Part 1
# The story of the universe, told by great scientists and popular authors. Volume 1 (of 4), The starry skies. ### By Unknown
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TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE
Italic text is denoted by _underscores_.
Footnote anchors are denoted by [number], and the footnotes have been placed at the end of each chapter.
A superscript is denoted by ^x, for example Pi^2 or 3^h.
A subscript is denoted by _{x}, for example L_{2}.
Basic fractions are displayed as ½ ⅓ ¼ etc; other fractions are shown in the form a/b, for example 1/200 or 95/729. A few fractions were of the form a-b in the original book; these have been changed to a/b for consistency.
Some minor changes to the text are noted at the end of the book.
[Illustration: The Zodiacal Light]
THE STORY OF THE UNIVERSE
_Told by Great Scientists and Popular Authors_
COLLECTED AND EDITED _By_ ESTHER SINGLETON
Author of “Turrets, Towers and Temples,” “Wonders of Nature,” “The World’s Great Events,” “Famous Paintings,” Translator of Lavignac’s “Music Dramas of Richard Wagner”
_FULLY ILLUSTRATED_
VOLUME I
THE STARRY SKIES
P. F. COLLIER AND SON NEW YORK
COPYRIGHT 1905 BY P. F. COLLIER & SON
PREFACE
In the following pages I have endeavored to present a comprehensive and general view of the material side of the universe. Instead of trying myself to tell the story of the universe, I have gone to the works of acknowledged weight and authority in this line of research and selected from them extracts of a popular character, especially those that are entertaining as well as merely instructive. The average reader is frequently repelled from the study of the sciences by the dry treatment adopted by those who try to instruct him. He cares little for laws, theories, or affinities; and he can not help being bored by attempts to make him understand classifications with their long lists of words manufactured from the names of modern celebrities or non-entities and roots from dead languages. I have therefore kept constantly in mind the person who seeks entertaining knowledge, and not the scientific specialist. I have tried to avoid all technicalities wherever possible.
Of late years, in fact ever since the foundation of the British Association, there has been a constantly increasing interest in the wonders of nature; and the specialist has responded to this popular interest in his scientific labors by speaking in language that an intelligent child can comprehend. People as a rule prefer to read of the habits, instincts, intelligence, and movements of animals and plants, rather than of their organs and structure. Thus the study of Natural History has received a great impetus from the writings of such men as Darwin and Lubbock; and Astronomy has been rendered more attractive to the lay reader by Flammarion, Gore, Proctor, and Ball. Every traveler who returns from remote or hitherto unknown Arctic or Torrid Zones has something fresh to tell us of the phenomena and life of our universe, which adds fresh stimulus to the popular interest in the Natural Sciences.
The Story of the Universe naturally falls under the following four heads:
First, the bodies moving in infinite space, including stars, dark and lucid, planets, nebulæ, comets, and meteors.
Second, the Earth, considered as a separate world and the only one of which we have precise detailed knowledge. In this chapter we learn of the past of our globe from the evidence afforded by the rocks of which its crust is composed. The varying conformations of its present surface are described, as is its atmospheric envelope and attendant phenomena. The ocean and its movements and depths are likewise fully considered.
Third, the Earth’s Garment—its flora. In this chapter we are told of the wonders and beauties of plant-life, its development and distribution.
Fourth, the Earth’s Creatures. Here we have a general view of animal life, from the mighty mammoth to the fairy fly: even the beings visible only to the microscope are not forgotten. Special attention is also paid to man, from his origin to the present day.
I have made the selections from authentic editions of the writings of the scientists; and have taken no liberties with the text, with the exception of occasional cutting.
In the Introduction I have given a short sketch of the development of the Natural Sciences, from the dawn of written history to the present day.
E. S.
NEW YORK, _March, 1905_.
INTRODUCTION
The knowledge of the Natural Sciences among the Greeks and Romans was derived principally from the Egyptians and Babylonians. The Phœnicians in their voyages, also, necessarily paid considerable attention to Astronomy. Their Cynosura consisted of the tail of the Little Bear, by which they steered. The great names in Greek Astronomy are Aratus, Hipparchus, and Ptolemy.
From the fancies of Astrology, in which the early Arabs largely indulged, and which, though discountenanced by Mahomet himself, have never been wholly abandoned by their descendants, a not unnatural transition, led to the study of Astronomy. Under the patronage of the Abbaside Caliph Al-Mamun (813-833 A. D.) this science made rapid progress.
Astronomy was zealously studied in the famous schools of Bagdad and Cordova.
The _Almagest_, or System of Astronomy, by Ptolemy, was translated into Arabic by Alhazi and Sergius as early as 812. In the Tenth Century, Albaten observed the advance of the line of the apsides in the earth’s orbit; Mohammed-ben-Jeber-al-Batani, the obliquity of the ecliptic; Alpetragius wrote a theory of the planets; and Abul-Hassan-Ali, on astronomical instruments. The obliquity of the ecliptic, the diameter of the earth, and even the precession of the equinoxes, were then calculated with commendable accuracy; and shortly after, Abul-Mezar’s _Introduction to Astronomy_ and his _Treatise on the Conjunction of the Planets_, with the _Elements_ of Al-Furjanee (though this last author was largely indebted to the Egyptian labors of Ptolemy), proved that the caliph’s liberality had been well bestowed. But Al-Batinee, a native of Syria (879-920 A. D.), surpassed all his predecessors in the nicety alike of his observations and computations. Geber, at Seville, constructed (1196 A. D.) the first astronomical observatory on record; and Ebn-Korrah in Egypt proved by his example that the Arabs could be even better astronomers than the Greeks.
Ulug Bekh, grandson of the great Tamerlane, was a diligent observer. He established an academy of astronomers at Samarcand, the capital of his dominions, and constructed magnificent instruments. Ulug Bekh, too, made a catalogue of the fixed stars—the only one that had been compiled since that of Hipparchus, sixteen centuries previously.
Gradually, by their intercourse with civilized nations, the Arabian conquerors were themselves subjected to the humanizing influence of letters, and, after 749 A. D., or during the reign of the Abassides, literature, arts, and sciences appeared, and were generously fostered under the splendid sway, first of Almansor (754-775), and afterward of the celebrated Harun-al-Raschid (786-808). Learned men were now invited from many countries and remunerated for their labors with princely munificence; the works of the best Greek, Syriac, and old Persian writers were translated into Arabic, and spread abroad in numerous copies. The Caliph Al-Mamun, who reigned from 813 to 833, offered to the Greek emperor five tons of gold and a perpetual treaty of peace on condition that the philosopher Leo should be allowed to give instruction to the former. Under the same Caliph the famous schools of Bagdad, Basra, Bokhara, and Kufa were founded, and large libraries were collected in Alexandria, Cairo, and Bagdad. The school of Cordova in Spain soon rivaled that of Bagdad, and in the Tenth Century the Arabs were everywhere the preservers and distributers of knowledge.
Pupils from France and other European countries repaired to Spain in great numbers, to study mathematics and medicine under the Arabs. There were fourteen academies, with many preparatory and upper schools, in Spain, and five very considerable public libraries; that of the Caliph Hakem containing, as is said, more than 600,000 volumes.
In Geography, History, Philosophy, Medicine, Physics, and Mathematics the Arabians rendered important services to science; and the Arabic words still employed in science—such as algebra, alcohol, azimuth, zenith, nadir, with many names of stars, etc. (see _The Arabian Heavens_, pages 106-120 of Vol. I)—remain as indications of their influence on the early intellectual culture of Europe. But Geography owes most to them during the Middle Ages. In Africa and Asia, the boundaries of geographical science were extended, and the old Arab treatises on geography and works of travels in several countries by Abulfeda, Edrisi, Leo Africanus, Ibn Batuta, Ibn Foslan, Ibn Jobair, Albiruni the astronomer, and others, are still interesting.
The structure of the earth received little attention from the ancients; the extent of its surface known was limited, and the changes upon it were neither so speedy nor violent as to excite special attention. The only opinions deserving to be noticed are those of Pythagoras and Strabo, both of whom observed the phenomena which were then altering the surface of the earth, and proposed theories for explaining the changes that had taken place in geological time. The first held that, in addition to volcanic action, the change in the level of sea and land was owing to the retiring of the sea; while the other maintained that the land changed its level, and not the sea, and that such changes happened more easily to the land below the sea because of its humidity.
From the fall of the Roman empire, during the Dark Ages, the physical sciences were neglected. In the Tenth Century, Avicenna, Omar, and other Arabian writers commented on the works of the Romans, but added little of their own.
Geological phenomena attracted attention in Italy in the Sixteenth Century, the absorbing question then being as to the nature of fossils; only a few maintained that they were the remains of animals. Two centuries elapsed before the opinion was generally adopted.
Aristotle was the first who collected, in his work _On Meteors_, the current prognostics of the weather. Some of these were derived from the Egyptians, who had studied the science as a branch of Astronomy, while a considerable number were the result of his own observation. The next writer upon this subject was Theophrastus, one of Aristotle’s pupils, who classified the opinions commonly received regarding the weather under four heads, viz., the prognostics of rain, of wind, of storm, and of fine weather. The subject was discussed purely in its popular and practical bearings, and no attempt was made to explain phenomena whose occurrence appeared so irregular and capricious. Cicero, Virgil, and a few other writers also wrote on the subject; but the treatise of Theophrastus contains nearly all that was known down to comparatively recent times. Partial explanations were attempted by Aristotle and Lucretius, but their explanations were vague, and often absurd.
In this dormant condition meteorology remained for ages, and no progress was made till proper instruments were invented for making real observations with regard to the temperature, the pressure, the humidity, and the electricity of the air.
Solomon spoke of “trees, from the cedar in Lebanon even to the hyssop that springeth out of the wall.” There is reason also to believe that Zoroaster devoted some attention to plants, and that this study early engaged some of the philosophers of Greece. The oldest botanical work which has come down to us is that of Theophrastus, the pupil of Aristotle, who flourished in the fourth century B. C. His descriptions of plants are very unsatisfactory, but his knowledge of their organs and of vegetable physiology may well be deemed wonderful. It was not, indeed, till after the revival of letters in Western Europe, that it was ever again studied as it had been by him. About four hundred years after Theophrastus, in the First Century of the Christian era, Dioscorides of Anazarbus, in Asia Minor—a herbalist, however, rather than a botanist—described more than 600 plants in a work which continued in great repute throughout the Middle Ages.
About the same time, the elder Pliny devoted a share of his attention to Botany, and his writings contain some account of more than 1,000 species, compiled from various sources and mingled with many errors. Centuries elapsed without producing another name worthy to be mentioned. It was among the Arabians that the science next began to be cultivated, about the close of the Eighth Century. The greatest name of this period is Avicenna. Among the Arabs, Botany, like Chemistry, was chiefly studied as subsidiary to medicine; but as an adjunct to the old herbal pharmacopœia, it received close attention. The principal mercurial and arsenical preparations of the _materia medica_, the sulphates of several metals, the properties of acids and alkalies, the distillation of alcohol—in fine, whatever resources chemistry availed itself of up to a very recent date—were, with their practical application, known to Er-Razi and Geber. In fact, the numerous terms borrowed from the Arabic language—for instance, alcohol, alkali, alembic, and others—with the signs of drugs and the like, still in use among modern apothecaries, remain to show how deeply this science is indebted to Arab research.
Aristotle seems to have been the first to study Zoology. Some of the groups he established still retain their place in the most modern classifications. His two great sections of the Animal Kingdom consisted of Enanima (red blood) and Anima (having a circulation of colorless fluid). Ælian and Pliny wrote on the subject, but they indulged largely in fables. There was little advance in the science during the Dark and Middle Ages. The _Bestiaries_ were written for the sake of moral teaching, and the animals had to behave with that end in view. Albertus Magnus is the only famous name in this department before the revival of learning.
The shining light of the Thirteenth Century was Roger Bacon. His _Opus Majus_ is “at once the Encyclopædia and the Novum Organum of the Thirteenth Century.” In this, besides other branches of scientific research, he devotes a rapid examination to questions of Climate, Hydrography, Geography, and Astrology. Scientific research, however, was out of date, and from the educated world Roger Bacon received small recognition. His writings earned only a prison from his own Order, and he died, in his own words, “unheard, forgotten, buried.”
The Revival of Learning, commonly known as the Period of the Renaissance, naturally entailed renewed interest in the sciences as well as the arts. Green gives a comprehensive view of it:
“The last royalist had only just laid down his arms when the little company who were at a later time to be known as the Royal Society gathered round Wilkins at Oxford. It is in this group of scientific observers that we catch the secret of the coming generation. From the vexed problems, political and religious, with which it had so long wrestled in vain, England turned at last to the physical world around it, to the observation of its phenomena, to the discovery of the laws which govern them. The pursuit of physical science became a passion; and its method of research, by observation, comparison, and experiment, transformed the older methods of inquiry in matters without its pale. In religion, in politics, in the study of man and of nature, not faith but reason, not tradition but inquiry, were to be the watchwords of the coming time. The dead-weight of the past was suddenly rolled away, and the new England heard at last and understood the call of Francis Bacon.
“Bacon had already called men with a trumpet-voice to such studies; but in England at least Bacon stood before his age. The beginnings of physical science were more slow and timid there than in any country of Europe. Only two discoveries of any real value came from English research before the Restoration; the first, Gilbert’s discovery of terrestrial magnetism in the close of Elizabeth’s reign; the next, the great discovery of the circulation of the blood, which was taught by Harvey in the reign of James. Apart from these illustrious names England took little share in the scientific movement of the continent; and her whole energies seemed to be whirled into the vortex of theology and politics by the Civil War. But the war had not reached its end when a little group of students were to be seen in London, men ‘inquisitive,’ says one of them, ‘into natural philosophy and other parts of human learning, and particularly of what hath been called the New Philosophy,... which from the times of Galileo at Florence, and Sir Francis Bacon (Lord Verulam) in England, hath been much cultivated in Italy, France, Germany, and other parts abroad, as well as with us in England.’ The strife of the time indeed aided in directing the minds of men to natural inquiries. ‘To have been always tossing about some theological question,’ says the first historian of the Royal Society, Bishop Sprat, ‘would have been to have made that their private diversion, the excess of which they disliked in the public. To have been eternally musing on civil business and the distresses of the country was too melancholy a reflection. It was nature alone which could pleasantly entertain them in that estate.’ Foremost in the group stood Doctors Wallis and Wilkins, whose removal to Oxford, which had just been reorganized by the Puritan Visitors, divided the little company into two societies. The Oxford society, which was the more important of the two, held its meetings at the lodgings of Dr. Wilkins, who had become Warden of Wadham College, and added to the names of its members that of the eminent mathematician Dr. Ward, and that of the first of English economists, Sir William Petty. ‘Our business,’ Wallis tells us, ‘was (precluding matters of theology and state affairs) to discourse and consider of philosophical inquiries and such as related thereunto, as Physick, Anatomy, Geometry, Astronomy, Navigation, Statics, Magnetics, Chymicks, Mechanicks, and Natural Experiments: with the state of these studies, as then cultivated at home and abroad. We then discoursed of the circulation of the blood, the valves in the _venæ lacteæ_, the lymphatic vessels, the Copernican hypothesis, the nature of comets and new stars, the satellites of Jupiter, the oval shape of Saturn, the spots in the sun and its turning on its own axis, the inequalities and selenography of the moon, the several phases of Venus and Mercury, the improvement of telescopes, the grinding of glasses for that purpose, the weight of air, the possibility or impossibility of vacuities, and Nature’s abhorrence thereof, the Torricellian experiment in quicksilver, the descent of heavy bodies and the degree of acceleration therein, and divers other things of like nature.’
“The other little company of inquirers, who remained in London, was at last broken up by the troubles of the Second Protectorate; but it was revived at the Restoration by the return to London of the more eminent members of the Oxford group. Science suddenly became the fashion of the day. Charles was himself a fair chymist, and took a keen interest in the problems of navigation. The Duke of Buckingham varied his freaks of riming, drinking, and fiddling by fits of devotion to his laboratory. Poets like Dryden and Cowley, courtiers like Sir Robert Murray and Sir Kenelm Digby joined the scientific company to which in token of his sympathy with it the King gave the title of ‘The Royal Society.’ The curious glass toys called Prince Rupert’s drops recall the scientific inquiries which, with the study of etching, amused the old age of the great cavalry leader of the Civil War. Wits and fops crowded to the meetings of the new society. Statesmen like Lord Somers felt honored at being chosen its presidents. Its definite establishment marks the opening of a great age of scientific discovery in England. Almost every year of the half century which followed saw some step made to a wider and truer knowledge. Our first national observatory rose at Greenwich, and modern astronomy began with the long series of astronomical observations which immortalized the name of Flamsteed. His successor, Halley, undertook the investigation of the tides, of comets, and of terrestrial magnetism. Hooke improved the microscope, and gave a fresh impulse to microscopical research. Boyle made the air-pump a means of advancing the science of pneumatics, and became the founder of experimental chymistry. Wilkins pointed forward to the science of philology in his scheme of a universal language. Sydenham introduced a careful observation of nature and facts which changed the whole face of medicine. The physiological researches of Willis first threw light upon the structure of the brain. Woodward was the founder of mineralogy. In his edition of Willoughby’s _Ornithology_, and in his own _History of Fishes_, John Ray was the first to raise zoology to the rank of a science; and the first scientific classification of animals was attempted in his _Synopsis of Quadrupeds_. Modern botany began with his _History of Plants_, and the researches of an Oxford professor, Robert Morison; while Grew divided with Malpighi the credit of founding the study of vegetable physiology. But great as some of these names undoubtedly are, they are lost in the lustre of Isaac Newton. Newton was born at Woolsthorpe in Lincolnshire, on Christmas Day, in the memorable year which saw the outbreak of the Civil War. In the year of the Restoration he entered Cambridge, where the teaching of Isaac Barrow quickened his genius for mathematics, and where the method of Descartes had superseded the older modes of study. From the close of his Cambridge career his life became a series of great physical discoveries. At twenty-three he facilitated the calculation of planetary movements by his theory of Fluxions. The optical discoveries to which he was led by his experiments with the prism, and which he partly disclosed in the lectures which he delivered as mathematical professor at Cambridge, were embodied in the theory of light which he laid before the Royal Society on becoming a Fellow of it. His discovery of the law of gravitation had been made as early as 1666; but the erroneous estimate which was then generally received of the earth’s diameter prevented him from disclosing it for sixteen years; and it was not till the eve of the Revolution that the _Principia_ revealed to the world his new theory of the Universe.”
Ever since the Fifteenth Century, when Copernicus revived the ancient theory of Pythagoras that the planets revolved around the sun (a theory left in an imperfect state and demonstrated later by Kepler, Galileo, Newton, and others) astronomical research has progressed steadily. It must be remembered, however, that _De Revolutionibus Orbium_, which met with great opposition, contained nothing regarding the laws of motion, for these had not been as yet discovered, and Saturn marked the boundaries of the Solar System. Copernicus assigned the “fixed stars” to a sphere, as in Ptolemy’s heavens (see page 331).
The great Danish astronomer, Tycho Brahe, whose idea of the Solar System is represented on page 343, was his opponent. Brahe, however, a devoted student, a man of wealth, the favorite of kings and princes, and the proud possessor of the Castle of Uraniberg (City of the Heavens), an observatory equipped with fine instruments and built for him by Frederick II, King of Denmark, on the island of Hueen, and after his death the protégé of Rudolph II at Benatek, near Prague, contributed greatly to the advancement of the science by means of his discoveries, computations, solar and lunar tables, and catalogue of stars. He, like Copernicus, placed the “fixed stars” in an outer sphere. His observations on the planets were made to prove the truth of his system. This mass of observations was used instead by Johann Kepler, who had been his assistant at the Benatek Observatory, to prove Copernicus’s theory. Of Kepler, the discoverer of the three famous laws, who gave a complete theory of solar eclipses, calculated the transits of Mercury and Venus, and made numerous discoveries in optics and general physics, Proctor says: