CHAPTER III

.

CHEMISTRY OF THE ARABIANS.

Hitherto I have spoken of Alchymy, or of the chemical manufactures of the ancients. The people to whom scientific chemistry owes its origin are the Arabians. Not that they prosecuted scientific chemistry themselves; but they were the first persons who attempted to form chemical medicines. This they did by mixing various bodies with each other, and applying heat to the mixture in various ways. This led to the discovery of some of the mineral acids. These they applied to the metals, &c., and ascertained the effects produced upon that most important class of bodies. Thus the Arabians began those researches which led gradually to the formation of scientific chemistry. We must therefore endeavour to ascertain the chemical facts for which we are indebted to the Arabians.

When Mahomet first delivered his dogmas to his countrymen they were not altogether barbarous. Possessed of a copious and expressive language, and inhabiting a burning climate, their imaginations were lively and their passions violent. Poetry and fiction were cultivated by them with ardour, and with considerable success. But science and inductive philosophy, had made little or no progress among them. The fatalism introduced by Mahomet, and the blind enthusiasm which he inculcated, rendered them furious bigots and determined enemies to every kind of intellectual improvement. The rapidity with which they overran Asia, Africa, and even a portion of Europe, is universally known. At that period the western world, was sunk into extreme barbarism, and the Greeks, with whom the remains of civilization still lingered, were sadly degenerated from those sages who graced the classic ages. Bent to the earth under the most grinding but turbulent despotism that ever disgraced mankind, and having their understandings sealed up by the most subtle and absurd, and uncompromising superstition, all the energy of mind, all the powers of invention, all the industry and talent, which distinguished their ancestors, had completely forsaken them. Their writers aimed at nothing new or great, and were satisfied with repeating the scientific facts determined by their ancestors. The lamp of science fluttered in its socket, and was on the eve of being extinguished.

Nothing good or great could be expected from such a state of society. It was, therefore, wisely determined by Providence that the Mussulman conquerors, should overrun the earth, sweep out those miserable governors, and free the wretched inhabitants from the trammels of despotism and superstition. As a despotism not less severe, and a superstition still more gloomy and uncompromising, was substituted in their place, it may seem at first sight, that the conquests of the Mahometans brought things into a worse state than they found them. But the listless inactivity, the almost deathlike torpor which had frozen the minds of mankind, were effectually roused. The Mussulmans displayed a degree of energy and activity which have few parallels in the history of the world: and after the conquests of the Mahometans were completed, and the Califs quietly seated upon the greatest and most powerful throne that the world had ever seen; after Almanzor, about the middle of the eighth century, had founded the city of Bagdad, and settled a permanent and flourishing peace, the arts and sciences, which usually accompany such a state of society, began to make their appearance.

That calif founded an academy at Bagdad, which acquired much celebrity, and gradually raised itself above all the other academies in his dominions. A medical college was established there with powers to examine all those persons who intended to devote themselves to the medical profession. So many professors and pupils flocked to this celebrated college, from all parts of the world, that at one time their number amounted to no fewer than six thousand. Public hospitals and laboratories were established to facilitate a knowledge of diseases, and to make the students acquainted with the method of preparing medicines. It was this last establishment which originated with the califs that gave a first beginning to the science of chemistry.

In the thirteenth century the calif Mostanser re-established the academy and the medical college at Bagdad: for both had fallen into decay, and had been replaced by an infinite number of Jewish seminaries. Mostanser gave large salaries to the professors, collected a magnificent library, and established a new school of pharmacy. He was himself often present at the public lectures.

The successor of Mostanser was the calif Haroun-Al-Raschid, the perpetual hero of the Arabian tales. He not only carried his love for the sciences further than his predecessors, but displayed a liberality and a tolerance for religious opinions, which was not quite consistent with Mahometan bigotry and superstition. He drew round him the Syrian Christians, who translated the Greek classics, rewarded them liberally, and appointed them instructors of his Mahometan subjects, especially in medicine and pharmacy. He protected the Christian school of Dschondisabour, founded by the Nestorian Christians, before the time of Mahomet, and still continuing in a flourishing state: always surrounded by literary men, he frequently condescended to take a part in their discussions, and not unfrequently, as might have been expected from his rank, came off victorious.

The most enlightened of all the califs was Almamon, who has rendered his name immortal by his exertions in favour of the sciences. It was during his reign that the Arabian schools came to be thoroughly acquainted with Greek science; he procured the translation of a great number of important works. This conduct inflamed the religious zeal of the faithful, who devoted him to destruction, and to the divine wrath, for favouring philosophy, and in that way diminishing the authority of the Koran. Almamon purchased the ancient classics, from all quarters, and recommended the care of doing so in a particular manner to his ambassadors at the court of the Greek emperors. To Leo, the philosopher, he made the most advantageous offers, to induce him to come to Bagdad; but that philosopher would not listen to his invitation. It was under the auspices of this enlightened prince, that the celebrated attempt was made to determine the size of the earth by measuring a degree of the meridian. The result of this attempt it does not belong to this work to relate.

Almotassem and Motawakkel, who succeeded Almamon, followed his example, favoured the sciences, and extended their protection to men of science who were Christians. Motawakkel re-established the celebrated academy and library of Alexandria. But he acted with more severity than his predecessors with regard to the Christians, who may perhaps have abused the tolerance which they enjoyed.

The other vicars of the prophet, in the different Mahometan states, followed the fine example set them by Almamon. Already in the eighth century the sovereigns of Mogreb and the western provinces of Africa showed themselves the zealous friends of the sciences. One of them called Abdallah-Ebn-Ibadschab rendered commerce and industry flourishing at Tunis. He himself cultivated poetry and drew numerous artists and men of science into his state. At Fez and in Morocco the sciences flourished, especially during the reign of the Edrisites, the last of whom, Jahiah, a prince possessed of genius, sweetness, and goodness, changed his court into an academy, and paid attention to those only who had distinguished themselves by their scientific knowledge.

But Spain was the most fortunate of all the Mahometan states, and had arrived at such a degree of prosperity both in commerce, manufactures, population, and wealth, as is hardly to be credited. The three Abdalrahmans and Alhakem carried, from the eighth to the tenth century, the country subject to the Calif of Cordova to the highest degree of splendour. They protected the sciences, and governed with so much mildness, that Spain was probably never so happy under the dominion of any Christian prince. Alhakem established at Cordova an academy, which for several ages was the most celebrated in the whole world. All the Christians of Western Europe repaired to this academy in search of information. It contained, in the tenth century, a library of 280,000 volumes. The catalogue of this library filled no less than forty-four volumes. Seville, Toledo, and Murcia, had likewise their schools of science and their libraries, which retained their celebrity as long as the dominion of the Moors lasted. In the twelfth century there were seventy public libraries in that part of Spain which belonged to the Mahometans. Cordova had produced one hundred and fifty authors, Almeria fifty-two, and Murcia sixty-two.

The Mahometan states of the east continued also to favour the sciences. An emir of Irak, Adad-El-Daula by name, distinguished himself towards the end of the tenth century by the protection which he afforded to men of science. To him almost all the philosophers of the age dedicated their works. Another emir of Irak, Saif-Ed-Daula, established schools at Kufa and at Bussora, which soon acquired great celebrity. Abou-Mansor-Baharam, established a public library at Firuzabad in Curdistan, which at its very commencement contained 7000 volumes. In the thirteenth century there existed a celebrated school of medicine in Damascus. The calif Malek-Adel endowed it richly, and was often present at the lectures with a book under his arm.

Had the progress of the sciences among the Arabians been proportional to the number of those who cultivated them, we might hail the Saracens as the saviours of literature during the dark and benighted ages of Christianity; but we must acknowledge with regret, that notwithstanding the enlightened views of the califs, notwithstanding the multiplicity of academies and libraries, and the prodigious number of writers, the sciences received but little improvement from the Arabians. There are very few Arabian writers in whose works we find either philosophical ideas, successful researches, new facts, or great and new and important truths. How, indeed, could such things be expected from a people naturally hostile to mental exertion; professing a religion which stigmatizes all exercise of the judgment as a crime, and weighed down by the heavy yoke of despotism? It was the religion of the Arabians, and the despotism of their princes, that opposed the greatest obstacles to the progress of the sciences, even during the most flourishing period of their civilization.[103] Fortunately chemistry was the branch of science least obnoxious to the religious prejudices of the Mahometans. It was in it, therefore, that the greatest improvements were made: of these improvements it will be requisite now to endeavour to give the reader some idea. Astrology and alchymy, they both derived from the Greeks: neither of them were inconsistent with the taste of the nation--neither of them were anathematized by the Mahometan creed, though Islamism prohibited magic and all the arts of divination. Alchymy may have suggested the chemical processes--but the Arabians applied them to the preparation of medicines, and thus opened a new and most copious source of investigation.

[103] For a fuller account of the progress of science among the Arabians than would be consistent with this work, the reader is referred to Mortucla’s Hist. des Mathématiques, i. 351; Sprengel’s Hist. de la Médecine, ii. 246.

The chemical writings of the Arabians which I have had an opportunity of seeing and perusing in a Latin dress, being ignorant of the original language in which they were written, are those of Geber and Avicenna.

Geber, whose real name was Abou-Moussah-Dschafar-Al-Soli, was a Sabean of Harran, in Mesopotamia, and lived during the eighth century. Very little is known respecting the history of this writer, who must be considered as the patriarch of chemistry. Golius, professor of the oriental languages in the University of Leyden, made a present of Geber’s work in manuscript to the public library. He translated it into Latin, and published it in the same city in folio, and afterwards in quarto, under the title of “Lapis Philosophorum.”[104] It was translated into English by Richard Russel in 1678, under the title of, “The Works of Geber, the most famous Arabian Prince and Philosopher.”[105] The works of Geber, so far as they appeared in Latin or English, consist of four tracts. The first is entitled, “Of the Investigation or Search of Perfection.” The second is entitled, “Of the Sum of Perfection, or of the perfect Magistery.” The third, “Of the Invention of Verity or Perfection.” And the last, “Of Furnaces, &c.; with a Recapitulation of the Author’s Experiments.”

[104] Boerhaave’s Chemistry (Shaw’s translation), i. 26. _Note._

[105] Golius was not, however, the first translator of Geber. A translation of the longest and most important of his tracts into Latin appeared in Strasburg, in 1529. There was another translation published in Italy, from a manuscript in the Vatican. There probably might be other translations. I have compared four different copies of Geber’s works, and found some differences, though not very material. I have followed Russel’s English translation most commonly, as upon the whole the most accurate that I have seen.

The object of Geber’s work is to teach the method of making the philosopher’s stone, which he distinguishes usually by the name of _medicine of the third class_. The whole is in general written with so much plainness, that we can understand the nature of the substances which he employed, the processes which he followed, and the greater number of the products which he obtained. It is, therefore, a book of some importance, because it is the oldest chemical treatise in existence,[106] and because it makes us acquainted with the processes followed by the Arabians, and the progress which they had made in chemical investigations. I shall therefore lay before the reader the most important facts contained in Geber’s work.

[106] Of course I exclude the writings of the Greek ecclesiastics mentioned in a previous part of this work, which still continue in manuscript; because, I am ignorant of what they contain.

1. He considered all the metals as compounds of mercury and sulphur: this opinion did not originate with him. It is evident from what he says, that the same notion had been adopted by his predecessors--men whom he speaks of under the title of the _ancients_.

2. The metals with which he was acquainted were _gold_, _silver_, _copper_, _iron_, _tin_, and _lead_. These are usually distinguished by him under the names of _Sol_, _Luna_, _Venus_, _Mars_, _Jupiter_, and _Saturn_. Whether these names of the planets were applied to the metals by Geber, or only by his translators, I cannot say; but they were always employed by the alchymists, who never designated the metals by any other appellations.

3. Gold and silver he considered as perfect metals; but the other four were imperfect metals. The difference between them depends, in his opinion, partly upon the proportions of mercury and sulphur in each, and partly upon the purity or impurity of the mercury and sulphur which enters into the composition of each.

Gold, according to him, is created of the most subtile substance of mercury and of most clear fixture, and of a small substance of sulphur, clean and of pure redness, fixed, clear, and changed from its own nature, tinging that; and because there happens a diversity in the colours of that sulphur, the yellowness of gold must needs have a like diversity.[107] His evidence that gold consisted chiefly of mercury, is the great ease with which mercury dissolves gold. For mercury, in his opinion, dissolves nothing that is not of its own nature. The lustre and splendour of gold is another proof of the great proportion of mercury which it contains. That it is a fixed substance, void of all burning sulphur, he thinks evident by every operation in the fire, for it is neither diminished nor inflamed. His other reasons are not so intelligible.[108]

[107] Sum of Perfection, book ii. part i. chap. 5.

[108] Ibid.

Silver, like gold, is composed of much mercury and a little sulphur; but in the gold the sulphur is red; whereas the sulphur that goes to the formation of silver is white. The sulphur in silver is also clean, fixed, and clear. Silver has a purity short of that of gold, and a more gross inspissation. The proof of this is, that its parts are not so condensed, nor is it so fixed as gold; for it may be diminished by fire, which is not the case with gold.[109]

[109] Ibid., chap. 6.

Iron is composed of earthy mercury and earthy sulphur, highly fixed, the latter in by far the greatest quantity. Sulphur, by the work of fixation, more easily destroys the easiness of liquefaction than mercury. Hence the reason why iron is not fusible, as is the case with the other metals.[110]

[110] Sum of Perfection, book ii. part i. chap. 7.

Sulphur not fixed melts sooner than mercury; but fixed sulphur opposes fusion. What contains more fixed sulphur, more slowly admits of fusion than what partakes of burning sulphur, which more easily and sooner flows.[111]

[111] Ibid.

Copper is composed of sulphur unclean, gross and fixed as to its greater part; but as to its lesser part not fixed, red, and livid, in relation to the whole not overcoming nor overcome and of gross mercury.[112]

[112] Ibid., chap. 8.

When copper is exposed to ignition, you may discern a sulphureous flame to arise from it, which is a sign of sulphur not fixed; and the loss of the quantity of it by exhalation through the frequent combustion of it, shows that it has fixed sulphur. This last being in abundance, occasions the slowness of its fusion and the hardness of its substance. That copper contains red and unclean sulphur, united to unclean mercury, is, he thinks, evident, from its sensible qualities.[113]

[113] Ibid.

Tin consists of sulphur of small fixation, white with a whiteness not pure, not overcoming but overcome, mixed with mercury partly fixed and

## partly not fixed, white and impure.[114] That this is the constitution

of tin he thinks evident; for when calcined, it emits a sulphureous stench, which is a sign of sulphur not fixed: it yields no flame, not because the sulphur is fixed, but because it contains a great portion of mercury. In tin there is a twofold sulphur and also a twofold mercury. One sulphur is less fixed, because in calcining it gives out a stench as sulphur. The fixed sulphur continues in the tin after it is calcined. He thinks that the twofold mercury in tin is evident, from this, that before calcination it makes a crashing noise when bent, but after it has been thrice calcined, that crashing noise can no longer be perceived.[115] Geber says, that if lead be washed with mercury, and after its washing melted in a fire not exceeding the fire of its fusion, a portion of the mercury will remain combined with the lead, and will give it the crashing noise and all the qualities of tin. On the other hand, you may convert tin into lead. By manifold repetition of its calcination, and the administration of fire convenient for its reduction, it is turned into lead.[116]

[114] Ibid., chap. 9.

[115] Sum of Perfection, book ii. part i. chap. 9.

[116] Ibid.

Lead, in Geber’s opinion, differs from tin only in having a more unclean substance commixed of the two more gross substances, sulphur and mercury. The sulphur in it is burning and more adhesive to the substance of its own mercury, and it has more of the substance of fixed sulphur in its composition than tin has.[117]

[117] Ibid., chap. 10.

Such are the opinions which Geber entertained respecting the composition of the metals. I have been induced to state them as nearly in his own words as possible, and to give the reasons which he has assigned for them, even when his facts were not quite correct, because I thought that this was the most likely way of conveying to the reader an accurate notion of the sentiments of this father of the alchymists, upon the very foundation of the whole doctrine of the transmutation of metals. He was of opinion that all the imperfect metals might be transformed into gold and silver, by altering the proportions of the mercury and sulphur of which they are composed, and by changing the nature of the mercury and sulphur so as to make them the same with the mercury and sulphur which constitute gold and silver. The substance capable of producing these important changes he calls sometimes the _philosopher’s stone_, but generally the _medicine_. He gives the method of preparing this important _magistery_, as he calls it. But it is not worth while to state his process, because he leaves out several

## particulars, in order to prevent the foolish from reaping any benefit

from his writings, while at the same time those readers who possess the proper degree of sagacity will be able, by studying the different parts of his writings, to divine the nature of the steps which he omits, and thus profit by his researches and explanations. But it will be worth while to notice the most important of his processes, because this will enable us to judge of the state of chemistry in his time.

4. In his book on furnaces, he gives a description of a furnace proper for calcining metals, and from the fourteenth chapter of the fourth part of the first book of his Sum of Perfection, it is obvious that the method of calcining or oxidizing iron, copper, tin, and lead, and also mercury and arsenic were familiarly known to him.

He gives a description of a furnace for distilling, and a pretty minute account of the glass or stoneware, or metallic aludel and alembic, by means of which the process was conducted. He was in the habit of distilling by surrounding his aludel with hot ashes, to prevent it from being broken. He was acquainted also with the water-bath. These processes were familiar to him. The description of the distillation of many bodies occurs in his work; but there is not the least evidence that he was acquainted with ardent spirits. The term _spirit_ occurs frequently in his writings, but it was applied to volatile bodies in general, and in particular to sulphur and white arsenic, which he considered as substances very similar in their properties. Mercury also he considered as a spirit.

The method of distilling _per descensum_, as is practised in the smelting of zinc, was also known to him. He describes an apparatus for the purpose, and gives several examples of such distillations in his writings.

He gives also a description of a furnace for melting metals, and mentions the vessels in which such processes were conducted. He was acquainted with crucibles; and even describes the mode of making cupels, nearly similar to those used at present. The process of cupellating gold and silver, and purifying them by means of lead, is given by him pretty minutely and accurately: he calls it _cineritium_, or at least that is the term used by his Latin translator.

He was in the habit of dissolving salts in water and acetic acid, and even the metals in different menstrua. Of these menstrua he nowhere gives any account; but from our knowledge of the properties of the different metals, and from some processes which he notices, it is easy to perceive what his solvents must have been; namely, the mineral acids which were known to him, and to which there is no allusion whatever in any preceding writer that I have had an opportunity of consulting. Whether Geber was the discoverer of these acids cannot be known, as he nowhere claims the discovery: indeed his object was to slur over these acids, as much as possible, that their existence, or at least their remarkable properties, might not be suspected by the uninitiated. It was this affectation of secrecy and mystery that has deprived the earliest chemists of that credit and reputation to which they would have been justly entitled, had their discoveries been made known to the public in a plain and intelligible manner.

The mode of purifying liquids by filtration, and of separating precipitates from liquids by the same means, was known to Geber. He called the process _distillation through a filter_.

Thus the greater number of chemical processes, such as they were practised almost to the end of the eighteenth century, were known to Geber. If we compare his works with those of Dioscorides and Pliny, we shall perceive the great progress which chemistry or rather pharmacy had made. It is more than probable that these improvements were made by the Arabian physicians, or at least by the physicians who filled the chairs in the medical schools, which were under the protection of the califs: for as no notice is taken of these processes by any of the Greek or Roman writers that have come down to us, and as we find them minutely described by the earliest chemical writers among the Arabians, we have no other alternative than to admit that they originated in the east.

I shall now state the different chemical substances or preparations which were known to Geber, or which he describes the method of preparing in his works.

1. Common salt. This substance occurring in such abundance in the earth, and being indispensable as a seasoner of food, was known from the earliest ages. But Geber describes the method which he adopted to free it from impurities. It was exposed to a red heat, then dissolved in water, filtered, crystallized by evaporation, and the crystals being exposed to a red heat, were put into a close vessel, and kept for use.[118] Whether the identity of sal-gem (_native salt_) and common salt was known to Geber is nowhere said. Probably not, as he gives separate directions for purifying each.

[118] Investigation and Search of Perfection, chap. 3.

2. Geber gives an account of the two fixed alkalies, _potash_ and _soda_, and gives processes for obtaining them. Potash was obtained by burning cream of tartar in a crucible, dissolving the residue in water, filtering the solution, and evaporating to dryness.[119] This would yield a pure carbonate of potash.

[119] Invention of Verity, chap. 4.

Carbonate of soda he calls _sagimen vitri_, and salt of soda. He mentions plants which yield it when burnt, points out the method of purifying it, and even describes the method of rendering it caustic by means of quicklime.[120]

[120] Search of Perfection, chap. 3.

3. Saltpetre, or nitrate of potash, was known to him; and Geber is the first writer in whom we find an account of this salt. Nothing is said respecting its origin; but there can be little doubt that it came from India, where it was collected, and known long before Europeans were acquainted with it. The knowledge of this salt was probably one great cause of the superiority of the Arabians over Europeans in chemical knowledge; for it enabled them to procure _nitric acid_, by means of which they dissolved all the metals known in their time, and thus acquired a knowledge of various important saline compounds, which were of considerable importance.

There is a process for preparing saltpetre artificially, in several of the Latin copies of Geber, though it does not appear in our English translation. The method was to dissolve sagimen vitri, or carbonate of soda, in aqua fortis, to filter and crystallize by evaporation.[121] If this process be genuine, it is obvious that Geber must have been acquainted with nitrate of soda; but I have some doubts about the genuineness of the passage, because the term _aqua fortis_ occurs in it. Now this term occurs nowhere else in Geber’s work: even when he gives the process for procuring nitric acid, he calls it simply water; but observes, that it is a water possessed of much virtue, and that it constitutes a precious instrument in the hands of the man who possesses sagacity to use it aright.

[121] De Investigatione Perfect. chap. 4.

4. Sal ammoniac was known to Geber, and seems to have been quite common in his time. There is no evidence that it was known to the Greeks or Romans, as neither Dioscorides nor Pliny make any allusion to it. The word in old books is sometimes _sal armoniac_, sometimes _sal ammoniac_. It is supposed to have been brought originally from the neighbourhood of the temple of Jupiter Ammon: but had this been the case, and had it occurred native, it could scarcely have been unknown to the Romans, under whose dominions that part of Africa fell. In the writings of the alchymists, sal ammoniac is mentioned under the following whimsical names:

Anima sensibilis, Aqua duorum fratrum ex sorore, Aquila, Lapis aquilinis, Cancer, Lapis angeli conjungentis, Sal lapidum, Sal alocoph.

Geber not only knew sal ammoniac, but he was aware of its volatility; and gives various processes for subliming it, and uses it frequently to promote the sublimation of other bodies, as of oxides of iron and copper. He gives also a method of procuring it from urine, a liquid which, when allowed to run into putrefaction, is known to yield it in abundance. Sal ammoniac was much used by Geber, in his various processes to bring the inferior metals to a state of greater perfection. By adding it or common salt to aqua fortis, he was enabled to dissolve gold, which certainly could not be accomplished in the time of Dioscorides or Pliny. The description, indeed, of Geber’s process for dissolving gold is left on purpose in a defective state; but an attentive reader will find no great difficulty in supplying the defects, and thus understanding the whole of the process.

5. Alum, precisely the same as the alum of the moderns, was familiarly known to Geber, and employed by him in his processes. The manufacture of this salt, therefore, had been discovered between the time when Pliny composed his Natural History and the eighth century, when Geber wrote; unless we admit that the mode of making it had been known to the Tyrian dyers, but that they had kept the secret so well, that no suspicion of its existence was entertained by the Greeks and Romans. That they employed _alumina_ as a mordant in some of their dyes, is evident; but there is no proof whatever that _alum_, in the modern sense of the word, was known to them.

Geber mentions three alums which he was in the habit of using; namely, icy alum, or Rocca alum; Jamenous alum, or alum of Jameni, and feather alum. _Rocca_, or _Edessa_, in Syria, is admitted to have been the place where the first manufactory of alum was established; but at what time, or by whom, is quite unknown: we know only that it must have been posterior to the commencement of the Christian era, and prior to the eighth century, when Geber wrote. Jameni must have been another locality where, at the time of Geber, a manufactory of alum existed. _Feather alum_ was undoubtedly one of the native impure varieties of _alum_, known to the Greeks and Romans. Geber was in the habit of distilling alum by a strong heat, and of preserving the water which came over as a valuable menstruum. If alum be exposed to a red heat in glass vessels, it will give out a portion of sulphuric acid: hence water distilled from alum by Geber was probably a weak solution of sulphuric acid, which would undoubtedly act powerfully as a solvent of iron, and of the alkaline carbonates. It was probably in this way that he used it.

6. Sulphate of iron or copperas, as it is called (_cuperosa_), in the state of a crystalline salt, was well known to Geber, and appears in his time to have been manufactured.

7. Baurach, or borax, is mentioned by him, but without any description by which we can know whether or not it was our borax: the probability is that it was. Both glass and borax were used by him when the oxides of metals were reduced by him to the metallic state.

8. Vinegar was purified by him by distilling it over, and it was used as a solvent in many of his processes.

9. Nitric acid was known to him by the name of _dissolving water_. He prepared it by putting into an alembic one pound of sulphate of iron of Cyprus, half a pound of saltpetre, and a quarter of a pound of alum of Jameni: this mixture was distilled till every thing liquid was driven over. He mentions the red fumes which make their appearance in the alembic during the process.[122] This process, though not an economical one, would certainly yield nitric acid; and it is remarkable, because it is here that we find the first hint of the knowledge of chemists of this most important acid, without which many chemical processes of the utmost importance could not be performed at all.

[122] Invention of Verity, chap. 23.

10. This acid, thus prepared, he made use of to dissolve silver: the solution was concentrated till the nitrate of silver was obtained by him in a crystallized state. This process is thus described by him: “Dissolve silver calcined in solutive water (_nitric acid_), as before; which being done, coct it in a phial with a long neck, the orifice of which must be left unstopped, for one day only, until a third part of the water be consumed. This being effected, set it with its vessel in a cold place, and then it is converted into small fusible stones, like crystal.”[123]

[123] Ibid., chap. 21.

11. He was in the habit also of dissolving sal ammoniac in this nitric acid, and employing the solution, which was the aqua regia of the old chemists, to dissolve gold.[124] He assures us that this aqua regia would dissolve likewise sulphur and silver. The latter assertion is erroneous. But sulphur is easily converted into sulphuric acid by the

## action of aqua regia, and of course it disappears or dissolves.

[124] Ibid., chap. 23.

12. Corrosive sublimate is likewise described by Geber in a very intelligible manner. His method of preparing it was as follows: “Take of mercury one pound, of dried sulphate of iron two pounds, of alum calcined one pound, of common salt half a pound, and of saltpetre a quarter of a pound: incorporate altogether by trituration and sublime; gather the white, dense, and ponderous portions which shall be found about the sides of the vessel. If in the first sublimation you find it turbid or unclean (which may happen by reason of your own negligence), sublime a second time with the same fuses.”[125] Still more minute directions are given in other parts of the work: we have even some imperfect account of the properties of corrosive sublimate.

[125] Invention of Verity, chap. 8.

13. Corrosive sublimate is not the only preparation of mercury mentioned by Geber. He informs us that when mercury is combined with sulphur it assumes a red colour, and becomes cinnabar.[126] He describes the affinities of mercury for the different metals. It adheres easily to three metals; namely, lead, tin, and gold; to silver with more difficulty. To copper with still more difficulty than to silver; but to iron it unites in nowise unless by artifice.[127] This is a tolerably accurate account of the matter. He says, that mercury is the heaviest body in nature except gold, which is the only metal that will sink in it.[128] Now this was true, applied to all the substances known when Geber lived.

[126] Sum of Perfection, book i. part iii. chap. 4.

[127] Ibid., chap. 6.

[128] Ibid.

He gives an account of the method of forming the peroxide of mercury by heat; that variety of it formerly distinguished by the name of _red precipitati per se_. “Mercury,” he says, “is also coagulated by long and constant retention in fire, in a glass vessel with a very long neck and round belly; the orifice of the neck being kept open, that the humidity may vanish thereby.”[129] He gives another process for preparing this oxide, possible, perhaps, though certainly requiring very cautious regulation of the fire. “Take,” says he, “of mercury one pound, of vitriol (sulphate of iron) rubified two pounds, and of saltpetre one pound. Mortify the mercury with these, and then sublime it from rock alum and saltpetre in equal weights.”[130]

[129] Sum of Perfection, book i. part iv. chap. 16.

[130] Invention of Verity, chap. 10.

14. Geber was acquainted with several of the compounds of metals with sulphur. He remarks that sulphur when fused with metals increases their weight.[131] Copper combined with sulphur becomes yellow, and mercury red.[132] He knew the method of dissolving sulphur in caustic potash, and again precipitating it by the addition of an acid. His process is as follows: “Grind clear and gummose sulphur to a most subtile powder, which boil in a lixivium made of ashes of _heartsease_ and quicklime, gathering from off the surface its oleaginous combustibility, until it be discerned to be clear. This being done, stir the whole with a stick, and then warily take off that which passeth out with the lixivium, leaving the more gross parts in the bottom. Permit that extract to cool a little, and upon it pour a fourth part of its own quantity of distilled vinegar, and then will the whole suddenly be congealed as milk. Remove as much of the clear lixivium as you can; but dry the residue with a gentle fire and keep it.”[133]

[131] Sum of Perfection, book i. part iii. chap. 4.

[132] Ibid.

[133] Invention of Verity, chap. 6.

15. It would appear from various passages in Geber’s works that he was acquainted with arsenic in the metallic state. He frequently mentions its combustibility, and considers it as the _compeer_ of sulphur. And in his book on _Furnaces_,