Part 12

Kodamon of Pindungan and Katiling of Ambabag [25] had a dispute over the boundary of a field. There were paghok to mark the boundary, but Kodamon contended that all memory of the planting of the paghok was absent, and that they were, consequently, without significance in the matter of dispute. They wrestled, and Kodamon lost a little ground, but Katiling tried to take more than was due him according to the verdict of the wrestling matches. Katiling sent men to spade the disputed territory, and led an armed force out to support them. Kodamon led an armed force to the field. At the same time and at a safe distance, the mutual kin of the two parties and a goodly number of neighbors gathered. Kodamon was armed with a Remington rifle whose trigger was broken; Dulinayan, a kinsman of Katiling, with a revolver for which he had no ammunition. The other members of each force however were substantially, if less spectacularly, armed with spears which they well knew how to use. Women rushed in between the two parties, and catching the warriors by the waist tried to lead them away. One can well believe that the air was riven by curses, threats, accusations, upbraidings, imprecations, invocations. The male neutral kin shouted from their safe distance that if Kodamon killed Katiling, they would kill Kodamon (as a vengeance for the death of their kinsman) while if Katiling killed Kodamon, they would avenge their kinsman's death by killing Katiling. "What kind of a way is this for co-villagers to settle a dispute," they shouted. "Go back home and beget some children, and marry them to each other, giving them the two fields, and then it will make no difference where the division line is!" There was an exchange of spears in which Buaya, a kinsman of Kodamon's, was wounded slightly. The matter was then left in abeyance with the understanding that as soon as possible, the two families be united by a marriage, and the two fields given the married couple.

It happened, however, that on account, of the sexes of the unmarried children of the families, a union between them was impossible. Accordingly, Kodamon gave his field to his son Dulnuan, and Katiling traded his field to Pingkihan, his brother. Both of these young men had pregnant wives. Pingkihan's wife gave birth first, the child being a girl. Shortly afterward, Dulnuan's wife gave birth. I met Dulnuan, and not knowing of the event, and noticing that he seemed downcast, asked him why he was so sad. "My wife has given birth to a girl baby," he said. The quarrel over the boundary is as yet unsettled.

Kuyapi of Nagakaran, before the Spanish occupation, sent a slave child to Guminigin of Baay, to be sold in Baliwan (Nueva Vizcaya), stipulating that the child must bring at least five carabaos. Guminigin sold the child for seven carabaos, delivering five to Kuyapi, and kept two.

The Spaniards came. They were exceedingly partial to the people of Kiangan district in which the village of Baay is located. They paid little or no attention to complaints of people of other districts against people of Kiangan district. Many debts owed by Kiangan people were unpaid, for the Kianganites took advantage of the protection given them by the Spaniards. And yet the Nagakaranites and Kianganites were very closely united by marriage and by blood. Indeed Kuyapi and Guminigin were second or third cousins.

Owing to the difficulty the Nagakaran people had in collecting debts owed them by the Kianganites, they conceived for the latter and for the Spaniards a most violent hatred, and began to make reprisals. The Spaniards punished these reprisals by making an expedition to Nagakaran in which they came off second best. [26] They sent another and stronger expedition, which killed a number of people and which burned all the houses in the district. To this day the Nagakaran people have not been able to rebuild their houses--the large trees having long since been cut from nearby forests--and live in wretched shacks built on the ground. They blame the Kiangan people, saying that the latter invited the Spaniards into Ifugao.

Kuyapi claimed that the terms on which he sent the slave to Guminigin were that Guminigin was to receive only one carabao for having effected a sale, and that all the rest were to be delivered to him, and that there was consequently a carabao still due him. It seems likely that the claim was false, and that it was advanced merely as an excuse for making a reprisal.

Pagadut, the son of Guminigin, to whom demand was presented for the payment of the carabao claimed to be yet due, refused to pay this debt. The Nagakaran people made an expedition into Kiangan district (about two miles distant) and captured Ormaya, the daughter of Pagadut, a very comely girl of sixteen or seventeen. In order to make her walk, and in order that she should not continually offer resistance, they took her skirt off so that she would have to cover her shame with her hands and would also hurry to arrive at the journey's end. [27] But the Baay people managed to cut off Lubbut the son of Kuyapi, and imprison him. They took him to a granary in Baay, intending to keep him as a hostage for the return of Ormaya. But word was carried to the ears of the Spanish commandante of this capture. He had Lubbut brought before him. He struck Lubbut, tied although he was, twice in the face, and would have continued, had not Alangwauwi the husband of Ormaya seized and held his arm and beseeched him not to use Lubbut harshly. The commandante promised not to take his life. But a soldier called attention to the fact that a gun had been captured with Lubbut, which gun, it was claimed, was that of a Spanish corporal whom the Nagakaran people had killed. Alangwauwi and his companions started back to their homes in Baay. But on the road, they saw, across the valley, Lubbut with his back turned to a firing squad, saw a puff of white smoke, and saw Lubbut fall into a rice field. Alangwauwi says he burst into tears for he realized that this meant serious trouble for him and his relatives, and placed Ormaya's life in the greatest peril.

When the Nagakaranites heard of Lubbut's death, they at first blamed the people of Baay for it. Inasmuch as it is against the ethics of people of the Kiangan-Nagakaran-Maggok area to kill women, or at least to kill any but Silipan women, they considered walling Ormaya up in a sepulchre and leaving her to die for want of food and drink. The women relatives of Lubbut wanted very much to kill Ormaya, and pointed out that while it would not be permissible for the men to kill her, there would be no disgrace in their doing so. But Kuyapi would have none of it. He himself guarded his prisoner two or three nights to see that her life was not taken.

Soon a monkalun was sent to ascertain the true details of Lubbut's death. His report exonerated the Baay people. The Nagakaran people held Ormaya's ransom considerably higher, however, because of that death. They received five carabaos, twenty pigs, two gold beads, and a great number of spears and bolos, and death blankets. It was five months before the Baay people could raise the amount of this ransom. During this time, Ormaya was well treated--for was she not a kinswoman?--but she was carefully guarded.

THE PAOWA OR TRUCE

139. The usual sense of the term "paowa".--The word paowa means literally prohibition. As most commonly used, it denotes a period of truce imposed by the monkalun in cases that cannot be peaceably arranged. It is a period that gives both sides to a controversy a chance to cool off. It avoids that rash and ill-considered action that would be likely to follow the breaking off of diplomatic relations between the two parties.

I say the paowa serves these purposes. However, it is imposed by the monkalun in order to allow him to withdraw with dignity from the case, and without loss of reputation. A lance throwing or a seizure made while he is acting as monkalun or occurring soon after he has severed his connection with the case is an insult to him. People say to him: Dinalan-da tolban-mo, "they went over your head." Such an occurrence is exceedingly hurtful to his reputation. People will not employ him as monkalun for the reason that his cases do not end in peaceable settlements. He thus loses many fat fees.

Assuming that the Ifugao's culture would some day, if left alone, develop courts somewhat after the fashion of the courts of civilized nations, have we not here the embryo of "contempt of court"?

The period usually set by the monkalun, as truce, is fourteen days. During this time, should one of the parties to the controversy commit any act hostile to the other, the monkalun must avenge or punish it. At the conclusion of this period of truce, the two

## parties may fight out the dispute to suit themselves, kidnapping,

seizing property, or hurling lances, without injuring the dignity of the monkalun; or the aggressive party may employ another monkalun.

140. Another sense of the term "paowa".--Should a wife have committed a crime against the marital relation, and should her husband be unable for any reason to collect the gibu due him in the case, he may put a prohibition on her marrying any other man until the gibu be paid.

TERMINATION OF CONTROVERSIES: PEACE-MAKING

141. The hidit or religious aspects of peace-making.--The word hidit has three senses: It refers to a class of deities, the offspring of one of the principal deities of war; it refers to sacrifices to these deities; it refers to peace-making. Deities, sacrifice, and peace may seem widely distinct, but a glance into the Ifugao's religion will show the connection.

The hidit (deities) desire peace: but the peace must be made in the proper manner, and accompanied by sacrifice to themselves. The hidit have established the taboo that those who are involved in a controversy or enmity must not chew betels with an adversary, nor be in the same house or gathering or feast with him, nor drink with him, nor receive gifts or hospitality from him. The penalty for breaking this taboo is the affliction by the hidit with diseases of the lungs, throat, voice; the condition known as "big belly," leukaemia, short wind, swelling of the feet, dropsy, etc. This may be said to be the punishment for making peace without ceremonies. But sometimes the hidit punish the prolongation of a feud, enmity or controversy, by afflicting one or both of the parties as set forth above. Those who are involved in long enmities sacrifice continually to the hidit in order to offstand such affliction.

The hidit or peace-making ceremony is performed in the following cases:

(a) At the termination of the funeral of a married person. It is performed between the kin of the dead spouse and between those of the living spouse.

(b) Between adversaries in case of adultery, rape of married woman, sorcery, murder, manslaughter, malicious killing of animals, false accusation, disputes over rice fields, theft (sometimes), or other serious controversy, provided the controversy terminate peaceably.

(c) At the peaceful termination of all ordeals and trials.

(d) Between the kin of a dead spouse and the widow or widower on occasion of remarriage of the latter.

(e) Between parties to a controversy ending in payment of the tokom fine.

(f) At the termination of a feud, between the families involved in the feud. A feud was rarely--my belief is that it was never--terminated except by a marriage or on request of one of the members of the family afflicted by the hidit deities. In the latter case, peace might or might not be purchased. At any rate, the family suing for peace furnished the animals for sacrifice.

In most parts--I believe all--of Ifugao, peace was never made between districts or villages. Peace was always made between families; but peace between the principal families of two villages or districts was sometimes in effect a peace between the districts or villages involved--I say sometimes because such a peace was uncertain and undependable.

When peace was made between families of different districts, or between families of the same district in cases of serious controversy, two men were chosen, one by each party to the peace, and with appropriate prayers and ceremonies, were given good spears. It was understood always that these spears were for the purpose of killing the first one of either party who reopened the feud, war, or controversy. After this ceremony, other spears were broken and tied together as a symbol of the breaking and tying up of all enmity; as a symbol, too, that spears were no longer needed.

AN INTER-VILLAGE LAW

142. Neutrality.--When a war expedition or party passed through a village en route against another village, the intermediate village might signify its neutrality by casting a spear at the party. The spear never struck a member of the party, of course, nor was its casting taken as an unfriendly act. It was merely a declaration of neutrality. Should a village fail to cast a spear in these circumstances at such a party, the people of it would be held as enemies and accomplices of the members of the war party.

APPENDICES

APPENDIX 1: IFUGAO RECKONING OF RELATIONSHIP

All Ifugao words denoting relationships except the words for father and mother are common in gender.

To any individual of any generation:

1. All his kin of his own generation are tulang (brothers, sisters).

2. All children of his kin of his own generation are anak (sons, daughters).

3. All grandchildren, great-grandchildren, etc., of his kin of his own generation are apo (grandsons, granddaughters).

4. All kin of the same generation as his father and mother are ama or ina (father or mother).

5. All kin of the same generation as his grandparents, great-grandparents, etc., are apo (grandparents).

6. All relatives by marriage who are the husbands and wives of the kin of the same generation are aidu (brother-in-law, sister-in-law).

7. All relatives by marriage, the husbands and wives of the kin of the generation of his father and mother, are amaon or inaon.

8. The father or mother of his wife are ama or ina (father or mother), by courtesy.

9. The kin of the father or mother of his wife are tulang di ama (or ina) 'n di inay-ak (kin of the father, or mother, of my wife).

In the Benaue district, the kin of one's father or mother, in addition to being called father or mother, are also called ulitao (uncle or aunt), and the husbands or wives of the ulitao are called ulitaon (uncles-in-law, aunts-in-law). The son or daughter of a kinsman or a kinswoman of the same generation in addition to being called son or daughter of one's self is called amanaon.

APPENDIX 2: CONNECTION OF RELIGION WITH PROCEDURE

An Ifugao myth.--Partly because of its connection with the Ifugao marriage ceremony, partly because it illustrates so well the use to which the Ifugao puts his myths--rarely telling them for amusement, but reciting them in religious ceremonies as a means to magic--and

## partly because it is so characteristically Ifugao, I have decided

to append the following myth, despite the fact that it might more properly appear in a work on religion.

Most of the Ifugao's myths have either been invented or if not invented, changed, for the purpose of affording an analogy to the solution of the difficulties or misfortunes that confront men today. The Ifugaos have a myth telling of a great flood, whose only survivors were a brother and sister--Balitok and Bugan. In chagrin and shame because her brother has gotten her with child, Bugan flees into the East Region to seek destruction from the terrors there. They refuse to destroy her, but teach her how to take the curse off marriages between kindred by the sacrifice of two pigs, a male and female of the same litter. Notice how a flood myth--an element in the mythology of nearly every people under the sun--has been modified and made to serve a magic purpose.

The myth given below is a further and utterly inconsistent modification of this flood myth. In the myth above, Balitok and Bugan are represented as having a child and not wanting it--in the myth below, they have no child but want one.

The ceremony of using a myth to serve a religious end consists of two parts. The first is the recitation of the myth by the priest. This is called bukad. In affords an analogy to the condition of sickness, war, famine, harvest, union in marriage, or what not, in which the performers of the ceremony find themselves, and the happy solution of the problem. It is terminated by what I term the fiat. This is an expression of the priest's will that the happy solution related in the myth shall be existent in the present situation. It is not, I think, the fact of the priest's will that is thought to bring about the solution so much as the compelling and magic power of his spoken word to that end.

Up to this stage, the ceremony is sympathetic magic. In the second stage it becomes witchcraft, and is called tulud, "pushing." In it the priest "pushes" the deities of the myth over the route from their habitations in the Skyworld, the Underworld, the East Region, the West Region, or wheresoever they may abide, step by step to the village of the Ifugaos performing the ceremony. He may recite their passage through as many as thirty or forty localities, and as the priest drones: "They climb the steep at Nunbalabog; they descend at Baat, they wade at Monkilkalney," etc., the compelling power of his spoken word "pushes" the deities along. Finally the deities arrive and declare through the priest that they will confer the benefits requested.

This myth is employed in all of the final ceremonies of marriage, and in all ceremonies of married persons that have the obtaining of children as their object. The translation is absolutely literal and without embellishment.

How Balitok and Bugan obtained children.--And it is said that Bugan and Balitok of Kiangan were childless. "What is the use [of living]?" said Bugan. "Stay here, Balitok. I am going to go to the East Country. I will see Ngilin, Umbumabakal, Dauwak, Pinyuhan, Bolang, and the Gods of Animal Fertility of the East." She got betels together and packed them. Bugan and Balitok ate. After finishing, they chewed betels.

Bugan put her pack on her head and started. She came to Baladong [Ligaue Gap]. She went on to Kituman. Went eastward to Ulu. Forded at Agwatan. Encountered the Fire at Bayukan. He [the Fire] asked, "Where are you going, Bugan?"

"I am going into the East Region," said Bugan, "because we are childless, Balitok and I. I am going to find some one to devour me, because we are very lonely." Fire laughed. "Do not feel so, Bugan," he said, "keep going eastward until you come to Ngilin, Umbumabakal, and the deities of the East Region."

Bugan put her pack on her head and continued to Balahiang. She came to the lake [or ocean(?)] at Balahiang. She aroused the Crocodile.

"Who are you, human?" said the Crocodile.

"I am Bugan of Kiangan."

"And why is it," said the Crocodile, "although the Flood of the East Region and the Flood of the West Region came upon me and fear to arouse me, that you, Bugan, a [mere] human, [presume to] molest me?"

"Yes," said Bugan, "that was my intention; for I am searching for someone to devour me."

"Why?" said the Crocodile.

"Yes, for I have become very lonely; for Balitok and I have no children."

The Crocodile chuckled. "Oh, I will not devour you, Bugan," he said. "I would shame to devour one so beautiful. Continue on eastward, and arrive at the dwelling of the Shark. Wake him up, in order that he shall be the one to devour you."

Bugan thought well of it. She put her pack on her head. She went on eastward and came to the waters where dwells the Shark. It was fear-inspiring, and caused her to exclaim "Inay!" She was terrified, but she conquered her fear. She reached for betels, and threw them between her teeth. She crushed them. They became like blood. Bugan spat into the waters. She beheld a great wave circle. The Shark came into sight. He grunted.

"Who are you, human?" he said.

"I am Bugan, the wife of Balitok at Kiangan," she said.

"And why is it that you arouse me, human? And there come the Strong Wind of the East and the Strong Wind of the West, and they arouse me not; for I am ferocious here in the East Region. Yet you, Bugan, the wife of Balitok at Kiangan, you arouse me?"

"Yes, that is what I purpose," said Bugan, "for I am looking for someone to devour me."

The Shark chuckled. "Why?" he said.

"Yes, for I want to be devoured because Balitok and I have no children."

"I would shame to do so, for you are a beautiful woman. Come into my house in the Waters in order that we may eat."

Bugan entered. They ate.

"Continue," said the Shark, "into the East Region. Go unto the dwellings of Umbumabakal and the Gods of Animal Fertility."

Bugan rose to the surface of the waters, and on the beach again put her pack on her head. She continued the journey. She came to Lumbut, to the house of Umbumabakal. The house was covered with enormous ferns. It terrified her. She threw betels between her teeth, and put down her fear. She passed through the gate of the enclosure about the house, and sat down on the rice mortar. In the evening of the day Umbumabakal came down. He was looking for something to eat. He passed through the gate. Bugan hid herself in a large wooden bucket. Umbumabakal kept sniffing the air.

"Why is it that there is something human here now," he said, "yet nothing of the kind has ever happened before?"

He sought for Bugan. He found her in the bucket.

"Why, human, are you here?" he said.

"I am Bugan, the wife of Balitok."

"Why do you come here, Bugan, wife of Balitok?" he said.

"Because I want to be devoured."

"Why?"

"Yes, for we are childless at Kiangan."

"Umbumabakal laughed. "Well," said he, "tomorrow we will go to the dwelling of Ngilin and the other Gods of Animal Fertility."

On the morrow they visited the various Gods of Animal Fertility. They gathered pigs and chickens as gifts to Balitok and Bugan. "Return to Kiangan," they said. "We will go with you."

[At this point, some priests change the myth into a tulud, while some continue it as a myth. We will here insert the method of this change.]

[Fiat by the priest, i.e., a statement of the priest's will:] It is not formerly, but now; not to Kiangan that they come but here to our village of X, in order that they relieve A and B of childlessness; in order that they increase the life here in our village of X. They bring children and pigs and chickens and miraculous increase of rice to A and B here in our village of X.