galleries then those who are the understanding men in the yard’;

Shirley, _The Changes_ (1632):

Many gentlemen Are not, as in the days of understanding, Now satisfied with a Jig;

Shirley, _The Doubtful Heir_ (1640), prol.:

No shews, no frisk and, what you most delight in, Grave understanders, here’s no target-fighting.

[1666] _Proscenium_ is the proper classical word for the space in front of the _scena_; cf. p. 539.

[1667] Albright has no justification for introducing into his reconstruction of a typical Shakespearian stage the tapering, instead of quadrangular, platform which characterizes the late engraving in _The Wits_, and to a less degree those in _Roxana_ and _Messallina_.

[1668] Wegener, 125, collects examples of the use of traps. They served, _inter alia_, for the representation of ‘hell-mouth’, which the Elizabethan stage inherited from the miracle-plays (cf. p. 544), and the space under the stage was known as ‘hell’; cf. Dekker, _News from Hell_ (1606, _Works_, ii. 92, 139), ‘Mary the question is, in which of the _Play-houses_ he [the Devil] would have performed his prize.... Hell being vnder euerie one of their _Stages_, the Players (if they had owed him a spight) might with a false Trappe doore haue slipt him downe, and there kept him, as a laughing stocke to al their yawning spectators.... Tailors ... (as well as Plaiers) haue a hell of their owne, (vnder their shop-board).’

[1669] Cf. Graves, 41. The register of the association of Masters of Defence (_Sloane MS._ 2530; cf. extracts in A. Hutton, _The Sword and the Centuries_, 259) records many ‘prizes’ played at theatres and theatrical inns during the sixteenth century; cf. App. D, Nos. lx-lxii, _Case is Altered_, II. vii. 28, ‘First they [maisters of defence] are brought to the publicke _Theater_’, and for later periods Henslowe, i. 98 (the Rose, 1598), the fatal contest at the Swan in 1602, and Herbert, 47, 81. For acrobats cf. App. D, No. cxxiii, on the use of the Swan by Peter Bromvill in 1600. Henslowe, i. 98, 106, records loans in connexion with vaulting performances with a horse, perhaps at the Rose, in 1598 and 1599 by John Haslett or Hassett, who was also paid for court performances (App. B) in 1603 and 1608.

[1670] T. M. _Black Book_ (1604, Bullen, _Middleton_, viii. 7) opens with _Lucifer ascending, as Prologue to his own Play_:

Now is hell landed here upon the earth, When Lucifer, in limbs of burning gold, Ascends the dusty theatre of the world,...

... my tortured spleen Melts into mirthful humour at this fate, That heaven is hung so high, drawn up so far, And made so fast, nailed up with many a star; And hell the very shop-board of the earth,...

... And now that I have vaulted up so high Above the stage-rails of this earthen globe, I must turn actor and join companies.

Rails are shown in the late _Roxana_ and _Messallina_ engravings of indoor stages.

[1671] Cf. H. Logeman in _Anglia_, xix. 117.

[1672] Dekker, _G. H. B._ (1609), ‘on the very Rushes where the Commedy is to daunce ... must our fethered _Estridge_ ... be planted’ ... ‘Salute all your gentle acquaintance, that are spred either on the rushes, or on stooles about you ... take vp a rush, and tickle the earnest eares of your fellow gallants’; _1 Hen. IV_, III. i. 214, ‘She bids you on the wanton rushes lay you down’. In _The Gentleman Usher_ (_c. 1604_, Blackfriars), II. i. 72, ‘Enter Bassiolo with Servants, with rushes and a carpet’, and Bassiolo says,

lay me ’em thus, In fine smooth threaves; look you, sir, thus, in threaves. Perhaps some tender lady will squat here, And if some standing rush should chance to prick her, She’d squeak, and spoil the songs that must be sung.’

[1673] Lawrence, i. 39, 161.

[1674] G. Harvey (1579, _Letter Book_, 67), ‘sum maltconceivid comedye fitt for the Theater, or sum other paintid stage whereat thou and thy liuely copesmates in London may lawghe ther mouthes and bellyes full for pence or twoepence apeece’; Spenser, _Tears of the Muses_ (1591), 176, ‘That wont with comick sock to beautefie The painted Theaters’; cf. Graves, 68. Coryat, i. 386, in 1608, found a Venice play-house ‘very beggarly and base in comparison of our stately Play-houses in England: neyther can their Actors compare with us for apparell, shewes and musicke’. So in _Case is Altered_, II. vii. 30, the plays in Utopia (= England) are ‘set foorth with as much state as can be imagined’.

[1675] App. I; but cf. p. 524, n. 1.

[1676] _Malcontent_ (_1604_, Globe), ind., ‘Good sir, will you leave the stage? I’ll help you to a private room’; cf. Sir J. Davies’ epigram, _infra_.

[1677] Wright, _Hist. Hist._ 407, ‘The prices were small (there being no scenes)’.

[1678] L. Wager’s _Mary Magdalene_ (1566) has a prologue which says that the actors will take ‘halfpence or pence’ from the audience, but this was probably used by strolling actors and continues the miracle-play tradition. At almost the same date, a jest in _Merry Tales, Wittie Questions and Quick Answers_ (1567, Hazlitt, _Jest Books_, i. 145) tells how men stood at the gate of a play at Northumberland Place, ‘with a boxe (as the facion is) who toke of euery persone that came in a peny or an half peny at the least’.

[1679] J. Mayne in _Jonsonus Virbius_ (1638):

So when thy Fox had ten times acted been, Each day was first, but that ’twas cheaper seen; And so thy Alchemist played o’er and o’er, Was new o’ the stage, when ’twas not at the door.

[1680] G. Harvey (p. 530, _supra_); Lyly, _Pappe with an Hatchet_ (_Works_, iii. 408); cf. _Martin’s Month’s Mind_ (1589, App. C, No. xl). Lodge, _Scillaes Metamorphosis_ (1589), will not ‘tie my pen to Pennie-knaves delight’, and S. Rowlands, _Letting of Humour’s Blood in the Head Vein_ (1600), bids poets not ‘To teach stage parrots speak for penny pleasure’; cf. _Case is Altered_, I. i. 104, ‘Tut, giue me the penny, giue me the peny, I care not for the Gentlemen, I, let me haue a good ground’.

[1681] Cf. ch. xvi, introd. Field says in 1583 (App. C, No. xxxi), ‘Euery dore hath a payment, & euery gallerie maketh a yearely stipend’.

[1682] _E. M. O._ (1599), ind. 425, ‘Let me neuer liue to looke as highe as the two-pennie roome, againe’; T. Garzoni, _Hospitall of Incurable Fooles_ (tr. 1600), epist., ‘a Player that in speaking an Epilogue makes loue to the two pennie roume for a plaudite’; _Satiromastix_ (1602), epil. 2690, ‘Are you pleas’d?... if you be not, by’th Lord Ile see you all--heere for your two pence a peice agen before Ile loose your company.... Good night, my two-penny Tenants’; _Mad World, my Masters_ (_c._ 1604–6), v. ii. 36, ‘some ... that ... took a good conceit of their parts into th’ two-penny room’; _Woman Hater_ (1607), prol. 5, ‘I do pronounce this, to the utter discomfort of all two-penny Gallery men, you shall have no bawdery’; _Fleire_ (1607), ii. 30, ‘They (like your common players) let men come in for twopence a peece’; Dekker, _News from Hell_ (1606, _Works_, ii. 96), ‘You may take him ... in the afternoones, in the twopeny roomes of a Play-house, like a Puny, seated Cheeke by Iowle with a punke’, _Seven Deadly Sins_ (1606, ii. 53), ‘_Sloth_ ... will come and sit in the two-pennie galleries amongst the gentlemen, and see their knaveries and their pastimes’, _The Dead Term_ (1608, iv. 55), ‘Players ... prostitute themselues to the pleasures of euery two-penny drunken Plebeian’, _Lanthorn and Candle-Light_ (1608, iii. 216), ‘Pay thy twopence to a Player, in his gallerie maist thou sitte by a Harlot’, _Raven’s Almanac_ (1609, iv. 184), ‘As if you sat in the moste perspicuous place of the two-penny gallerie in a play-house’; _Roaring Girl_ (1611), v. 1, ‘One of them is a nip; I took him once i’ the two-penny gallerie at the Fortune’; &c., &c.

[1683] Dekker, _Seven Deadly Sins_ (1606, _Works_, ii. 53), ‘Their houses smoakt euery after noone with Stinkards who were so glewed together in crowdes with the steames of strong breath, that when they came foorth, their faces lookt as if they had beene per boyld’, _Raven’s Almanac_ (1609, iv. 194), ‘Hee shall be glad to play three houres for two pence to the basest stinkard in London, whose breth is stronger than garlicke, and able to poison all the twelve penny roomes’, _Work for Armourers_ (1609, iv. 96), ‘tearme times, when the Twopeny Clients and Peny Stinkards swarme together to heere the Stagerites’; _vide_ n. 2, _infra_, and p. 534, n. 1.

[1684] _Satiromastix_ (1602), 1669, ‘a Gentleman or an honest Cittizen shall not sit in your pennie-bench Theaters, with his Squirrell by his side cracking nuttes ... but he shall be Satyr’d and Epigram’d vpon’; T. M. _Black Book_ (1604), ‘penny-rooms at theatres’; T. M. _Ant and Nightingale_ (1604), ‘stinkards sitting in the penny galleries of a theatre, and yawning upon the players’; Dekker, _Gull’s Horn Book_ (1609, _Works_, ii. 208), ‘thou ... hast vouchsafed to be acquainted with penny galleries’; _Wit Without Money_ (_c._ 1614), iv. 1, ‘break in at plays like prentices for three a groat, and crack nuts with the scholars in peny rooms again’.

[1685] A. Copley, _Wits, Fits and Fancies_ (1595; ed. 1614, p. 124), tells of a man cast off by his brother, an actor, who sent him sixpence in a sheet of paper, to show that, ‘though his brother had vowed not in seven years to see him, yet he for his sixpence could come and see him upon the stage at his pleasure’. If Platter’s 3_d._ was the highest normal charge in the sixteenth century, the 6_d._ may represent a first night’s charge.

[1686] Most of the allusions to 6_d._ charges relate to private houses (cf. p. 556), but Beaumont’s grammar lecture (cf. ch. xxiii) gives this price for the Bankside, and T. M. _Black Book_ (1604, Bullen, _Middleton_, viii. 41) has ‘I give and bequeath to you Benedick Bottomless, most deep cut-purse, all the benefit of ... the sixpenny rooms in play-places, to cut, dive and nim’. Later, _The Actors Remonstrance_ (1643) professes that the players will not admit into their ‘sixpenny rooms those unwholesome enticing harlots that sit there merely to be taken up by prentices or lawyers’ clerks’; cf. Lawrence, i. 36, who thinks that the lord’s rooms became the sixpenny rooms. For the 1_s._ charge, cf. p. 533, n. 1, and _Malcontent_ (1604), ind. 63, ‘I say, any man that hath wit may censure, if he sit in the twelve-penny room’; Dekker, _G. H. B._ (1609), ‘When at a new play you take up the twelve-penny rome next the stage; (because the Lords and you may seeme to be haile fellow wel-met) there draw forth this booke, read alowd, laugh alowd, and play the _Antickes_, that all the garlike mouthed stinkards may cry out, _Away with the fool_’; _Hen. VIII_ (_1613_), prol., ‘may see away their shilling’; Overbury, _Characters_ (ed. Rimbault, 154, _The Proud Man_), ‘If he have but twelvepence in ’s purse he will give it for the best room in a play-house’.

[1687] They include women, and certainly look more like spectators than actors or musicians.

[1688] E. Guilpin, _Skialetheia_ (1598), ep. 53:

See you him yonder, who sits o’re the stage, With the Tobacco-pipe now at his mouth?

In _E. M. O._ (_1599_), 1390 (Q_{1}), Brisk is said to speak of lords ‘as familiarlie as if hee had ... ta’ne tabacco with them ouer the stage i’ the Lords roome’. Dekker-Wilkins, _Jests to Make you Merry_ (1607, _Works_, ii. 292), has a jest of ‘one that sat ouer the stage’ on a wench in the two-penny room. _Farmer-Chetham MS._ (seventeenth-century, ed. Grosart, i. 104) has an epigram on Spongus, who ‘Plays at Primero over the stage’.

[1689] _Satiromastix_ (1602), 2612, ‘You must forsweare to venter on the stage when your play is ended, and to exchange curtezies and complements with gallants in the Lordes roomes’. The subject is well discussed by Lawrence (i. 29), _The Situation of the Lords’ Room_.

[1690] Sir J. Davies, _Epigrams_ (prob. < 1596), ep. 28, _In Sillam_, ‘He that dares take Tobacco on the stage’; ep. 3, _In Rufum_:

Rufus the Courtier at the theatre Leauing the best and most conspicuous place, Doth either to the stage himselfe transfer, Or through a grate doth show his doubtful face, For that the clamorous frie of Innes of court Filles vp the priuate roomes of greater prise: And such a place where all may haue resort He in his singularitie doth despise.

It is not, I think, sitting on the stage that is satirized in J. Hall, _Virgedemiarum_ (1597), i. 3, but a performance by illiterate amateurs on a ‘hired Stage’.

[1691] _C. Revels_ (_1601_), ind. 138:

‘3. Child ... Here I enter.

1. What, vpon the stage too?

2. Yes: and I step forth like one of the children, and ask you, Would you have a Stool, Sir?

3. A Stoole Boy?

2. I Sir, if you’le giue me sixe Pence, I’le fetch you one.

3. For what I pray thee? what shall I doe with it?

2. O God Sir! will you betraye your Ignorance so much? why, throne your selfe in state on the stage, as other Gentlemen vse Sir’;

_All Fools_ (_c. 1604_), prol. 30:

if our other audience see You on the stage depart before we end, Our wits go with you all and we are fools.

_Isle of Gulls_ (_1606_), ind., ‘But come boy, furnish us with stools’.... ‘He [the author] is not on the stage amongst gallants preparing a bespoke Plaudite’.

_K. B. P._ (_1607_), ind. 41:

_Wife below Rafe below._

_Wife._ Husband, shall I come vp husband?

_Citizen._ I cunny. Rafe helpe your mistresse this way: pray gentlemen make her a little roome, I pray you sir lend me your hand to helpe vp my wife.... Boy, let my wife and I haue a cupple stooles.... Come vp Rafe.

It must not be assumed from this burlesque that women usually sat on the stage, even at the private houses.

[1692] _What You Will_ (1602), ind., ‘Let’s place ourselves within the curtains, for good faith the stage is so very little, we shall wrong the general eye else very much’; _Faery Pastoral_ (1603), author’s note, ‘If so be that the Properties of any of These, that be outward, will not serue the turne by reason of concourse of the People on the Stage, Then you may omit the sayd Properties’. In _Wily Beguiled_ (possibly a Paul’s play), 2021, comes the s. d. ‘Stands vpon a stoole’, in a wood scene.

[1693] _E. M. O._ (_1599_), 585 (Q_{1}), ‘Sit o’ the stage and flout; prouided, you haue a good suit’; 1784, ‘rich apparell ... takes possession of your stage at your new play’; _A Mad World, my Masters_ (_c. 1604–6_), v. ii. 38, ‘The actors have been found i’ th’ morning in a less compass than their stage, though it were ne’er so full of gentlemen’; _Woman Hater_ (1607), i. 3, ‘All the Gallants on the stage rise, vail to me, kiss their hand, offer me their places’. It is true that _Roaring Girl_ (1611), ii. 1, has ‘the private stages audience, the twelve-penny stool gentlemen’, but this may only point to a higher price for a stool at the private house, and in any case cannot outweigh the allusions of Davies and Jonson before the Blackfriars, or probably Paul’s, were reopened, or T. M. _Black Book_ (1604, Bullen, _Middleton_, viii. 42), ‘Barnaby Burning-glass, arch tobacco-taker of England, in ordinaries, upon stages both common and private’; Dekker, _G. H. B._ (1609), ‘Whether therefore the gatherers of the publique or priuate Play-house stand to receiue the afternoones rent, let our Gallant (hauing paid it) presently aduance himselfe vp to the Throne of the Stage’ (cf. the whole passage on the procedure and advantages of sitting on the stage, where Dekker clearly mingles traits of both types of house, in App. H). Wallace, ii. 130, argues that the custom was started at Blackfriars and was confined to the private houses, but is hopelessly confuted by C. R. Baskervill in _M. P._ viii. 581.

[1694] _Malcontent_ (1604, Globe), ind.:

‘Enter W. Sly, a Tire-man following him with a stool.

_Tire-man._ Sir, the gentlemen will be angry if you sit here.

_Sly._ Why, we may sit upon the stage at the private house. Thou dost not take me for a country gentleman, dost? dost think I fear hissing?...

_Lowin._ Good sir, will you leave the stage? I’ll help you to a private room.

_Sly._ Come, coz, lets take some tobacco’;

_M. D’Olive_ (1606, Blackfriars), IV. ii. 173, ‘I’ll take up some other fool for the Duke to employ: every ordinary affords fools enow; and didst not see a pair of gallants sit not far hence like a couple of bough-pots to make the room smell?’

[1695]

Yet, Grandee’s, would you were not come to grace Our matter, with allowing vs no place. Though you presume Satan a subtill thing, And may haue heard hee’s worne in a thumbe-ring; Doe not on these presumptions, force vs act, In compasse of a cheese-trencher. This tract Will ne’er admit our vice, because of yours. Anone, who, worse than you, the fault endures That your selues make? when you will thrust and spurne, And knocke vs o’ the elbowes, and bid, turne; As if, when wee had spoke, wee must be gone, Or, till wee speake, must all runne in, to one, Like the young adders, at the old ones mouth? Would wee could stand due North; or had no South, If that offend: or were Muscouy glasse, That you might looke our Scenes through as they passe. We know not how to affect you. If you’ll come To see new Playes, pray you affoord vs roome.

[1696] Wallace, ii. 142.

[1697] Dekker, _G. H. B._ (1609), ‘You may ... haue a good stoole for sixpence ... creepe from behind the Arras, with your Tripos or three-footed stoole in one hand, and a teston mounted betweene a forefinger and a thumbe in the other’; cf. pp. 535, n. 3, 536, n. 2.

[1698] Cf. ch. xx.

[1699] Godfrey (_Architectural Review_, xxiii. 239) has no authority for his internal roofed staircases and landings in the narrow spaces between the galleries and the sides of the stage.

[1700] Henslowe made a ‘penthowsse shed at the tyeringe howsse doore’ of the Rose in 1591. Doubtless the stage could also be reached from in front; cf. the _K. B. P._ passage on p. 536.

[1701] Gosson, _P. C._ (1582, App. C, No. xxx), tells how youths are wont ‘to go first into the yarde, and to carry theire eye through euery gallery’ in search of attractive company; cf. p. 532.

[1702] Cf. p. 541, and ch. xi.

[1703] Peacham, however, may be merely versifying the story of the choleric justice and the provincial audience which laughed when he ‘first peept out his head’ in Nashe, _Pierce Penilesse_ (_Works_, i. 188), and reading in a feature, in the process, of the stage as known to himself; and the same applies to Davenant, _The Unfortunate Lovers_ (_c. 1638_), prol., on the play-goers of old times:

For they, he swears, to the theatre would come, Ere they had din’d, to take up the best room; There sit on benches, not adorn’d with mats, And graciously did vail their high-crown’d hats To every half-dress’d player, as he still Through the hangings peeped to see how the house did fill.

For Caroline practice, cf. T. Goffe, _Careless Shepherdess_ ind.:

I never saw Rheade peeping through the curtain, But ravishing joy entered into my heart;

also Tatham’s prologue for the Fortune players, when they moved to the Red Bull in 1640:

Forbear Your wonted custom, banding tile and pear Against our curtains, to allure us forth; I pray, take notice, these are of more worth; Pure Naples silk, not worsted.

I defer a full consideration of stage hangings to the chapters on staging; cf. vol. iii, p. 78.

[1704] For the classical sense of _Scaena_, cf. the passage from Vitruvius quoted in vol. iii, p. 3. Florio, _Dictionary_ (1598), s.v. _Scena_, ‘a skaffold, a pavillion, or forepart of a theatre where players make them readie, being trimmed with hangings, out of which they enter upon the stage’, points to the identity of scene and tire-house front. This structure has therefore precisely the double function of the ‘domus’ of the court plays; cf. ch. xix. I owe the quotation to Graves, 15, who adds, _The Englysshe Mancyne upon the foure Cardynale Vertues_ (_c._ 1520), ‘a disgyser yt goeth into a secret corner callyd a sene of the pleyinge place to chaunge his rayment’, and Palsgrave, _Acolastus_ (1540), prol., ‘our scenes, that is to saye, our places appoynted for our players to come forth of’. The English ‘Mancyne’ is a translation, earlier than A. Barclay’s, of Dominic Mancini’s _De Quatuor Virtutibus_ (1516), and the original has only ‘Histrio, qui in scaenam vadit’. The notion of scena as not a mere wall, but a shelter for performers, is mediaeval, and appears to go back to an early definition from σκῆνος, a hut or tent, found, e. g., side by side with the regular mediaeval misunderstanding of the classical art of acting in Hugutius, _Liber Derivationum_, ‘Scena est umbraculum siue locus obumbratus in theatro et cortinis coopertus similis tabernaculis mercenariorum, quae sunt asseribus vel cortinis opertae, et secundum hoc scena potest dici a scenos, quod est domus, quae in modum domus erat constructa. In umbraculo latebant personae larvatae, quae ad vocem recitatoris exigebantur ad gestus faciendos’; cf. Herrmann, 280, W. Cloetta, _Komödie und Tragödie im Mittelalter_ (1890), 38; _Mediaeval Stage_, ii. 208. It is revised on humanist lines by Jodocus Badius Ascensius in the _Praenotamenta_ to his Terence of 1502, ‘Intra igitur theatrum ab una parte opposita spectatoribus erant scenae et proscenia, id est loca lusoria ante scenas facta. Scenae autem erant quaedam umbracula seu absconsoria, in quibus abscondebantur lusores, donec exire deberent. Ante autem scenas erant quaedam tabulata, in quibus personae qui exierant ludebant.’

[1705] The _Roxana_ engraving shows a projecting building at the back of the stage, but this can hardly be regarded as throwing light upon sixteenth-century structure.

[1706] _C. Revels_ (1601), ind. 160. The author is not ‘in the Tiring-house, to prompt us aloud, stampe at the Booke-holder, sweare for our Properties, cursse the poore Tire-man, rayle the Musique out of tune’; _Bartholomew Fair_ (1614), ind. 8, ‘I am looking, lest the _Poet_ heare me, or his man, Master Broome, behind the Arras.... Hee has (sirreuerence) kick’d me three, or foure times about the Tyring-house, I thanke him, for but offering to putt in, with my experience’; v. iii. 57, ‘I would be glad drinke with the young company; which is the Tiring-house?’

[1707] _Every Woman in her Humour_, p. 354, ‘He would ... stamp and stare (God blesse us,) like a play-house book-keeper when the actors misse their entrance’; _R. J._ I. iv. 7,

Nor no without-book prologue, faintly spoke After the prompter, for our entrance.

The actor’s signal for entrance was already his ‘cue’; cf. _M. N. D._ III. i. 77, ‘And so every one according to his cue’; _Isle of Gulls_, ii. 2, ‘you know your que’; ii. 3, ‘She hath entred the Dutches iust at her que’.

[1708] _2 Ant. Mellida_, II. i. 30, ‘The tiring man hath not glued on my beard half fast enough’. A tireman appears in the inductions to _Malcontent_, ‘Enter W. Sly, a Tire-man following him with a stool’, and to _What You Will_, ‘Enter Tire-man with lights’. ‘Steven the tyerman’ of the Admiral’s in 1596 is probably the Steven Magett of other entries by Henslowe (i. 31, 44, 45).

[1709] Speakers in the induction to _Bartholomew Fair_ (1614) are the Booke-Holder and the Stage-Keeper, who ‘kept the _Stage_ in Master _Tarletons_ time’, and whose work is ‘sweeping the _Stage_? or gathering vp the broken apples for the beares within?’

[1710] The Fortune company, _c._ 1617 (_H. P._ 85), offer to employ a dismissed ‘gatherer’ as ‘a nessessary atendaunt on the stage’ and to mend garments. On 27 Dec. 1624 the Master of Revels (_Var._ iii. 112; Herbert, 74) issued a warrant of protection for Nicholas Underhill, Robert Pallant, John Rhodes, and eighteen others ‘all imployed by the kings maiesties servantes in theire quallity of playinge as musitions and other necessary attendantes’. In _Devil’s Charter_ (1607), 3016, is the s. d. ‘Alexander vnbraced betwixt two Cardinalls in his study looking vpon a booke, whilst a groome draweth the curtaine’. Is this ‘groom’ a character or an ‘attendant’? In any case attendants were naturally, with musicians and even ‘gatherers’ (on whom cf. ch. xi), used at need for supernumeraries; cf. the gatherers in the _Frederick and Basilea_ plot (1597, _H. P._ 136) and _2 If You Know Not Me_ (1606), p. 297, ‘Enter ... the waits in sergeants’ gowns’. The long list of men and boys in the procession at the end of _1 Tamar Cham_ (1602, _H. P._ 148) must have taxed all such resources. For the use of boys as attendants, cf. _Bartholomew Fair_, V. iii. 65, ‘Ha’ you none of your pretty impudent boyes, now; to bring stooles, fill Tabacco, fetch Ale, and beg money, as they haue at other houses?’ Seventeenth-century gossip (_Centurie of Prayse_, 417) made Shakespeare join the stage as a ‘serviture’.

[1711] Lawrence, i. 75, ii. 159; Wegener, 150; G. H. Cowling, _Music on the Shakespearian Stage_, 29, 70, 80. I refer to Cowling and to E. W. Naylor, _Shakespeare and Music_, for discussions of the instruments used--drums, timbrels, bells (percussion instruments), sackbuts, trumpets, horns (brass instruments), cornets, hautboys, recorders, fifes (wood instruments), viols, lutes, citterns, pandores (string instruments)--of such terms as ‘flourish’, ‘sennet’, ‘tucket’, ‘peal’, ‘alarum’, ‘consort’, and of other technical matters with which I am not qualified to deal. The Admiral’s inventories of 1598 (_H. P._ 115, 116, 118) include ‘iij trumpettes and a drum, and a trebel viall, a basse viall, a bandore, a sytteren ... j chyme of bells ... iij tymbrells ... j sack-bute’.

[1712] _Malcontent_, ind. 89. The additions for the King’s are ‘to entertain a little more time, and to abridge the not-received custom of music in our theatre’. But ‘abridge’ only means shorten, and there are s. ds. for music between the acts of _Sejanus_ (Globe, _1603_) and in the plot of _Dead Man’s Fortune_ (Admiral’s, _c._ 1590, _H. P._ 133); cf. Dekker, _Belman of London_ (1608, _Works_, iii. 76), ‘These were appointed to be my Actes, in this goodly Theater, the musicke betweene, were the Singers of the Wood’. But such evidence is rare, and Lawrence, i. 75, and Cowling, 67, do not discriminate sufficiently the practice of the public theatres from that of the private theatres on the one hand and the early neo-classic court plays on the other. Here music is an integral part of the _intermedii_ or dumb-shows, which are little more than survivals in the full-blown public drama; cf. F. A. Foster in _E. S._ xliv. 8, and _Hamlet_, III. ii. 13, ‘inexplicable dumb-shows’.

[1713] Cf. p. 551.

[1714] _Alphonsus_, prol., ‘after you haue sounded thrise, let Venus be let downe from the top of the Stage’; Heywood, _Four Prentices_, prol., ‘Do you not know that I am the prologue? Do you not see the long black velvet coat upon my back? Have I not all the signs of the prologue about me? Have you not sounded thrice?’; Dekker, _Satiromastix_, epist., ‘In steed of the trumpets sounding thrice, before the play begin, it shall not be amisse ... first to beholde this short Comedy of Errors’; _G. H. B._ (cf. App. H), ‘untill the quaking prologue hath (by rubbing) got cullor into his cheekes, and is ready to give the trumpets their cue that hee’s upon point to enter’; _E. M. O._ (Q_{1}), 107, ‘Inductio, sono secundo’, 402, ‘Sound the third time. Enter Prologue’. Jonson has a similar arrangement (F_{1}) in the private house plays _Cynthia’s Revels_ and _Poetaster_, but probably the trumpets were here replaced by more elaborate music; cf. _1 Ant. Mellida_, ind. 1, ‘the music will sound straight for entrance’; _What You Will_, ind. 1 (s. d.), ‘Before the music sounds for the Act’; _C. Revels_ (Q_{1}), 1435, ‘Like an unperfect Prologue, at third musique’. Surely this is the origin of the ‘first’, ‘second’, and ‘third’ (or ‘curtain tune’) music of the Restoration and eighteenth-century overtures, described by Lawrence, ii. 155. Exceptionally the prologue in Percy’s _C. and C. Errant_ is between the second and third sounding.

[1715] _Chaste Maid in Cheapside_, V. iv. 1 (s. d.), ‘There is a sad song in the music-room’; cf. _Thracian Wonder_, IV. i. 182, ‘Pythia speaks in the musick Room behind the Curtain’, 186, ‘Pythia above, behind the curtains.’ But these, although early plays, are in late prints, and the other examples of a music-room ‘above’ given by Lawrence, i. 91, are Caroline. Jasper Mayne says of Jonson (1638, _Jonsonus Virbius_), ‘Thou laid’st no sieges to the music-room’. My own impression is that when the lord’s room over the tire-house was disused by spectators (cf. p. 537) it became indifferently available for actors and for music, and that here, rather than, as is possible, higher still in the scenic wall, was the normal place for the seventeenth-century music, when it was not needed elsewhere, or the space needed for other purposes. The introduction of the high proscenium arch at the Restoration caused difficulties, and various experiments were tried in placing the music above (Lawrence, i. 91, 161; ii. 160; W. G. Keith, _The Designs for the First Movable Scenery on the English Public Stage_ in _Burlington Magazine_, xxv. 29, 85), before the modern situation was adopted.

[1716] Cf. ch. x.

[1717] _R. J._, prol. 12, ‘the two hours’ traffic of our stage’; _Alchemist_, prol. 1, ‘these two short hours’; _Hen. VIII_, prol. 13, ‘two short hours’; _T. N. K._, prol. 28, ‘Sceanes ... worth two houres travell’; Heywood, _Apology_, 11 (Beeston’s c. v.), ‘two houres well spent’; _Barth. Fair_, ind., ‘the space of two hours and a half and somewhat more’. Perhaps plays tended to grow shorter. Fenton (1574) and Northbrooke (1577–8) give ‘two or three houres’, and Whetstone (1578) three hours (cf. App. C), but Dekker (cf. p. 533, n. 3) seems to regard three hours as an exceptionally long period.

[1718] Cotgrave, _French-English Dict._ (1611), s.v. Falot, ‘a cresset light (such as they use in play-houses) made of ropes wreathed, pitched and put into small and open cages of iron’; cf. Lawrence, ii. 13, who thinks the cressets were part of the lighting of private houses. But would they not smoke and smell badly, if used indoors? There is no

## particular reason for translating the _lucernae_ of Christ Church hall

in 1566, with Schelling and Lawrence, as ‘cressets’.

[1719] Nashe (iii. 329), epist. to _Astrophel and Stella_ (1591), ‘here you shal find a paper stage streud with pearle, an artificial heau’n to ouershadow the faire frame’; _Wagnerbook_ (1594, cf. ch. xx), ‘Now aboue all was there the gay Clowdes vsque quaque adorned with the heavenly firmament, and often spotted with golden teares which men callen Stars. There was liuely portrayed the whole Imperiall Army of the faire heauenly inhabitauntes’; _Birth of Hercules_ (1597 <), i. 1, s. d., ‘Ad comoediae magnificentiam apprime conferet ut coelum Histrionium sit luna et stellis perspicue distinctum’; Heywood, _Apology_ (_c. 1608_), 34, of the Roman theatre, ‘the covering of the stage, which we call the heavens’; Cotgrave, _Dict._ (1611), s.v. _Volerie_, ‘a place over a stage, which we call the heavens’. The same word was used for the state over a throne; cf. Cotgrave, s.v. _Dais_, ‘a cloth of estate, canopie, or Heaven, that stands over the heads of Princes thrones’. Graves, 24, gives examples of heavens used in Tudor pageants. It is to be noted that the ‘heavens’ and ‘hell’ (cf. p. 528) of a theatre continue characteristic features of mediaeval staging (cf. _Mediaeval Stage_, ii. 86, 137, 142); cf. _All Fools_, prol. 1:

The fortune of a stage (like Fortunes selfe) Amazeth greatest judgments; and none knowes The hidden causes of those strange effects That rise from this Hell, or fall from this Heaven.

The theory of J. Corbin in _Century_ (1911), 267, that the heavens was a mere _velarium_ or cloud of canvas thrown out from the hut, will not fit the evidence; cf. Lawrence, ii. 6.

[1720] Cf. vol. iii, p. 78. Is this, or the hut, the ‘garret’ of R. M.’s _A Player_ (cf. p. 546)?

[1721] I do not now regard as tenable my suggestion in _The Stage of the Globe_ (_Stratford Town Shakespeare_, x. 351) that De Witt represented as outstanding columns what were really mere pilasters in the tire-house wall.

[1722] Kempe, _Nine Days Wonder_, 6, ‘I remembred one of them to be a noted Cut-purse, such a one as we tye to a poast on our stage, for all people to wonder at, when at a play they are taken pilfring’; cf. _Nobody and Somebody_, 1893,

_Somebody_ Once pickt a pocket in this Play-house yard, Was hoysted on the stage, and shamd about it;

also ch. xx, p. 75; ch. xxi, pp. 108, 141.

[1723] For criticism of the drawing of the heavens and hut, cf. Graves, 22, and Brereton in _Homage_, 204.

[1724] Henslowe paid in 1595 for ‘mackinge the throne in the heuenes’ at the Rose; cf. R. M., _Micrologia_ (1629), in Morley, _Character Writings_, 285, _A Player_, ‘If his action prefigure passion, he raves, rages, and protests much by his painted heavens, and seems in the height of this fit ready to pull Jove out of the garret where perchance he lies leaning on his elbows, or is employed to make squibs and crackers to grace the play’. Wegener, 133, gives examples of the use of machines; for the throne, cf. vol. iii, p. 77.

[1725] Field (1583, App. C, No. xxxi), ‘Those flagges of defiance against God’; Vennar’s apology (1614) for _England’s Joy_ (1602, cf. ch. xxiii). ‘The report of gentlemen and gentlewomens actions, being indeed the flagge to our theatre, was not meerely falcification’; _A Mad World, my Masters_ (1604–6), I. i. 38, III. iii. 143, ‘’Tis Lent in your cheeks; the flag’s down’.... ‘The hair about the hat is as good as a flag upo’ th’ pole, at a common play-house, to waft company’; Dekker, _Raven’s Almanac_ (1609, _Works_, iv. 210), ‘Another ciuill warre doe I finde will fal betweene players.... For it is thought that Flag will be aduanced (as it were in mortall defiance against Flag)’; _Work for Armourers_ (1609, _Works_, iv. 96), ‘Play-houses stand ... the dores locked vp, the flagges ... taken down’; _Curtain-Drawer of the World_ (1612), ‘Each play-house advanceth his flag in the aire, whither quickly at the waving thereof are summoned whole troops of men, women, and children’. The maps regularly show flags on the theatres. The Globe fire in 1613 ‘did not spare the silken flagg’ (cf. p. 421). Heywood, _Apology_, 22, mistranslates Ovid’s ‘Tunc neque marmoreo pendebant vela theatro’ as:

In those days from the marble house did waive No sail, no silken flag, no ensign brave.

[1726] Cf. p. 542; _Cynthia’s Revels_, ind., where the boys struggle for the cloak; _Woman Hater_, prol. 1, ‘Gentlemen, Inductions are out of date, and a Prologue in Verse, is as stale as a black Velvet Cloak, and a Bay Garland’; _Birth of Hercules_ (1597 <), prol. 5, ‘Thepilogue is in fashion; prologues no more’; and much later. _Coronation_, prol. 4,

he That with a little Beard, a long black Cloak, With a starch’d face, and supple leg hath spoke Before the plays the twelvemonth.

The prologue appears to be a composite figure, partly representing the poet, and deriving also in part from the presenter of dumb-shows, in part from the Chorus of neo-classic tragedy, and in part from the ‘exposytour in doctorys wede’, developed by miracle-plays and moralities out of the Augustine of the _Prophetae_; cf. _Mediaeval Stage_, ii. 52, 72, 153, 417, 423, 426, 429, 448; F. A. Foster in _E. S._ xliv. 13; F. Lüders, _Prolog und Epilog bei Shakespeare_ (_Sh.-Jahrbuch_, v. 274); Creizenach, 275. The short dramatic inductions, often introducing actors _in propria persona_, favoured by Jonson, Marston, and others about the beginning of the seventeenth century, attempt to give new life to a waning convention.

[1727] Cf. _Mediaeval Stage_, ii. 141, 156. Drums and trumpets were used as advertisements in the city at any rate until 1587 (App. C, Nos. xvii, xxxi, xxxviii), and were traditional in the provinces up to the middle of the eighteenth century (Lawrence, ii. 58). Parolles tells us (_All’s Well_, IV. iii. 298) that Captain Dumain ‘has led the drum before the English tragedians’. Henslowe (i. 118) bought a drum and two trumpets for the Admiral’s ‘when to go into the contry’ in Feb. 1600. In _Histriomastix_, ii. 80, ‘One of them steppes on the Crosse, and cryes, A Play’.

[1728] H. Moseley, pref. verses to F_{1} of Beaumont and Fletcher (1647):

As after th’ Epilogue there comes some one To tell spectators what shall next be shown; So here am I.

This is, of course, only Caroline evidence; for the continuance of the practice after the Restoration, cf. Lawrence, ii. 187.

[1729] _Grindal to Cecil_ (1564, App. D, No. xv), ‘these Histriones, common playours who now daylye, butt speciallye on holydayes, sett vp bylles’; _Merry Tales, &c._ (1567; cf. ch. xxiii, s.v. Vennar), ‘billes ... vpon postes about London’; Northbrooke (1577, App. C, No. xvi), ‘they use to set vp their billes vpon postes certain dayes before’; Gosson, _S. A._ (1579, App. C, No. xxii), 44, ‘If players can ... proclame it in their billes, and make it good in theaters’; Rankins (1587, App. C, No. xxxviii), ‘sticking of their bills in London’; Marston, _Scourge of Villainy_ (Bullen, iii. 302), ‘Go read each post, view what is play’d to-day’; _Histriomastix_, v. 69, ‘Text-bills must now be turned to iron bills’; _Warning for Fair Women_, (> 1599):

’Tis you have kept the Theatres so long, Painted in play-bills upon every post. That I am scorned of the multitude.

Wither, _Abuses Stript and Whipt_ (1613), ii. 2:

But, by the way, a Bill he doth espy, Which showes theres acted some new Comedy.

In _Bartholomew Fair_, v. iii. 6, Cokes ‘reads the Bill’ of the motion; cf. Lawrence (ii. 55), _The Origin of the Theatre Programme_.

[1730] _Devil an Ass_, I. iv. 43, ‘Hee giues him the Play-bill’.

[1731] Arber, ii. 477; iii. 575.

[1732] _Henslowe Papers_, 106.

[1733] Lawrence, ii. 240.

[1734] Jonson, in printing plays, and following him the editors of the Beaumont and Fletcher F_{1} often give the scene and the actors’ names, and casts appear in _Duchess of Malfi_ (1623). But these are not necessarily taken from any documents put before the audiences.

[1735] Lawrence, ii. 154; cf. the stipulation in Burbadge’s lease (p. 387), and W. Fennor, _Compter’s Commonwealth_ (1617), 8, ‘he that first comes in is first seated, like those that come to see playes’.

[1736] Cf. p. 540 (Tatham), and the notices of Hentzner and Platter (ch. xvi, introd.). In _K. B. P._ the wife comes with her pockets full of sweetmeats, which she bestows upon the actors, liquorice (i. 77), green ginger (ii. 279), sugar-candy (ii. 366), and her husband brings beer (iii. 631). The liquorice would open Ralph’s pipes; cf. ch. xii (Westminster) and _C. Revels_, ind. 215, ‘I would thou hadst some sugar candyed, to sweeten thy mouth’; Overbury, _Characters_ (ed. Rimbault, 113, _A Puny-Clarke_), ‘Hee eats ginger-bread at a play-house’.

[1737] Cf. pp. 534, 536 and Hentzner (ch. xvi, introd.); _C. Revels_, ind. 122, ‘I haue my three sorts of Tabacco, in my Pocket, my light by me’; _K. B. P._ i. 224, ‘Fie, this stinking Tobacco kils men, would there were none in _England_, now I pray Gentlemen, what good does this stinking Tobacco? do you nothing, I warrant you make chimnies a your faces’; Dekker, _G. H. B._, ‘By sitting on the stage, you may ... get your match lighted’; _Scornful Lady_, I. ii. 52, ‘They wear swords to reach fire at a play’; _Sir Giles Goosecap_, IV. ii. 87 (street-scene), ‘By this fire, they do, my lord’. Burn, 84, cites a note by Sir J. Caesar in _Lansd. MS._ 160, p. 302, of a speech by James in a Star Chamber case of 1613, in which he advised gentlemen of the Temple not to frequent plays, whence the smoke of tobacco and the presence of painted ladies should deter them.

[1738] W. Fennor, _Descriptions_ (1616), ‘I suppose this Pamphlet will hap into your hands before a Play begin, with the importunate clamour of “Buy a new Booke!” by some needy companion that will be glad to furnish you with worke for a turned teaster’. Dekker, _G. H. B._ (cf. App. H), recommends cards.

[1739] _V. P._ xiv. 593, 599, records a charge against the ambassador Foscarini (1611–15) of pursuing a woman, and ‘sometimes attending the public comedies and standing among the people on the chance of seeing her’. Foscarini said he only went three or four times to the play and that the archduke’s ambassador and his wife did the same. It was given in evidence that the ambassador Giustiniani (Dec. 1605–Oct. 1608) went with the French ambassador and his wife to see _Pericles_ at a cost of 20 crowns. This must have been at the Globe. For the presence of harlots, cf. pp. 534, 535; vol. i, p. 255.

[1740] Dekker, _G. H. B._ (1609, _Works_, ii. 201), ‘you can neither shake our _Comick Theater_ with your stinking breath of hisses, nor raise it with the thunder-claps of your hands’ (cf. also App. H); _Isle of Gulls_, ind., ’Tis growne into a custome at playes if anyone rise (especially of any fashionable sort) about what serious busines soeuer, the rest thinking it in dislike of the play, tho he neuer thinks it, cry “Mew! by Jesus, vilde!” and leaue the poore hartlesse children to speake their Epilogue to the emptie seates’. Later a Gent. says, ‘See it be baudy, or by the light I and all my friends will hisse’, and the Prologue replies, ‘You shoulde not deale gentlemanlike with us els’; E. Guilpin, _Skialetheia_ (1598), prol. to Sat., ‘It is the grand hisse to a filthy play’; _Roaring Girl_, prol., ‘If that he finds not here, he mews at it’; _T. and C._, epil.:

my fear is this, Some galled goose of Winchester would hiss;

_Downfall of Robin Hood_, _ad fin._:

if I fail in this, Then let my pains be baffled with a hiss;

_Devil an Ass_, III. v. 41:

If I could but see a piece... Come but to one act, and I did not care-- But to be seene to rise, and goe away, To vex the Players, and to punish their _Poet_-- Keepe him in awe!

[1741] _Isle of Gulls_, ind., ‘a prepared company of gallants to aplaud his iests and grace out his play’; _Histriomastix_, ii. 137, ‘_Belch._’ ‘What’s an Ingle? _Posthaste._ One whose hands are hard as battle doors with clapping at baldness’. For the special use of ‘ingle’ (= ‘intimate’) in the sense of a patron of players, cf. _Poetaster_, I. ii. 18, ‘What! shall I have my sonne a stager now? an enghle for players? a gull? a rooke? a shot-clogge? to make suppers, and bee laught at?’

[1742] Cf. p. 547, n. 1.

[1743] _K. to K. a Knave_ (1594), _ad fin._; _Looking-Glass_, 2282; _Locrine_, 2276; _2 Hen. IV_, epil. 35, ‘And so kneele down before you; but indeed, to pray for the Queene’; _Two Wise Men and All the Rest Fools_ (1619), epil., ‘It resteth that we render you very humble and hearty thanks, and that all our hearts pray for the king and his family’s enduring happiness, and our country’s perpetual welfare. _Si placet, plaudite_’; cf. ch. xxii.

[1744] Cf. ch. x.

[1745] _M. N. D._ v. i. 360, ‘Will it please you to see the epilogue, or to hear a Bergomask dance between two of our company?’; _Much Ado_, v. i. 130, ‘Strike vp, pipers. _Dance_’; _A. Y. L._ V. iv. 182.

[1746] Cf. ch. xiii (Leicester’s).

[1747] Murray, ii. 206, 293, 304, 367, ‘upon the Q. players at the dancing on the rop’ (1590, Bridgnorth), ‘vnto the Torkey Tumblers’ (1589–90, Ipswich), ‘to certen playars, playinge uppon ropes at the Crosse Keyes’ (1590, Leicester), ‘to the Quenes men when the Turke wente vpon roppes at Newhall’ (22 April 1590, Norwich); _Coventry Corp. MS._ A 7 (b), ‘the Queens players & the turk’ (1589–90, Coventry); cf. Nashe, _Epistle to Strange Newes_ (1592, _Works_, i. 262), ‘Say I am as verie a Turke as hee that three yeeres ago ranne vpon ropes’. A Gloucester payment of 1594–5 for ‘a wagon in the pageant for the Turke’ (Murray, ii. 285) may or may not refer to the acrobat of 1590.

[1748] Cf. ch. xiv.

[1749] Both Hentzner (1598) and Platter (1599) describe it; cf. ch. xvi, introd. Platter saw it at both the Globe and the Curtain, where it was ‘Englisch unndt Irlendisch’. Von Wedel also describes something very much like a well-developed jig after a baiting on the Bankside in 1584 (cf. ch. xvi, Hope).

[1750] Gosson, _P. C._ (1582; cf. App. C, No. xxx), ‘daunsing of gigges’; _Much Ado_, II. i. 78, ‘Wooing ... is hot and hasty, like a Scotch jig, and full as fantastical’; _Hamlet_, III. ii. 132, ‘O God, your only jig-maker’; _E. M. O._ (Q_{1}), 1147, ‘a thing studied, and rehearst as ordinarily at his comming from hawking, or hunting, as a Iigge after a play’; _Jack Drum_, i. 404, ‘as the Iigge is cal’d for when the play is done’; R. Knolles, _Six Bookes of a Commonweal_ (1606), 645, ‘Now adayes they put at the end of euerie Tragedie (as poyson into meat) a comedie or jigge’ (translating Bodin’s ‘obscoena quadam fabula turpissimis ac sordidissimis narrationibus condita’); Cotgrave (1611), ‘Farce ... also, the Iyg at the end of an Enterlude, wherein some pretie knauerie is acted’; Dekker, _A Strange Horse Race_ (1613, _Works_, iii. 340), ‘As I haue often seene, after the finishing of some worthy Tragedy, or Catastrophe in the open Theaters, that the sceane after the Epilogue hath been more blacke (about a nasty bawdy jigge) then the most horrid sceane in the play was: The stinkards speaking all things, yet no man understanding any thing’; cf. the late Shirley allusion on p. 528. The term is sometimes more loosely used. In _James IV_, 82, 88, 620, 636, 661, 666, 673, 1116, the speakers of the Induction call the main action a jig; cf. _1 Tamburlaine_, prol. 1, ‘iygging vaines of riming mother wits’. Swaen (_Sh.-Jahrbuch_, xlvi. 122) points out that a tune known as _The Cobler’s Jig_ would fit the dialogue song by cobblers in _Locrine_, 569. Naylor, 124, gives some account of jig tunes and derives the term from _giga_, an instrument of the fiddle type.

[1751] Cf. the quotation from _K. B. P._ on p. 557, and ch. v.

[1752] Tarlton and Kempe (cf. ch. xv) are spoken of as acting in ‘merriments’. I doubt whether anything more technical is meant than a farcical episode in a play, perhaps helped out with such ‘gags’ as _Hamlet_, III. ii. 42, deprecates.

[1753] Arber, ii. 297, 298, 571, 600, 601, 669, 670, 671; iii. 49, 50, ‘a newe Northerne Jigge’ (5 Jan. 1591), ‘the seconde parte of the gigge betwene Rowland and the Sexton’ (16 Dec. 1591), ‘the thirde and last parte of Kempes Jigge’ (28 Dec. 1591), ‘a merrie newe Jigge betwene Jenkin the Collier and Nansie’ (14 Jan. 1592), ‘a plesant newe Jigge of the broome-man’, ascribed in the margin to Kempe (16 Jan. 1595), ‘a pleasant Jigge betwene a tincker and a Clowne’ (4 Feb. 1595), ‘a ballad of Cuttinge George and his hostis beinge a Jigge’ (17 Feb. 1595), ‘Master Kempes Newe Jigge of the kitchen stuffe woman’ (2 May 1595), ‘Phillips his gigg of the slyppers’ (26 May 1595), ‘a pretie newe Jigge betwene Ffrancis the gentleman Richard the farmer and theire wyves’ (14 Oct. 1595), and ‘Kemps newe Jygge betwixt a Souldiour and a Miser and Sym the clown’ (21 Oct. 1595); cf. ch. xv (Tarlton). Creizenach, 312, cites a list of jig titles by Hoenig in _Anzeiger für deutsches Altertum_, xxii. 304.

[1754] _Have With You to Saffron Walden_ (_Works_, iii. 114).

[1755] Henslowe, i. 70, 82.

[1756] E. Guilpin, _Skialetheia_, Sat. v.

[1757] App. D, No. cl; cf. the quotation from Dekker, _supra_; _Hamlet_, II. ii. 522, of Polonius, ‘He ’s for a jig or a tale of bawdry, or he sleeps’; Wither, _Abuses Stript and Whipt_ (1613), ii. 3, ‘a Curtaine Iigge, a Libell, or a Ballet’. Possibly the Middlesex order has a bearing on the curious variant in the Epistle to Jonson’s _Alchemist_ (1612), where some copies lament ‘the concupiscence of jigges and daunces’, others of ‘daunces and antikes’.

[1758] _The Black Man_ is in Kirkman’s _The Wits_ (1672), and _Singing Simpkin_ is ascribed in undated texts to the Caroline Robert Cox, but a tune of this name was known in Basle in 1592, and a German jig of 1620 seems to be a translation; cf. Herz, 132; F. Bolte, _Die Singspiele der englischen Komödianten und ihrer Nachfolger_ (1893, _Theatergeschichtliche Forschungen_, vii); W. J. Lawrence (_T. L. S._ 3 July 1919).

[1759] A. Clark, _Shirburn Ballads_, 244 (cf. S. R. list, _supra_, s. a. 1595), ‘M^r Attowel’s Jigge: betweene Francis, a Gentleman; Richard, a farmer; and their wives’. It is in four scenes, sung respectively to the tunes of ‘Walsingham’, ‘The Jewishe Dance’, ‘Buggle-boe’, and ‘Goe from my windo’. In _Roxburghe Ballads_, i. 201; ii. 101, are ‘Clod’s Carroll, a proper new jigg’, and ‘A mery new Jigge’. Collier’s ‘Jigge of a Horse Loade of Fooles’ (_New Facts_, 18; cf. Halliwell, _Tarlton_, xx) is probably a fake.

[1760] Clark, 354, from _Bodl. Rawlinson Poet. MS._ 185 (_c._ 1590), ‘A proper new ballett, intituled Rowland’s god-sonne’. It is to the tune of ‘Loth to departe’. Nashe, _Summer’s Last Will and Testament_, 76, mentions this jig. Two parts of a ‘Rowlandes godson moralised’ were entered in S. R. on 18 and 29 April 1592. Rowland is not a character, and numerous German allusions to and adaptations of a jig beginning ‘Oh neighbour Rowland’ (Herz, 134) have probably some other original. A ‘Roland and the Sexton’ is in the S. R. list, _supra_. A verse dialogue in _Alleyn Papers_, 8, mentions ‘bonny Rowland’ and is probably a jig of his cycle; another (p. 29) does not read to me like a jig.

[1761] Cf. ch. xv (Tarlton, Wilson) and Nashe, _Pierce Penilesse_ (_Works_, i. 244), ‘the queint Comaedians of our time, That when their Play is doone, do fal to ryme’. Armin’s (q.v.) _Quips Upon Questions_ (1600) are probably themes, or based upon the conception of themes. A theme is introduced in _Histriomastix_, ii. 293. The Lord sets it:

Your poetts and your pottes Are knit in true-love knots,

and a sixteen-line ‘song extempore’ by Posthaste follows. The verses on ‘theames’ in Gascoigne’s _Posies_ (ed. Cunliffe, 62) are not, I think, improvisations.

[1762] Smith, _Commedia dell’ Arte_, 175; cf. M. J. Wolff, _Shakespeare und die Commedia dell’ arte_ (_Sh.-Jahrbuch_, xlvi. 1).

[1763] _C. is A._ II. vii. 36, of the players in Utopia (England), ‘_Sebastian._ And how are their plaies? as ours are? extemporall? _Valentine._ O no! all premeditated things’. The references of Whetstone, _Heptameron_ (1582), _Sp. Tragedy_, IV. i. 163, Middleton, _Spanish Gypsy_, IV. ii. 38, are specifically to French and Italian practice, and so too, presumably, _A. C._ v. ii. 216, ‘The quick comedians Extemporally will stage us’. The interpretation of Hamlet, II. ii. 420, ‘For the law of writ and the liberty, these are the only men’, is open, but Falstaff says in _1 Hen. IV_, II. iv. 309, ‘Shall we have a play extempore?’

[1764] Hamlet, III. ii. 42; cf. _John a Kent and John a Cumber_, iii, _ad fin._, ‘One of us Johns must play beside the book’.

[1765] In _K. B. P._, ind. 94, where Ralph ‘should have playd Jeronimo with a Shooemaker for a wager’; _Ratseis Ghost_ (1605, Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 326), ‘I durst venture all the mony in my purse on thy head to play Hamlet with him for a wager’; Dekker, _Jests to Make You Merrie_ (1607, _Works_, ii. 282), ‘A paire of players, growing into an emulous contention of one anothers worth, refusde to put themselves to a day of hearing (as any Players would haue done) but stood onely vpon their good parts’; cf. ch. xvi (Fortune), ch. xv (Alleyn).

[1766] Cf. ch. xi, p. 371.

[1767] _2 Ant. Mellida_, prol., ‘within this round ... this ring’; cf. p. 536. _Fawn_ (1604–6), prol., has ‘this fair-filled room’, but the play was transferred to Paul’s from Blackfriars.

[1768] For the existence of tiring-houses in private theatres, cf. inductions to _Jack Drum’s Entertainment_ (Paul’s) and _C. Revels_ (Blackfriars).

[1769] Cf. ch. xvii.

[1770] _Dutch Courtesan_ (_c. 1603_, Blackfriars), V. iii. 162, ‘my very fine Heliconian gallants, and you my worshipful friends in the middle region’.

[1771] Cf. Wright (App. I). For the origin of the term, cf. the c. v. of L. Digges to Shakespeare’s _Poems_ (1640):

Let but Beatrice And Benedicke be seene, loe in a trice The cockpit, galleries, boxes, are all full, To hear Malvoglio that crosse-garterd gull.

[1772] Dekker, _G. H. B._ (cf. App. H), with its mingling of ‘public’ and ‘private’ features, cannot be relied on. The _Roxana_ and _Wits_ engravings show spectators ‘over the stage’, but cannot be treated as evidence for the private houses. The _Messallina_ engraving only shows a window closed by curtains.

[1773] Cf. p. 556, _infra._

[1774] _1 Ant. Mellida_ (Paul’s), prol., ‘select and most respected auditors’; _What You Will_ (Paul’s), ind., ‘the female presence, the genteletza, the women’; _Jack Drum’s Entertainment_ (Paul’s), ind., ‘this choise selected influence’. But it was still mixed enough; cf. Jonson’s c. v. to _Faithful Shepherdess_ (Revels, _c._ 1608–9):

The wise and many-headed bench that sits Upon the life and death of plays and wits-- Composed of gamester, captain, knight, knight’s man, Lady or pusill that wears mask or fan, Velvet or taffata cap, rank’d in the dark With the shop’s foreman, or some such brave spark, That may judge for his sixpence.

[1775] Cf. chh. i, x, and _M. L. R._ ii. 12.

[1776] Jonson, _supra_; _Mich. Term_ (_c._ 1606, Paul’s), ‘sixpenny fees all the year long’; Otho of Hesse-Cassel (1611, Whitefriars), ‘hier kostet der eingang einen halben schilling nur, da an andern orten wohl eine halbe kron’; _Scornful Lady_ (1613–16,? Whitefriars), IV. i. 238, ‘I ... can see a play For eighteen-pence again: I can, my lady’; _Wit Without Money_ (? 1614, Whitefriars), i. 1, ‘And who extoled you in the halfcrown boxes, where you might sit and muster all the beauties’. So later, Jonson, _Magnetic Lady_ (_1632_, Blackfriars), ind., ‘the faeces or grounds of your people, that sit in the oblique caves and wedges of your house, your sinful sixpenny mechanicks’. I am rather puzzled by Percy, _C. and C. Errant_, ‘Poules steeple stands in the place it did before; and twopence is the price for the going into a newe play there’. Even in 1589 (cf. p. 532) the price at Paul’s was 4_d._ according to a Marprelate tract, and William Darrell in that year paid 6_d._ (Hall, _Society in Elizabethan Age_, 211).

[1777] In _Isle of Gulls_ (1606, Blackfriars), ind., a Gent. can only see an act or two out, for ‘I lay in bed till past three a clock, slept out my dinner and my stomache will toule to supper afore fiue’. Otho of Hesse-Cassel (1611) says that the Whitefriars plays were at three, and from Michaelmas to Easter only. Percy, on the other hand (cf. ch. xii), says that the Paul’s boys were not allowed to begin before four, after prayers, and the gates of Paul’s shut at six. So, too, _Ram Alley_ (King’s Revels), epil., ‘Thus two hours have brought to end’. Gerschow in 1602 (cf. ch. xii) says that the Chapel acted once a week; cf. _Eastward Hoe_ (1605, Blackfriars), epil., ‘May this attract you hither once a week’.

[1778] Dekker, _Seven Deadly Sins_ (1606, Works, ii. 41), ‘All the Citty lookt like a priuate Play-house, when the windowes are clapt downe, as if some _Nocturnall_, or dismal _Tragedy_ were presently to be acted’.

[1779] _What You Will_ (1601, Paul’s), ‘Enter Atticus, Doricus, and Philomuse, they sit a good while on the stage before the Candles are lighted.... Enter Tier-man with lights’; _Mich. Term_ (1607, Paul’s), ‘Ours [terms] haue but sixpenny fees all the year long, yet we dispatch you in two hours without demur: your suits hang not long here after candles be lighted’; _Faithful Shepherdess_ (1608–9, Blackfriars), Beaumont’s c. v., ‘Some like, if the wax lights be new that day’. Otho of Hesse-Cassel (1611) says that the Whitefriars plays were ‘nur bei lichtern’. Later we have G. Wither, _Fair Virtue_ (1622), 1781:

those lamps which at a play Are set up to light the day;

Lenton, _The Young Gallants Whirligig_ (1629):

spangled, rare perfumed attires, Which once so glister’d at the torchy Friars.

Cf. Lawrence (ii. 1), _Light and Darkness in the Elizabethan Theatre_; also _E. S._ xlviii. 213.

[1780] Cf. ch. xii; and for evidence of inter-act music, Lawrence, i. 81; Cowling, 68. Papers on _Early Elizabethan Stage Music_ in _Musical Antiquary_ (Oct. 1909, Jan. 1913) show the origin of the musical tradition in the earlier boy companies; for its seventeenth-century development, cf. Wallace, ii. 114.

[1781] _Faithful Shepherdess_ (1608–9, Blackfriars), Beaumont’s c. v.:

Nor wants there those who, as the boy doth dance Between the acts, will censure the whole play.

In _K. B. P._ (1607, Blackfriars) a boy dances after Acts i and iii, and the citizens comment, ‘I will haue him dance _Fading_; _Fading_ is a fine Iigge’. After Act ii there are fiddlers. After Act iv Ralph intervenes with a May Day speech.

[1782] _2 Ant. Mellida_, V. i. 50, ‘Andrugio’s ghost is placed betwixt the music-houses’; _Faery Pastoral_, s. ds., ‘Highest aloft and on the Top of the Musick Tree the Title The Faery Pastoral. Beneath him pind on Post of the Tree The Scene Eluida Forest Lowest of all ouer the Canopie ΝΑΠΑΙΤΒΟΔΑΙΟΝ or Faery Chappell’.... ‘Here they shutt both into the Canopie Fane or Trophey’; _Cuck Queenes and Cuckolds Errants_, prol. by Tarlton, ‘standing at entrance of the doore and right vnder the Beame I think Graves, 14, rightly explains ‘Trophey’ as ‘arch’, on the analogy of its use for a triumphal arch in Dekker, _Coronation Pageant_ (1603). The only other use of ‘canopy’ for a structural part of a theatre seems to be in _Sophonisba_, iv. 1, ‘Play softly within the canopy’.... ‘Syphax hasteneth within the canopy, as to Sophonisba’s bed’. This is a Blackfriars play, but it might conceivably have been written for Paul’s.

Transcriber’s Notes:

1. Obvious printers’, punctuation and spelling errors have been corrected silently.

2. Where necessary, original spelling has been retained.

3. Where hyphenation is in doubt, it has been retained as in the original.

4. Hyphenated and non-hyphenated versions of the same words have been retained as in the original.

5. Some words seem to have been written as one word, e.g. thexecutor. These have been retained as in the original.

6. Superscripts are represented using the caret character, e.g. D^r. or X^{xx}.

7. Italics are shown as _xxx_.