Chapter 29 of 197 · 2073 words · ~10 min read

CHAPTER III

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EARLIEST STAGES OF HARMONICS.

AMONG the ancients, the science of Music was an application of Arithmetic, as Optics and Mechanics were of Geometry. The story which is told concerning the origin of their arithmetical music, is the following, as it stands in the Arithmetical Treatise of Nicomachus.

Pythagoras, walking one day, meditating on the means of measuring musical notes, happened to pass near a blacksmith's shop, and had his attention arrested by hearing the hammers, as they struck the anvil, produce the sounds which had a musical relation to each other. On listening further, he found that the intervals were a Fourth, a Fifth, and an Octave; and on weighing the hammers, it appeared that the one which gave the Octave was _one-half_ the heaviest, the one which gave the Fifth was _two-thirds_, and the one which gave the Fourth was _three-quarters_. He returned home, reflected upon this phenomenon, made trials, and finally discovered, that if he stretched musical strings of equal lengths, by weights which have the proportion of one-half, two-thirds, and three-fourths, they produced intervals which were an Octave, a Fifth, and a Fourth. This observation gave an arithmetical measure of the principal Musical Intervals, and made Music an arithmetical subject of speculation.

This story, if not entirely a philosophical fable, is undoubtedly inaccurate; for the musical intervals thus spoken of would not be produced by striking with hammers of the weights there stated. But it is true that the notes of strings have a definite relation to the forces which stretch them; and this truth is still the groundwork of the theory of musical concords and discords.

Nicomachus says that Pythagoras found the weights to be, as I have mentioned, in the proportion of 12, 6, 8, 9; and the intervals, an Octave, corresponding to the proportion 12 to 6, or 2 to 1; a Fifth, corresponding to the proportion 12 to 8, or 3 to 2; and a Fourth, corresponding to the proportion 12 to 9, or 4 to 3. There is no doubt that this statement of the ancient writer is inexact as to the physical fact, for the rate of vibration of a string, on which its note depends, is, {106} other things being equal, not as the weight, but as the square root of the weight. But he is right as to the essential point, that those ratios of 2 to 1, 3 to 2, and 4 to 3, are the characteristic ratios of the Octave, Fifth, and Fourth. In order to produce these intervals, the appended weights must be, not as 12, 9, 8, and 6, but as 12, 6¾, 5⅓, and 3.

The numerical relations of the other intervals of the musical scale, as well as of the Octave, Fifth, and Fourth, were discovered by the Greeks. Thus they found that the proportion in a Major Third was 5 to 4; in a Minor Third, 6 to 5; in a Major Tone, 9 to 8; in a Semitone or _Diesis_, 16 to 15. They even went so far as to determine the _Comma_, in which the interval of two notes is so small that they are in the proportion of 81 to 80. This is the interval between two notes, each of which may be called the Seventeenth above the key-note;--the one note being obtained by ascending a Fifth four times over; the other being obtained by ascending through two Octaves and a Major Third. The want of exact coincidence between these two notes is an inherent arithmetical imperfection in the musical scale, of which the consequences are very extensive.

The numerical properties of the musical scale were worked out to a very great extent by the Greeks, and many of their Treatises on this subject remain to us. The principal ones are the seven authors published by Meibomius.[2\2] These arithmetical elements of Music are to the present day important and fundamental portions of the Science of Harmonics.

[Note 2\2: _Antiquæ Musicæ Scriptores septem_, 1652.]

It may at first appear that the truth, or even the possibility of this history, by referring the discovery to accident, disproves our doctrine, that this, like all other fundamental discoveries, required a distinct and well-pondered Idea as its condition. In this, however, as in all cases of supposed accidental discoveries in science, it will be found, that it was exactly the possession of such an Idea which made the accident possible.

Pythagoras, assuming the truth of the tradition, must have had an exact and ready apprehension of those relations of musical sounds, which are called respectively an Octave, a Fifth, and a Fourth. If he had not been able to conceive distinctly this relation, and to apprehend it when heard, the sounds of the anvil would have struck his ears to no more purpose than they did those of the smiths themselves. He {107} must have had, too, a ready familiarity with numerical ratios; and, moreover (that in which, probably, his superiority most consisted), a disposition to connect one notion with the other--the musical relation with the arithmetical, if it were found possible. When the connection was once suggested, it was easy to devise experiments by which it might be confirmed.

"The philosophers of the Pythagorean School,[3\2] and in particular, Lasus of Hermione, and Hippasus of Metapontum, made many such experiments upon strings; varying both their lengths and the weights which stretched them; and also upon vessels filled with water, in a greater or less degree." And thus was established that connection of the Idea with the Fact, which this Science, like all others, requires.

[Note 3\2: Montucla, iii. 10.]

I shall quit the Physical Sciences of Ancient Greece, with the above brief statement of the discovery of the fundamental principles which they involved; not only because such initial steps must always be the most important in the progress of science, but because, in reality, the Greeks made no advances beyond these. There took place among them no additional inductive processes, by which new facts were brought under the dominion of principles, or by which principles were presented in a more comprehensive shape than before. Their advance terminated in a single stride. Archimedes had stirred the intellectual world, but had not put it in progressive motion: the science of Mechanics stopped where he left it. And though, in some objects, as in Harmonics, much was written, the works thus produced consisted of deductions from the fundamental principles, by means of arithmetical calculations; occasionally modified, indeed, by reference to the pleasures which music, as an art, affords, but not enriched by any new scientific truths.

[3d Ed.] We should, however, quit the philosophy of the ancient Greeks without a due sense of the obligations which Physical Science in all succeeding ages owes to the acute and penetrating spirit in which their inquiries in that region of human knowledge were conducted, and to the large and lofty aspirations which were displayed, even in their failure, if we did not bear in mind both the multifarious and comprehensive character of their attempts, and some of the causes which limited their progress in positive science. They speculated and {108} theorized under a lively persuasion that a Science of every part of nature was possible, and was a fit object for the exercise of man's best faculties; and they were speedily led to the conviction that such a science must clothe its conclusions in the language of mathematics. This conviction is eminently conspicuous in the writings of Plato. In the _Republic_, in the _Epinomis_, and above all in the _Timæus_, this conviction makes him return, again and again, to a discussion of the laws which had been established or conjectured in his time, respecting Harmonics and Optics, such as we have seen, and still more, respecting Astronomy, such as we shall see in the next Book. Probably no succeeding step in the discovery of the Laws of Nature was of so much importance as the full adoption of this pervading conviction, that there must be Mathematical Laws of Nature, and that it is the business of Philosophy to discover these Laws. This conviction continues, through all the succeeding ages of the history of science, to be the animating and supporting principle of scientific investigation and discovery. And, especially in Astronomy, many of the erroneous guesses which the Greeks made, contain, if not the germ, at least the vivifying life-blood, of great truths, reserved for future ages.

Moreover, the Greeks not only sought such theories of special parts of nature, but a general Theory of the Universe. An essay at such a theory is the _Timæus_ of Plato; too wide and too ambitious an attempt to succeed at that time; or, indeed, on the scale on which he unfolds it, even in our time; but a vigorous and instructive example of the claim which man's Intellect feels that it may make to understand the universal frame of things, and to render a reason for all that is presented to it by the outward senses.

Further; we see in Plato, that one of the grounds of the failure in this attempt, was the assumption that the _reason why_ every thing is what it is and as it is, must be that so it is _best_, according to some view of better or worse attainable by man. Socrates, in his dying conversation, as given in the _Phædo_, declares this to have been what he sought in the philosophy of his time; and tells his friends that he turned away from the speculations of Anaxagoras because they did not give him such reasons for the constitution of the world; and Plato's _Timæus_ is, in reality, an attempt to supply this deficiency, and to present a Theory of the Universe, in which every thing is accounted for by such reasons. Though this is a failure, it is a noble as well as an instructive failure.

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## BOOK III.

HISTORY OF GREEK ASTRONOMY.

Τόδε δὲ μηδείς ποτε φοβηθῇ τῶν Ἑλλήνων, ὡς οὐ χρὴ περὶ τὰ θεῖα ποτὲ πραγματεύεσθαι θνητοὺς ὄντας· πᾶν δε τούτου διανοηθῆναι τοὐναντίον, ὡς οὔτε ἄφρον ἔστι ποτὲ τὸ θεῖον, οὔτε ἀγνοεῖ που τὴν ἀνθρωπίνην φυσιν· ἀλλ' οἶδεν ὅτι, διδάσκοντος αὐτοῦ, ξυνακολουθήσει καὶ μαθήσεται τὰ διδάσκομενα.--PLATO, _Epinomis_, p. 988.

Nor should any Greek have any misgiving of this kind; that it is not fitting for us to inquire narrowly into the operations of Superior Powers, such as those by which the motions of the heavenly bodies are produced: but, on the contrary, men should consider that the Divine Powers never act without purpose, and that they know the nature of man: they know that by their guidance and aid, man may follow and comprehend the lessons which are vouchsafed him on such subjects.

{{111}} INTRODUCTION.

THE earliest and fundamental conceptions of men respecting the objects with which Astronomy is concerned, are formed by familiar processes of thought, without appearing to have in them any thing technical or scientific. Days, Years, Months, the Sky, the Constellations, are notions which the most uncultured and incurious minds possess. Yet these are elements of the Science of Astronomy. The reasons why, in this case alone, of all the provinces of human knowledge, men were able, at an early and unenlightened period, to construct a science out of the obvious facts of observation, with the help of the common furniture of their minds, will be more apparent in the course of the philosophy of science: but I may here barely mention two of these reasons. They are, first, that the familiar act of thought, exercised for the common purposes of life, by which we give to an assemblage of our impressions such a unity as is implied in the above notions and terms, a Month, a Year, the Sky, and the like, is, in reality, an _inductive act_, and shares the nature of the processes by which all sciences are formed; and, in the next place, that the ideas appropriate to the induction in this case, are those which, even in the least cultivated minds, are very clear and definite; namely, the ideas of Space and Figure, Time and Number, Motion and Recurrence. Hence, from their first origin, the modifications of those ideas assume a scientific form.

We must now trace in detail the peculiar course which, in consequence of these causes, the knowledge of man respecting the heavenly bodies took, from the earliest period of his history. {112}

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