chapter 25

(or 28 in some copies), he expressly mentions _metallic arsenic_ (_arsenicum metallinum_), in a preparation not very intelligible, but which he considered of great importance. The white oxide of arsenic or arsenious acid, was obviously well known to him. He gives more than one process for obtaining it by sublimation.[134] He observes in his Sum of Perfection, book i. part iv. chap. 2, which treats of sublimation, “Arsenic, which before its sublimation was evil and prone to adustion, after its sublimation, suffers not itself to be inflamed; but only resides without inflammation.”

[134] Invention of Verity, chap. 7.

Geber states the fact, that when arsenic is heated with copper that metal becomes white.[135] He gives also a process by which the white arseniate of iron is obviously made. “Grind one pound of iron filings with half a pound of sublimed arsenic (arsenious acid). Imbibe the mixture with the water of saltpetre, and salt-alkali, repeating this imbibation thrice. Then make it flow with a violent fire, and you will have your iron white. Repeat this labour till it flow sufficiently with peculiar dealbation.”[136]

[135] Sum of Perfection, book ii. part. ii. chap. 11.

[136] Invention of Verity, chap. 14.

16. He mentions oxide of copper under the name of _æs ustum_, the red oxide of iron under the name of _crocus_ of iron. He mentions also litharge and red lead.[137] But as all these substances were known to the Greeks and Romans, it is needless to enter into any particular details.

[137] Ibid., chap. 4 and 12.

17. I am not sure what substance Geber understood by the word _marchasite_. It was a substance which must have been abundant, and in common use, for he refers to it frequently, and uses it in many of his processes; but he nowhere informs us what it is. I suspect it may have been sulphuret of antimony, which was certainly in common use in Asia long before the time of Geber. But he also makes mention of antimony by name, or at least the Latin translator has made use of the word _antimonium_. When speaking of the reduction of metals after heating them with sulphur, he says, “The reduction of tin is converted into clear antimony; but of lead, into a dark-coloured antimony, as we have found by proper experience.”[138] It is not easy to conjecture what meaning the word antimony is intended to convey in this passage. In another passage he says, “Antimony is calcined, dissolved, clarified, congealed, and ground to powder, so it is prepared.”[139]

[138] Sum of Perfection, book ii. part iii. chap. 10.

[139] Invention of Verity, chap. 4.

18. Geber’s description of the metals is tolerably accurate, considering the time when he wrote. As an example I shall subjoin his account of gold. “Gold is a metallic body, yellow, ponderous, mute, fulged, equally digested in the bowels of the earth, and very long washed with mineral water; under the hammer extensible, fusible, and sustaining the trial of the cupel and cementation.”[140] He gives an example of copper being changed into gold. “In copper-mines,” he says, “we see a certain water which flows out, and carries with it thin scales of copper, which (by a continual and long-continued course) it washes and cleanses. But after such water ceases to flow, we find these thin scales with the dry sand, in three years time to be digested with the heat of the sun; and among these scales the purest gold is found: therefore we judge those scales were cleansed by the benefit of the water, but were equally digested by heat of the sun, in the dryness of the sand, and so brought to equality.”[141] Here we have an example of plausible reasoning from defective premises. The gold grains doubtless existed in the sand before, while the scales of copper in the course of three years would be oxidized and converted into powder, and disappear, or at least lose all their metallic lustre.

[140] Sum of Perfection, book i. part iii. chap. 8.

[141] Ibid., book i. part iii. chap. 8.

Such are the most remarkable chemical facts which I have observed in the works of Geber. They are so numerous and important, as to entitle him with some justice to the appellation of the father and founder of chemistry. Besides the metals, sulphur and salt, with which the Greeks and Romans were acquainted, he knew the method of preparing sulphuric acid, nitric acid, and aqua regia. He knew the method of dissolving the metals by means of these acids, and actually prepared nitrate of silver and corrosive sublimate. He was acquainted with potash and soda, both in the state of carbonates and caustic. He was aware that these alkalies dissolve sulphur, and he employed the process to obtain sulphur in a state of purity.

But notwithstanding the experimental merit of Geber, his spirit of philosophy did not much exceed that of his countrymen. He satisfied himself with accounting for phenomena by occult causes, as was the universal custom of the Arabians; a practice quite inconsistent with real scientific progress. That this was the case will appear from the following passage, in which Geber attempts to give an explanation of the properties of the _great elixir_ or _philosopher’s stone_: “Therefore, let him attend to the properties and ways of action of the composition of the greater elixir. For we endeavour to make one substance, yet compounded and composed of many, so permanently fixed, that being put upon the fire, the fire cannot injure; and that it may be mixed with metals in flux and flow with them, and enter with that which in them is of an ingressible substance, and be fermented with that which in them is of a permixable substance; and be consolidated with that which in them is of a consolidable substance; and be fixed with that which in them is of a fixable substance; and not be burnt by those things which burn not gold and silver; and take away consolidation and weights with due ignition.”[142]

[142] Investigation of Perfections, chap. 11.

The next Arabian whose name I shall introduce into this history, is Al-Hassain-Abou-Ali-Ben-Abdallah-Ebn-Sina, surnamed Scheik Reyes, or prince of physicians, vulgarly known by the name of _Avicenna_. Next to Aristotle and Galen, his reputation was the highest, and his authority the greatest of all medical practitioners; and he reigned paramount, or at least shared the medical sceptre till he was hurled from his throne by the rude hands of Paracelsus.

Avicenna was born in the year 978, at Bokhara, to which place his father had retired during the emirate of the calif Nuhh, one of the sons of the celebrated Almansor. Ali, his father, had dwelt in Balkh, in the Chorazan. After the birth of Avicenna he went to Asschena in Bucharia, where he continued to live till his son had reached his fifteenth year. No labour nor expense was spared on the education of Avicenna, whose abilities were so extraordinary that he is said to have been able to repeat the whole Koran by heart at the age of ten years. Ali gave him for a master Abou-Abdallah-Annatholi, who taught him grammar, dialectics, the geometry of Euclid, and the astronomy of Ptolemy. But Avicenna quitted his tuition because he could not give him the solution of a problem in logic. He attached himself to a merchant, who taught him arithmetic, and made him acquainted with the Indian numerals from which our own are derived. He then undertook a journey to Bagdad, where he studied philosophy under the great Peripatician, Abou-Nasr-Alfarabi, a disciple of Mesue the elder. At the same time he applied himself to medicine, under the tuition of the Nestorian, Abou-Sahel-Masichi. He informs us himself that he applied with an extraordinary ardour to the study of the sciences. He was in the habit of drinking great quantities of liquids during the night, to prevent him from sleeping; and he often obtained in a dream a solution of those problems at which he had laboured in vain while he was awake. When the difficulties to be surmounted appeared to him too great, he prayed to God to communicate to him a share of his wisdom; and these prayers, he assures us, were never offered in vain. The metaphysics of Aristotle was the only book which he could not comprehend, and after reading them over forty times, he threw them aside with great anger at himself.

Already, at the age of sixteen, he was a physician of eminence; and at eighteen he performed a brilliant cure on the calif Nuhh, which gave him such celebrity that Mohammed, Calif of Chorazan, invited him to his palace; but Avicenna rather chose to reside at Dschordschan, where he cured the nephew of the calif Kabus of a grievous distemper.

Afterwards he went to Ray, where he was appointed physician to Prince Magd-Oddaula. Here he composed a dictionary of the sciences. Sometime after this he was raised to the dignity of vizier at Hamdan; but he was speedily deprived of his office and thrown into prison for having favoured a sedition. While incarcerated he wrote many works on medicine and philosophy. By-and-by he was set at liberty, and restored to his dignity; but after the death of his protector, Schems-Oddaula, being afraid of a new attempt to deprive him of his liberty, he took refuge in the house of an apothecary, where he remained long concealed and completely occupied with his literary labours. Being at last discovered he was thrown into the castle of Berdawa, where he was confined for four months. At the end of that time a fortunate accident enabled him to make his escape, in the disguise of a monk. He repaired to Ispahan, where he lived much respected at the court of the calif Ola-Oddaula. He did not live to a great age, because he had worn out his constitution by too free an indulgence of women and wine. Having been attacked by a violent colic, he caused eight injections, prepared from long pepper, to be thrown up in one day. This excessive use of so irritating a remedy, occasioned an excoriation of the intestines, which was followed by an attack of epilepsy. A journey to Hamdan, in company with the calif, and the use of mithridate, into which his servant by mistake had put too much opium, contributed still further to put an end to his life. He had scarcely arrived at the town when he died in the fifty-eighth year of his age, in the year 1036.

Avicenna was the author of the immense work entitled “Canon,” which was translated into Latin, and for five centuries constituted the great standard, the infallible guide, the confession of faith of the medical world. All medical knowledge was contained in it; and nothing except what was contained in it was considered by medical men as of any importance. When we take a view of the Canon, and compare it with the writings of the Greeks, and even of the Arabians, that preceded it, we shall find some difficulty in accounting for the unbounded authority which he acquired over the medical world, and for the length of time during which that authority continued.

But it must be remembered, that Avicenna’s reign occupies the darkest and most dreary period of the history of the human mind. The human race seems to have been asleep, and the mental faculties in a state of complete torpor. Mankind, accustomed in their religious opinions to obey blindly the infallible decisions of the church, and to think precisely as the church enjoined them to think, would naturally look for some means to save them the trouble of thinking on medical subjects; and this means they found fortunately in the canons of Avicenna. These canons, in their opinion, were equally infallible with the decisions of the holy father, and required to be as implicitly obeyed. The whole science of medicine was reduced to a simple perusal of Avicenna’s Canon, and an implicit adherence to his rules and directions.

When we compare this celebrated work with the medical writings of the Greeks, and even of the Arabians, the predecessors of Avicenna, we shall be surprised that it contains little or nothing which can be considered as original; the whole is borrowed from the writings of Galen, or Ætius, or Rhazes: scarcely ever does he venture to trust his own wings, but rests entirely on the sagacity of his Greek and Arabian predecessors. Galen is his great guide; or, if he ever forsake him, it is to place himself under the direction of Aristotle.

The Canon contains a collection of most of the valuable information contained in the writings of the ancient Greek physicians, arranged, it must be allowed, with great clearness. The Hhawi of Razes is almost as complete; but it wants the _lucidus ordo_ which distinguishes the Canon of Avicenna. I conceive that the high reputation which Avicenna acquired, was owing to the care which he bestowed upon his arrangement. He was undoubtedly a man of abilities, but not of inventive genius. There is little original matter in the Canon. But the physicians in the west, while Avicenna occupied the medical sceptre, had no opportunity of judging of the originality of their oracle, because they were unacquainted with the Greek language, and could not therefore consult the writings of Galen or Ætius, except through the corrupt medium of an Arabian version.

But it is not the medical reputation of Avicenna that induced me to mention his name here. Like all the Arabian physicians, he was also a chemist; and his chemical tracts having been translated into Latin, and published in Western Europe, we are enabled to judge of their merit, and to estimate the effect which they may have had upon the progress of chemistry. The first Latin translation of the chemical writings of Avicenna was published at Basil in 1572; they consist of two separate books; the first, under the name of “Porta Elementorum,” consists of a dialogue between a master and his pupil, respecting the mysteries of Alchymy. He gives an account of the four elements, fire, air, water, earth, and gives them their usual qualities of dry, moist, hot, and cold. He then treats of air, which, he says, is the food of fire, of water, of honey, of the mutual conversion of the elements into each other; of milk and cheese, of the mixture of fire and water, and that all things are composed of the four elements. There is nothing in this tract which has any pretension to novelty; he merely retails the opinions of the Greek philosophers.

The other treatise is much larger, and professes to teach the whole art of alchymy; it is divided into ten parts, entitled “Dictiones.” The first diction treats of the philosopher’s stone in general; the second diction treats of the method of converting light things into heavy, hard things into soft; of the mutation of the elements; and of some other particulars of a nature not very intelligible. The third diction treats of the formation of the elixir; and the same subject is continued in the fourth.

The fifth diction is one of the most important in the whole treatise; it is in general intelligible, which is more than can be said of those that precede it. This diction is divided into twenty-eight chapters: the first chapter treats of copper, which, he says, is of three kinds; permenian copper, natural copper, and Navarre copper. But of these three varieties he gives no account whatever; though he enlarges a good deal on the qualities of copper--not its properties, but its supposed medicinal action. It is hot and dry, he says, but in the calx of it there is humidity. His account of the composition of copper is the same with that of Geber.

The second chapter treats of lead, the third of tin, and in the remaining chapters he treats successively of brass, iron, gold, silver, marcasite, sulphuret of antimony, which is distinguished by the name of alcohol; of soda, which he says is the juice of a plant called _sosa_. And he gives an unintelligible process by which it is extracted from that plant, without mentioning a syllable about the combustion to which it is obvious that it must have been subjected.

In the twelfth chapter he treats of saltpetre, which, he says, is brought from Sicily, from India, from Egypt, and from Herminia. He describes several varieties of it, but mentions nothing about its characteristic property of deflagrating upon burning coals. He then treats successively of common salt, of sal-gem, of vitriol, of sulphur, of orpiment, and of sal ammoniac, which, he says, comes from Egypt, from India, and from Forperia. In the nineteenth and subsequent chapters he treats of aurum vivum, of hair, of urine, of eggs, of blood, of glass, of white linen, of horse-dung, and of vinegar.

The sixth diction, in thirty-three chapters, treats of the calcination of the metals, of sublimation, and of some other processes. I think it unnecessary to be more particular, because I cannot perceive any thing in it that had not been previously treated of by Geber.

The seventh diction treats of the preparation of blood and eggs, and the method of dividing them into their four elements. It treats also of the elixir of silver, and the elixir of gold; but it contains no chemical fact of any importance.

The eighth diction treats of the preparation of the ferment of silver, and of gold. The ninth diction treats of the whole magistery, and of the nuptials of the sun and moon; that is, of gold and silver. The tenth diction treats of weights.

The chemical writings of Avicenna are of little value, and apply chemistry rather to the supposed medical qualities of the different substances treated of, than to the advancement of the science. All the chemical knowledge which he possesses is obviously drawn from Geber. Geber, then, may be looked upon as the only chemist among the Arabians to whom we are indebted for any real improvements and new facts. It is true that the Arabian physicians improved considerably the materia medica of the Greeks, and introduced many valuable medicines into common use which were unknown before their time. It is enough to mention corrosive sublimate, manna, opium, asafœtida. It would be difficult to make out many of the vegetable substances used by the Arabian chemists; because the plants which they designated by

## particular names, can very seldom be identified. Botany at that time

had made so little progress, that no method was known of describing plants so as to enable other persons to determine what they were.

##