Part 8

The story was finally told in Willoughby’s journal, which was found a year or more afterward with the ships and the frozen bodies of the luckless Sir Hugh and his companions, seventy in all, at Lapland. Hakluyt gives it under this caption:

“The Voyage of Sir Hugh Willoughbie knight, wherein he unfortunately perished at Arzina Reca in Lapland, Anno 1553.” It is entitled: “The true copie of a Note found written in one of the two ships, to wit, the Speranza, which wintred in Lappia where Sir Willoughbie and all his companie died, being frozen to death Anno 1553.”

This journal comprised a record of the expedition from the start to Willoughby’s occupation of the Lapland haven. It opened with a statement of the object of the voyage and its institution by Cabot and the London Merchant Adventurers; a list of the ships and their burden, together with the names of their companies; and the text of the oath administered to the ships’ masters. Then followed the log of the voyage, beginning with the departure from Ratcliffe. From this it appears that the morning after the storm which had parted the ships, the “Esperanza,” with the lifting of a fog, espied the “Confidentia,” and thereafter these two ships managed to keep together. Seeing nothing of the “Bonaventure” they started in company to reach the rendezvous at “Wardhouse.” But it was not long before they lost their way. Through August and into September they sailed and drifted in various directions, northeast, south-southeast, northwest by west, west-southwest, north by east. On the fourteenth of August they discovered land in seventy-two degrees (which Hakluyt terms “Willoughbyie’s Land”), but could not reach it because of shoal water and much ice. At length, in the middle of September, they came upon land, rocky, high, and forbidding, apparently uninhabited; and so to the desolate Lapland haven which ultimately became their grave. Herein were found “very many seale fishes and other great fishes,” and upon the main were seen “beares, great deere, foxes, with divers strange beasts as guloines [or ellons, Hakluyt notes], and such other which were to us unknowen and also wonderful.” Then the sad record closes:

“Thus remaining in this haven the space of a weeke, seeing the yeere farre spent, & also very evill wether, as frost, snow, and haile, as though it had been the deepe of winter, we thought best to winter there. Wherefore we sent out three men South-southwest, to search if they would find people, who went three dayes journey, but could finde none; after that, we sent other three Westward foure daies journey, which also returned without finding any people. Then sent we three men Southeast three dayes journey, who in like sorte returned without finding of people, or any similitude of habitation.”

The will of Sir Hugh was also found with his journal, from which it appeared that he and most of his company were alive so late as January. Their haven lay near to Kegor in Norwegian Lapland and was afterward known as Arzina. They were first discovered, entombed in their ships, by Russian fishermen cruising in their haven, the following summer. Willoughby’s frozen body lay in his cabin. The next season, the summer of 1555, the two ships were recovered, with much of their goods, and restored for more service.

Their subsequent fate is to be related farther on. Our present concern is with Richard Chancellor and the “Edward Bonaventure” after the dispersion of the fleet.

“Pensive, heavie, and sorrowfull” at the disappearance of his fellows, Chancellor shaped his course for “Wardhouse,” according to the agreement, and in due time safely arrived there. When a week had passed with no sign of the other ships, he determined to proceed alone in the purposed voyage, in which decision all of his company acquiesced. Now follows the story of “The Voyage of Richard Chanceller Pilote major, the first discoverer by sea of the Kingdom of Muscovia, Anno 1553,” told in two documents reproduced by Hakluyt—Chancellor’s “rehearsal” of his adventures with an account of the wealth and barbaric splendour in the dominions of the “mighty Emperour of Russia and the Duke of Moscovia,” and Clement Adams’s narrative of the voyage as he received it “from the mouth of the said Richard Chanceler.”

First of the voyage.

Sailing from Vardohuus, “Master Chanceler held on his course towards that unknowen part of the world,” and came “at last to the place where hee found no night at all, but a continuall light and brightnesse of the Sunne shining clearley upon the huge and mightie Sea. And having the benefite of this perpetuall light for certaine dayes, at the length it pleased God to bring them into a certaine great Bay, which was of one hundredth miles or thereabout over.” Thus they had entered the White Sea and had reached the Bay of Saint Nicholas, in the neighbourhood of the modern Archangel. Here, “somewhat farre within,” they cast anchor and gazed about them. Presently in the distance a fisher boat was espied. Thereupon Chancellor with a few of his men took the pinnace and went out to meet it, hoping to learn of its crew what country they had come to, and what manner of people. But the fishermen were so amazed at the “strange greatnesse” of the “Bonaventure,” the like of which had never before been seen in those waters, that they incontinently fled as the strangers approached. Soon, however, they were overtaken. Then followed this scene in which Chancellor’s cleverness was exhibited, and also, perhaps, his remembrance of that item in Cabot’s book of ordinances as to the handling of new peoples discovered.

“Being come to them they (being in great feare as men half dead) prostrated themselves before him, offering to kisse his feete; but he (according to his great and singular courtesie) looked pleasantly upon them, comforting them by signes and gestures, refusing those dueties and reverences of theirs, and taking them up in all loving sort from the ground.”

Their confidence thus won they spread the report on shore of the arrival of a “strange nation of a singular gentlenesse and courtesie”; and soon the common people came forward with hospitable offerings. They would also traffic with their “new-come ghests” (guests) had they not been bound by a “certaine religious use and custome not to buy any forreine [foreign] commodities without the knowledge and consent of their king.” By this time the Englishmen had learned that the country was called Russia, or Muscovy, and that “Ivan Vasiliwich (which was at that time their King’s name) ruled and governed farre and wide in those places.” This was Ivan the fourth, “the Terrible.”

To the queries of the “barbarous Russes” about themselves Chancellor managed to make it understood that they were Englishmen sent by the king of England, and bearing a letter from him to their king, seeking only his “amitie and friendship and traffique with his people whereby the subjects of both kingdoms would profit.” But his court was many miles distant, so there must be delay. Chancellor asked them to sell him provisions and other necessities. Hostages were also demanded for the “more assurance” of the safety of himself and company. The governor and chief men promised that they would do what they lawfully could to “pleasure him” till they had learned their king’s will. While this palavering was going on a sledsman had been secretly despatched as a messenger to the emperor at Moscow, informing him of the new arrivals and asking his pleasure concerning them. After a considerable wait Chancellor became impatient, and thinking it was their intention to delude him, he threatened to depart and continue his voyage unless their promises were immediately fulfilled. Such was far from their desire, for they coveted the wares that the Englishmen had displayed before them. Accordingly, although their messenger had not returned, they agreed without further delay to furnish what the company wanted and to conduct them by land to the presence of their king.

Then began a long overland journey by Chancellor and his principal men to Moscow on sleds. When the greater part had been passed the “Russes’” messenger was met. He had wandered off his way seeking the English ship in a wrong direction. He delivered to Chancellor a letter from the emperor, “written in all courtesie and in the most loving manner,” inviting the Englishmen to his court and offering them post horses for the journey free of cost. Instantly their conductors overwhelmed them with kindnesses. So anxious now were the “Russes” to show their favours that they “began to quarrell, yea, and to fight also in striving and contending which of them should put their post horses to the sledde.” So after “much adoe and great paines taken in this long and wearie journey (for they had travailed very neere fifteene hundred miles), Master Chanceler came at last to Mosco the chiefe citie of the kingdome, and the seate of the king.”

Now of Chancellor’s reception by Ivan and the glitter of his court.

The opening scene which dazzled the eyes of the Englishmen, when summoned to present King Edward’s letter, is pictured by Clement Adams: “Being entred within the gates of the Court there sate a very honourable companie of Courtiers to the number of one hundred, all apparelled in cloth of golde downe to their ankles: and therehence being conducted into the chamber of the presence our men beganne to wonder at the Majestie of the Emperour: his seate was aloft, in a very royall throne, having on his head a Diademe, or Crowne of golde, apparelled with a robe all of Goldsmiths worke, and in his hande hee held a Scepter garnished and beset with precious stones ...: on the one side of him stood his chiefe Secretarie, on the other side the great Commander of Silence, both of them arayed also in cloth of golde: and then there sate the Counsel of one hundred and fiftie in number, all in like sort arayed and of great state.”

Chancellor also sketches this scene, varying somewhat in detail: “And when the Duke was in his place appointed the interpretorr came for me into the utter [outer] chamber where sate one hundred or mor gentlemen, all in cloth of golde very sumptuous, and from thence I came into the Counsaile chamber where sate the Duke himselfe with his nobles, which were a faire company: they sate round about the chamber on high, yet so that he himselfe sate much higher than any of his nobles in a chaire gilt, and in a long garment of beaten golde, with an emperial crown upon his head and a staffe of cristall and golde in his right hand, and his other hand halfe leaning on his chaire. The Chancellour stoode up with the Secretary before the Duke.”

After he had delivered the king’s letter and a formal interchange of courtesies, the emperor invited him to dine with the court. Of this feast, at the “golden palace,” and the pomp of it, we have Chancellor’s quaintly minute description:

"And so I came into the hall, which was small and not great as is the Kings Majesties of England, and the table was covered with a tablecloth; and the Marshall sate at the ende of the table with a little white rod in his hand, which boorde was full of vessell of golde: and on the other side of the hall did stand a faire cupboarde of plate. From thence I came into the dining chamber where the Duke himselfe sate at his table without cloth of estate, in a gowne of silver, with a crowne emperiale upon his head, he sate in a chaire somewhat hie [high]. There sate none neare him by a great way. There were long tables set round about the chamber which were full set with such as the Duke had at dinner: they were all in white. Also the places where the tables stoode were higher by two steppes than the rest of the house. In the middest of the chamber stoode a table or cupbord to set plate on; which stoode full of cuppes of golde: and amongst all the rest there stoode foure marveilous great pottes or crudences as they call them, of golde and silver: I thinke they were a good yarde and a halfe high. By the cupborde stoode two gentlemen with napkins on their shoulders, and in their handes each of them had a cuppe of gold set with pearles and precious stones, which were the Dukes owne drinking cups: when he was disposed, he drunke them off at a draught. And for his service at meate it came in without order, yet it was very rich service: for all were served in gold, not onely he himselfe, but also all the rest of us, and it was very massie [massive]: the cups also were of golde and very massie.

"The number that dined there that day was two hundred persons, and all were served in golden vessell. The gentlemen that waited were all in cloth of gold, and they served him with caps on their heads. Before the service came in the Duke sent to every man a great shiver of bread, and the bearer called the party so sent to by his name aloude, and sayd, John Basilivich Emperour of Russia and great Duke of Moscovia doth reward thee with bread: then must all men stand up, and doe at all times when those wordes are spoken. And then last of all he giveth the Marshall bread, whereof he eateth before the Dukes Grace, and so doth reverence and departeth. Then commeth the Dukes service of the Swannes all in pieces, and every one in a severall dish: the which the Duke sendeth as he did the bread, and the bearer saeth the same wordes as he sayd before. And as I sayd before, the service of his meate is in no order, but commeth in dish by dish: and then after that the Duke sendeth drinke, with the like saying as before is tolde. Also before dinner hee changed his crowne, and in dinner time two crownes; so that I saw three severall crownes upon his head in one day.

“And thus when his service was all come in hee gave to every one of his gentlemen waiters meate with his owne hand, & so likewise drinke. His intent thereby is, as I have heard, that every man shall know perfectly his servants. Thus when dinner is done hee calleth his nobles before him name by name, that it is a wonder to heare howe he could name them, having so many as he hath.”

Chancellor furnishes also vivid descriptions of the power of the emperor in his vast dominions and of his prowess in war. Lord over many countries, his power was “marvellously great.” He was able to bring into the field two or three hundred thousand men. He never entered the field himself with a force under two hundred thousand men, at the same time supplying all his borders with men of arms. Neither husbandman nor merchant was taken to his wars. All of his warriors were horsemen, and were archers, having such bows as the Turks had. Their armour comprised a coat of plate and a skull cap, some of the coats being covered with velvet or cloth of gold. All their trappings were gorgeous, for their desire was to be sumptuous in the field, especially the nobles and gentlemen. The emperor outshone all in the richness of his attire and furnishings. His pavilion was covered either with cloth of gold or silver, and so set with stones that it was “wonderful to see.” On all their diplomatic travels the same gorgeousness was displayed. While Chancellor was in Moscow two ambassadors were sent to Poland, with an escort of five hundred horse. “Their sumptuousnes was above measure, not onely in themselves, but also in their horses, as velvet, cloth of golde, and cloth of silver set with pearles and not scant.” In ordinary life, however, the raiment of all classes was of the simplest.

Their manner of fighting and the rough life of the common soldier were thus portrayed: “They are men without al order in the field. For they runne hurling on heapes, and for the most part they never give battel to their enemies: but that which they doe they doe it all by stelth. But I beleeve they be such men for hard living as are not under the sun: for no cold will hurt them. Yea and though they lie in the field two moneths, at such time as it shall freese more then a yard thicke, the common souldier hath neither tent nor anything else over his head: the most defence they have against the wether is a felte which is set against the winde and wether, and when Snow commeth hee doth cast it off and maketh him a fire and laieth him down thereby. Thus doe the most of all his men except they bee gentlemen which have other provision of their owne. Their lying in the fielde is not so strange as is their hardnes: for every man must carie and make provision for himselfe & his horse for a moneth or two, which is very wonderful. For he himselfe shal live upon water & otemeale mingled together cold, and drinke water thereto: his horse shal eat green wood & such like baggage & shal stand open in the cold field without covert, & yet wil he labour & serve him right well.” At which Chancellor exclaims with admiration, “I pray you amongst all our boasting warriors how many should we find to endure the field with them but one moneth? I know no such region about us that beareth that name for man & beast. Now what might be made of these men if they were trained & broken to order and knowledge of civill wars?” Other very practical information related to the manners, customs, and religion of the Russians and to the rich commodities of their country, offering prosperous trade for English merchants.

This illuminating “rehearsal” of Chancellor’s, “writ with his own hande,” the earliest account of a people but vaguely known to Western Europe, and “still on the confines of barbarism,” was an unofficial paper addressed by the sailor-writer to his “singular good uncle Master Christopher Frothingham,” with the modest admonition:

“Sir, Read and correct For great is the defect.”

Chancellor and his chief men remained in Moscow through the winter, and when they departed to rejoin their ship at St. Nicholas for the homeward voyage, the captain carried a letter from the emperor to the English monarch granting freedom to his dominions and every facility of trade to English merchants and ships.

Thus Russia was discovered by sea to commercial Europe by Englishmen.

XI VOYAGES FOR THE MUSCOVY COMPANY

The arrival back at London of Chancellor’s company in the autumn of 1554 was greeted with much rejoicing, while the tales that they told of the strange sights they had seen and the great things they had accomplished filled the merchant adventurers with admiration. Uneasiness over the fate of Sir Hugh Willoughby and the men of the two lost ships tempered their enthusiasm; but their hope and belief were strong that the missing ones would ultimately be safely found, and immediate steps were taken toward a search for them.

## Acting upon Chancellor’s wondrous reports and the letters he brought,

the English sovereign, now Mary, with her consort Philip of Spain, in February, 1555, granted a charter to the promoters under the name of the Merchant Adventurers of England, and constituted Sebastian Cabot governor of the corporation for life, in consideration that he had been the “chiefest setter forth” of the first voyage. Thus was established the great Muscovy Company with a monopoly of the new Russian trade, and empowered further to promote discoveries in unknown regions—"lands, territories, isles, dominions, and seigniories"—north, northeast, and northwest.

In the following May (1555) the newly organized company despatched Chancellor on a second voyage to the White Sea again with the “Edward Bonaventure” and a companion ship, the “Philip and Mary,” both freighted with English goods to be bartered for Russian furs and other commodities. Accompanying him were three factors, or agents, of the company, and he carried letters of amity from Mary to Ivan, written in Greek, Polish, and Italian. While this second voyage was essentially a commercial one, Chancellor was to continue his efforts to discover a Northeast passage, being instructed to “use all wayes and meanes possible to learne howe men may passe from Russia either by land or sea to Cathaia.” He was also to make diligent enquiry among mariners and other “travelled persons” for tidings of Willoughby’s party.

This expedition arrived at “Wardhouse” by midsummer, and Moscow was reached in November. As flattering courtesies as before were exchanged between the emperor and Chancellor, and the factors were freely accorded the privileges asked for. Chancellor remained in Moscow through the following winter and spring, and then prepared for his return voyage, Ivan having appointed an ambassador to go back with him personally to convey to the English court tokens of the emperor’s good will and readiness to enter into mutual bonds of friendship. Chancellor had made no further Northeastern discoveries, but the fate of Willoughby and his companions had been ascertained, and their two ships had been brought from the tragic Lapland haven to St. Nicholas and added to Chancellor’s fleet there.

The return voyage was begun from St. Nicholas in July (1556), the four ships—the “Edward Bonaventure,” the “Philip and Mary,” and the restored “Bona Esperanza” and “Bona Confidentia”—making a goodly show as they put to sea. On board of the “Bonaventure” with Chancellor was the ambassador, Osep Napea by name, with most of his suite, a brilliant company of “Russes” and numerous servants, the remainder of his train, Russian merchants among them, being passengers on the other ships. The ambassador was well supplied with handsome trappings with which to dazzle his hosts, and he carried letters “tenderly conceived” from Ivan to the English sovereign. All of the ships were heavy laden with Russian goods for the English trade, parts of the cargoes being taken out by the Russians; while on the “Bonaventure” were a quantity of presents from the emperor to Philip and Mary—costly furs, rich skins, and “four living sables with chains and collars.”

For a time the four ships kept gallant company. Then high winds and storms arose and they were separated not to come together again. The “Philip and Mary,” the “Bona Esperanza,” and the “Bona Confidentia,” were all driven on the coast of Norway into “Drenton” waters. The fated ships in which Willoughby and his associates perished, were both lost with their passengers and crews. The “Confidentia” was seen to “perish on a rock.” The “Philip and Mary,” finding a snug harbour, was saved to make her way back to England nearly a year later. The “Bonaventure” continued alone on the voyage buffeted by much foul weather. At length, after four long months at sea, she also met her fate. At the close of a bleak November day she was driven by “outrageous tempests” on the north coast of Scotland, and was wrecked off Pitsligo, in Aberdeen Bay. Chancellor bent all his energies to saving the ambassador. Taking him with seven of his “Russes” into the ships’ boat he made for the shore. But it was now night-time, dark and tempestuous, and all of the boat’s company were lost save the ambassador and a few of the sailors. So the brave Chancellor perished at the height of his fame and usefulness as a navigator.