Chapter I

.

[724] ‘Cette nation nombreuse, pleine de confiance dans ses forces, et brûlant du désir de soumettre à sa domination toute la chrétienté, avait quitté les confins de Perse.’ _Chronique de Saint-Denys_, i. 709.

[725] ‘Quod cum ante complures annos florens illud Orientis imperium everterit et in Occidentis non exigua spacia invaserit, atque oppresserit quod reliquum nobis factum est, omni vi suo intolerabile iugum ditionemque redigere studet.’ Domini de la Vuo, _Disputatio de bello turcico_, bound in with Camerarius, p. 94, in Bibl. Nat., Paris, Imprimés, no. J 860.

[726] Col. Djevad bey, 192-3.

[727] H. Saladin, _Manuel de l’architecture musulmane_, 437-40.

[728] Ibid., 437. On p. 479, Saladin makes another curious statement to the effect that in 1300 the Osmanlis employed architects who had fortified the Seljuk strongholds. I have never been able to find in my reading or from observation of Ottoman constructions any authority for such an assertion.

[729] i. 50. The _medressé_ is, as Seadeddin says, to the right after you enter the Yeni Sheïr gate. The _imaret_ is near the Yeshil Djami, which is the oldest Ottoman mosque extant, dating from 1378. The imam of the Yeshil Djami told me that the imaret was built by Osman’s wife, Malkhatun. According to Seadeddin, however, Malkhatun died before Osman!

[730] Parvillée, p. 6, says that the Oulou-Djami, which is attributed to Murad I in Brusa by popular consent, was not finished until the reign of Mahomet I.

[731] Cf. preface of Parvillée; and Hammer, i. 83.

[732] W. Lübeke, _Geschichte der Architektur_ (6te Auflage), i. 425; Franz-Pasha, _Die Baukunst des Islams_ (third volume of part 2 of _Handbücher der Architektur_), 52, 67.

[733] Mas-Latrie, _Trésor de Chronologie_, and papers on commercial relationship between Cyprus and Asia Minor in _Bibl. de École des Chartes_; Lane-Poole, ‘Successors of the Seljuks in Asia Minor,’ _Journ. Royal Asiatic Soc._, 1882, new series, xiv. 773-80 (Lane-Poole did not avail himself of the precious indications in Ibn Batutah and Shehabeddin, but trusted altogether to Gibb’s translation of Seadeddin’s unreliable chronology. Seadeddin did not have access to as good source-material as Lane-Poole himself!); Clément Huart, ‘Épigraphie arabe d’Asie Mineure,’ _Revue sémitique_, 1894-5.

[734] Muralt, in the bibliography of his _Chronographie Byzantine_, puts Ibn Batutah at 1320. There can be no doubt about this being an error, for when Ibn Batutah visited the Ottoman domains, Orkhan was ruling, and Nicaea had been captured. I put 1340 as latter limit, because Ibn Batutah speaks of some places captured by Orkhan before 1340 as being still independent.

[735] Quatremère, in _Notices et Extraits_, xiii. 152-3, cannot reach a definite conclusion as to whether Shehabeddin is from Damascus, Marash, or Morocco. But I find that Hadji Khalfa, _Dict. Bibl._, Paris MS., fol. 1832, under no. 10874, records him as a ‘writer of Damascus’.

[736] Bibl. Nat., Paris, fonds arabe 2325. For Quatremère trans. see Bibliography.

[737] Ibid., fol. 123 vº.

[738] _Notices et Extraits_, xiv, partie 2, to face p. 77.

[739] See discussion of source-material in Bibliography.

[740] If one asks why Adana and Marash are included in this _résumé_, it must be remembered that these are regions which might legitimately be included in Asia Minor as a portion of the latter Konia Seljuk dominions which we are discussing. In the division of the Roman Empire in the fifth century, Cilicia is given under _Diocesis Oriens_ rather than under _Diocesis Asiana_ with the rest of Asia Minor. To regard Cilicia as belonging to Syria was common up to the days of Mehemet Ali. Ibn Khaldun, _Notices et Extraits_, xix. 1^{ère} partie, p. 143, speaks of Adana as being ‘at the extremity of Syria’, while Cilicia is included in Syria in Abdul Ali Bakri’s description of Africa, Bibl. Nat., Paris, fonds arabe no. 2218, p. 103. Both the Latin and Orthodox Churches made Cilicia depend ecclesiastically upon Antioch: cf. Le Quien, _Oriens Christianus_, ii. col. 869, iii. col. 1181. But, in modern times, we have come to regard this region as a portion of Asia Minor.

[741] Shehabeddin, 339, 369; Ibn Batutah, ii. 295-310; Cant. ii. 28, pp. 470-3; 25, p. 455, iii. 192; Greg. xvi. 6, p. 834; Ducas, 7, pp. 29-30; 18, p. 79; Schlumberger, _Numismatique de l’Orient latin_, 481-5; for Venice’s share in crusade against Smyrna, Romanin, iii. 147; for complete list of princes, Karabeck, in _Numismatische Zeitschrift_, Vienna, 1877, ix. 207.

[742] Shehabeddin, 365.

[743] Ibn Batutah, ii. 267. Shehabeddin, 360, gives Akridur under Hamid.

[744] Ibn Batutah, ii. 285.

[745] Leunclavius, _Ann._, v. 40; Hadji Khalfa, _Djihannuma_, fol. 1769; Sarre, 21. Cf. struggles between Murad and Bayezid and the Karamanlis, pp. 165-7, 187-90 above.

[746] Bosio, ii. 221-2, 237-8; Mas-Latrie, _Hist. de Chypre_, iii. 175, 335. Cf. authorities for Karamania, Tekke, and Satalia, and _Bibl. de l’École des Chartes_, 2e série, i. 326, 328, 498, 505; ii. 138-41.

[747] Not in 1354 by Soleiman, as Cant. iv. 37, p. 284, infers. Hadji Khalfa, _Djihannuma_, fol. 1852-6.

[748] Pachymeres, vii. 13, p. 589.

[749] How does Schlumberger reconcile the continuance of Ayasoluk, or Ephesus, as capital of Aïdin with the Rhodian conquest? Cf. Wood. _Discoveries at Ephesus_, pp. 12, 183, for coins which prove that the chevaliers held the city in 1365. Cf. Palatchia, for treaty made by Venice with an independent prince here in 1403. Ibn Batutah states expressly that Guzel Hissar, or Birgui, was the capital of Aïdin.

[750] Ibn Batutah, ii. 317. Evliya effendi, ii. 19, distinguishes between Balikesri and Karasi in his enumeration of the conquests of Orkhan.

[751] Ibn Batutah, ii. 340.

[752] Sherefeddin, iii. 256; Howorth, iii. 749.

[753] Shehabeddin, 338, 358, 366; Ibn Batutah, ii. 275, 277; Reclus, _Géog. univ._, ix. 633, 645; Baedeker, _Kleinasien_, 2. Aufl., 390. Mas-Latrie, _Trésor de Chronologie_, makes an error in extending the northern boundary of Denizli, which he calls Thingizlu, to the emirate of Marmora.

[754] Panaretos, 13.

[755] Lane-Poole, _Mohammedan Coins in British Museum_, 21-4, 35; ibid., _Mohammedan Coins in Bodleian Library_, 12.

[756] Hadji Khalfa, _Djihannuma_, fol. 1119; Sherefeddin, iii. 257.

[757] Ibn Batutah, ii. 279; Shehabeddin, 370; Bosio, ii. 4.

[758] Ibn Batutah, ii. 270.

[759] Ibn Batutah, ii. 267; Hammer, xvii. 98; Sarre, 21. See also under Akridur, and Nazlu.

[760] Shehabeddin, 339.

[761] Shehabeddin, 363; Ibn Batutah, ii. 326-9; Hammer, xvii. 99.

[762] ‘Ledit Karaman haioit fort le Grant Turc, dont il eust la sœur.’ Bertrandon de la Broquière, Schéfer ed., 120. Bertrandon visited the court of the emir of Konia in 1443 with a Cypriote ambassador.

[763] In time of Osman and Orkhan, Nicolay, 148-9; Howorth, iii. 428; Byzantine historians in Stritter, iii. 1092; Anon., _Hist. de Géorgie_, i. 642; Shehabeddin, 346, 375; Ibn Batutah, ii. 284 (calls them emirs of Larenda); Hammer, i. 262 fol.; Rasmussen, 116; Feridun letters, Bibl. Nat., fonds turc, no. 79, p. 1. In time of Murad and Bayezid, Feridun letters, ibid., pp. 18-20, 30, 33-4, and references in text of this book. For fifteenth century, from re-establishment by Timur, Sherefeddin, iv. 33; Bertrandon de la Broquière, 118-20; Mas-Latrie, _Hist. de Chypre_, iii. 3; _Bibl. de l’École des Chartes_, 2e série, i. 326, 510; ii. 138; Sanuto, in Muratori, xxii. 962. For coins, Lane-Poole, _Bodleian Collection_, 12; _British Museum_, 21-6. The power of Karamania in the fifteenth century will be discussed in a later volume.

[764] Shehabeddin, 350, 357, 372. Cf. Hertzberg, 471.

[765] Shehabeddin, 361; Ibn Batutah, ii. 343-7; _Bibl. de l’École des Chartes_, 2e série, i. 325; Hammer, i. 90, 309-11; Clavijo, 20 vº.

[766] Ibn Batutah, ii. 339.

[767] Ashikpashazadé, Vatican MS., 33.

[768] Hadji Khalfa, _Djihannuma_, 617, 1807-9. It is curious that Hadji Khalfa does not mention the famous potteries of Kutayia.

[769] Persian letter in collection of Feridun, Bibl. Nat., fonds turc no. 79, p. 18.

[770] Shehabeddin, Paris MS., fonds arabe no. 583, fol. 144 rº-vº; Ibn Batutah, ii. 270-1; Hammer, ii. 133, xvii. 98; Schéfer, preface to his edition of Bertrandon de la Broquière, lxi. For expedition of Bayezid against, Phr. i. 26, p. 82; Ducas, 18-19; Chalc. ii, pp. 64-6.

[771] Panaretos, 49, 52.

[772] Hammer, v. 28.

[773] Shehabeddin, 358, 366. In speaking of the propinquity of Denizli and Marmora, one wonders if Mas-Latrie has not confused the Scamander and Maeander rivers. Both of these rivers are called Menderes in Turkish.

[774] Its last emir died without issue in 1425. M. de Ste. Croix, in _Acad. des Inscriptions_, nouv. série, ii. 569-75; Hammer, i. 300-1, xvii. 98; Ducas, 18, p. 79; Lane-Poole, _Coins in British Museum_, 33-4.

[775] Mordtmann, in _Zeitschrift d. m. G._, lxv (1911), p. 105.

[776] See above, p. 225.

[777] Shehabeddin, 360.

[778] Shehabeddin, 367.

[779] Clavijo, fol. 6 vº, 60 vº.

[780] Mas-Latrie, in _Bibl. de l’École des Chartes_, 5e série, v. 219-31, quoting _Pacta_, vi. 129 vº, and _Commem._, ii. 231, iii. 374.

[781] Cf. St. Pierre de Thomas, in Bollandist Coll.

[782] The currency of Byzantine money among the maritime emirates of Asia Minor demonstrates this. See Makrisi, 7, and Stickel, in _Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenländischen Gesellschaft_, viii. 837-9.

[783] Shehabeddin, 339, 360, 368-9; Ibn Batutah, ii. 313; _Commemor._, ii. 231; Greg. xi. 2, p. 530; xv. 5, p. 763; Cant. ii. 29-30, pp. 480-4; iii. 96, pp. 591-6; Ducas, 18, p. 79; Hadji Khalfa, _Djihannuma_, fol. 1820; for relations of Genoese and Byzantines with, Sauli, i. 256-7; for coins, Schlumberger, 479-81; Lane-Poole, _Bodleian_, 12; _British Museum_, 31-2.

[784] ‘Aussi y est Satalie, située en rivages maritimes de Cilicie: d’où a prins son nom le Goulphe de Satalie, anciennement appelé Issa: et a présent la Iasse et en cest endroit Alexandre vainquit Daire ...’ Nicolay, 148. This passage, which shows Adalia confused with Adana, would have helped Bruun in his note on p. 123 of the Hakluyt edition of Schiltberger.

[785] In Bibl. Nat., Paris, MS. fonds turc no. 62, there is a marginal note in Armand’s handwriting which terminates thus: ‘La dynastie des Seljuks de Rum finit en la personne de Kaï Kobad, fils de Feramorg, fils de Kaï Kaous le 14e qui aye regné qui fut exterminé lui et _toute sa race_ par Gazankhan.’ This view was taken by several Orientalists of Armand’s day, but there is good authority for Ghazi Tchelebi’s ancestry.

[786] Fallmerayer, _Originalberichte_, ii. 15, 319; Stella, cited by Muralt, ii. 533; Ibn Batutah, ii. 343.

[787] Matteo Villani, in Muratori, xiv. 663.

[788] Shehabeddin, 359; Ibn Batutah, ii. 277.

[789] Shehabeddin, 371; Ibn Batutah, 258-9, 265; Bustron, _Chronique de Chypre_, 296; Mas-Latrie, _Trésor_, col. 1802; Matteo Villani, in Muratori, xiv, col. 662; Urban V, _Epp. secr._, i. 161; Rasmussen, 45; Schiltberger, 19. (I cannot agree with Bruun that Adana is meant, for there is no reason to believe that the Osmanlis crossed the Taurus into Cilicia for more than one hundred years after the events Schiltberger was describing. See above, p. 296, _n._ 3.)

[790] See note for Mikhalitch.

[791] Weil, iv. 504-624; Heyd, passim under Tarsus, Lajazzo, Adana, and Alexandretta; Mas-Latrie, _Bibl. de l’École des Chartes_, vi. 310-11; Le Nain de Tillemont (éd. Gaulle), iii. 9; iv. 459; Abulfaradj, _Chron. Syr._, 572; Bertrandon de la Broquière (éd. Schéfer), introd., lv. 90-1.

[792] Finlay, iv. 386-92; Panaretos, _passim_.

[793] Ibn Batutah, ii. 314; Cant. ii. 13, pp. 388-90; Phr. i. 8, p. 37; Greg. xi. 9, p. 554; Sauli, i. 256-7. See also in text of this book under Orkhan.

[794] Matteo Villani, in Muratori, xiv. 650, under spring of 1360, says: ‘E per tante guerre e divisioni de’ Turchi gli paesi loro erano rotti e in grande tribulazione. E per questa cagione i Greci havieno minore persecuzione da loro. E più ciò fu materia al Re di Cipro di fare l’impresa sopra loro con honore e vittoria grande.’ Mas-Latrie, in _Bibl. de l’École des Chartes_, 2e série, ii. 122-3, says that the Karamanian army was defeated before Gorhigos in 1361, and that Cyprus, then at the height of its power, was able to impose tribute on the emirs of Asia Minor.

[795] Ibn Batutah, ii. 288-95.

[796] See above under Smyrna, Aïdin, Menteshe, Fukeh, and Tawas. Also in text of book, p. 44.

[797] Cf. Weil, iv. _passim._

[798] See above, p. 123.

[799] The ordinals following the names of Byzantine emperors are a cause of confusion, as there is no universal agreement as to the method of numbering. Some historians count by sovereigns _of the same family_ bearing a particular name (i. e. John I Palaeologos and John II Palaeologos), while others number by the imperial line as a whole (i. e. John V Palaeologos, John VI Cantacuzenos, John VII Palaeologos). I have used the second system.