Part 5

If there had not been such a lack of rowers I should have traveled by means of two hands and forced their respect. But I have so few Indians, and keep them so busy in all kinds of ways that we should be thankful for what has been done. They must have harvested much rice likewise in other parts, and therefore a considerable amount of that to be sent from there [Manila] can be dispensed with. I have something more than four hundred Indians, and two hundred and fifteen Spaniards, counting soldiers, sailors, and gunners. Some of these are crippled and maimed. The war of men continues. Although I understand that this will be more costly to me than was the Terrenate war, two soldiers only have been lost--one of them having his head carried away by a cannon-shot, and the other one his bowels by an arquebus-shot. I sent asking your Grace if you would have those conveyed back to Manila who are no longer capable of service. It will be a gracious act to favor their cause.

In the last letter which I wrote to your Grace I gave an account of the products of this land, so far as they were known up to that time; and now I am doing the same with what has since been observed. In the first place the country is healthful, as has been clearly shown; for if the want, hardships, and privations which the troops have suffered here in mid-winter had occurred in that city, not a man would have lived through it. The climate is incomparably better than that of that island [Luzón]; for in the whole year there are not six days of extreme heat, and the evenings, nights, and mornings are usually cool. Gold is found in all parts, although not in large quantities, but it must exist where there are traces of it. Throughout the whole island there is a great deal of wax and much tortoise-shell. Rice is sowed in all parts, and in some places in great quantities. They raise fowl, goats, and swine in all the villages, and wax they do not save. There is a great quantity of wild game, which is excellent, growing larger than in other places.

There are a great many nipa and other palms, although more than twenty thousand palm-trees have been destroyed. The people of the tingues are farmers and stock-raisers, and would plant a great deal if directed to do so; accordingly, four hundred or five hundred Spaniards could be very bountifully supplied here, and even more. They are in an excellent position for trade, for they are at a very few days' journey from all the islands of Maluco, Xlatheo [Matheo?], Borney, and Xaba, and they lie on the route of the galleons which ply between Yndia, Malaca, and Maluco, and which anchor at La Canela. The only thing to be feared is that the men from these galleons will enter the island, doing damage, and making a bad name for us. It would take a miracle to lose it. The worst thing that I see is that it should be divided into encomiendas, as otherwise the soldiers will work willingly and even without further recompense than what they may happen to get. And accordingly it seems but just that the masters should come and give us support, or that they should leave us, who are well satisfied with it.

Two or three encomenderos only have sent their attendants; and they might as well not have sent them, because they have not provided them with provisions and supplies, but the king has had to furnish them. If this is all that is necessary, they have done well to stay at home forgetful, and let us fools labor here for them. And it seems to me that there has been sufficient deceit, falsehood, and cunning used with the lord governor with their false excuses. Let them come or give up, for otherwise I believe there will be no one to continue the work. Let them build ships and boats; since most of them hold encomiendas, from which they can pay for them. Of one thing they may be certain, that so long as I am on the island no tributes shall be collected there unless in the meantime there shall be another order from the lord governor; except that I shall have them collected and put in the treasury to cover the expenses of this pacification; for thus far I have knowledge of no assent or approval, and therefore I shall treat it as if left to me. Thus far I have founded no settlement; for, although the situation of Tanpaca is good and healthful, it is far from the sea, so that it takes a fragata five or six days to come up and go down from here. There is no other site of importance, and from now on until things are more settled it is inexpedient to leave this river; I shall therefore postpone such an enterprise until a better opportunity.

More than thirty pieces of artillery, although small ones, have been won from the enemy, and more than five hundred boats have been defeated and captured; and up to the time of the peace more than eight hundred people have died or been taken captive.

On the twenty-sixth instant the sargento-mayor came down from exploring the great lake. He found upon it a village of eight hundred people, which immediately surrendered peaceably and paid acknowledgment. There were no more in that neighborhood. And as all the people there pay tribute to these people, they denied having any more than a few tinguianes [_i.e.,_ hill people]. When they were told to notify the villages, they said that they could not, for they were at war with them; that this was the boundary of their nation; and that it would take a large body of troops. It could not all be explored on this occasion, because it would take more time than our troops could afford. It is understood that the people of this district are all farmers, and by nature like the Vizayans; they have much cotton and wax. This part of the lake is clear, and has a swift current, owing to the strength of the rivers which flow into it, and which have every reason for being populous. We shall examine it soon; the reason for our not doing so this time was that Silonga knew that the chiefs and principal men of his party wished to go over to our side, paying tribute and obedience unto his Majesty. Seeing himself deserted on all sides without them, and that they were all leaving him, he came out of Buyahen with a large number of troops and went to the village of Dato Mindum; and there he cut off their path and kept them all hedged in. The sargento-mayor and the other captains, considering that since he was so bold as to take up a position where he was without fortification, he must have confidence in the number of his troops, and that for some eight days more or less the victories which God has given us up to now should not be spoiled, therefore put off attacking him till they should have a new order from me. Accordingly today, the twenty-ninth of the said month, I am sending Captain Ruy Gomez with forty soldiers more, and three hundred friendly Indians and more supplies. He has orders to attack the village. We should lose much if the troops came down the river without attacking Silonga; the more he has at stake, the more he will lose. For I know the worth and value of a Spaniard, and it is not a good thing to hazard them without a great deal of consideration. I hope, God willing, that if the enemy wait they will be badly beaten; and if they flee to the chiefs who wish to go over to our side, that will increase their wish and confirm them in it.

Thus far no fragata or other ship has arrived except that of the sargento-mayor which I sent back from here, and even if this had remained in Zebu, it might have brought word from the lord governor regarding the prosecution of this business. He comes here with no more knowledge than we have; the only thing of which he leaves us in no doubt is that he comes without the means to pay or succor these poor troops. If this be true, I am much astonished at it; and it appears to me that this is afflicting them too much and will give them an occasion to make trouble and rebel some day, taking one of the galleys and the artillery and going where they list, as has already been done in two cases. In the one case a barangay and four soldiers mutinied and went away, no one knows where. Although they took an officer, he had no power to prevent them, for they rose in arms against him. The best that he could do was to have them put him ashore and in this way he came back to this fort. The three soldiers who were posted on the galliot which was at Vutil conspired and took the small boat and fled. Your Grace may see, from the eve of the feast, what sort of feast-day may be expected, especially from troops suffering privation and hunger, who do not leave their arms day or night, working for others and receiving no pay. With so small a ration of rice they are ill sustained for any length of time; for the little meat and fish which was sent was so insignificant and arrived in so damaged a condition that there is not enough for eight days. Finally, on this ground of pay they would be justified in mutiny. They are seeking all about for food and clothes, which, if they had received the pay, they would not have lacked; and at the same time they could be commanded and obliged to serve and keep the regulations--which are every day broken, and we cannot punish them. Another band attempted flight a few days past, one of whom I hanged--although it weighs on my conscience now that I have done it; for, in a sense, they have excuse enough. Since I did not shirk it, I inform you of it now, to relieve my conscience, before God and his Majesty.

While writing this, word came to me from the captains who are up the river, that from the mountain ridge, from a creek called Malago, there had come a chief with several peaceful Indians. This is worthy of note, since they have come so late, without waiting for a suggestion, since they have never seen our faces, and since they have come many leguas, dressed in clothes of cotton and of medriñaque, which is a good sign. They say that there are many people in their country. I hope, through God, that soon all will render obedience to his Majesty, and that every day will give occasion for the report of more gains. May our Lord grant your Grace many years, and His protection, as I desire. The fortress of Tanpaca, January 4, '98. Your Grace's humble servant,

_Don Juan Ronquillo_

Report of Conditions in the Philippines

_By Antonio de Morga_

What is to be said of the condition of affairs in these Philipinas Islands is as follows:

_Instruction and instructors of the Indians_

1. The evil example set by the religious through their vices, indecent behavior, gambling, banquets, and festivities.

2. They trade and make a profit in their districts, from rice, wax, wine, gold, boats, fowls, cloth, and deerskins, to the great detriment of the Indians, as well as that of the entire country.

3. They deal openly in merchandise of the above-mentioned articles, as well as in those of China, in the trade with Nueva España.

4. They usurp the royal jurisdiction, hearing, according to the due forms of law, suits among the Indians. They have stocks, prisons, and place of detention, where they vex, whip, and otherwise afflict the Indians, compelling these to obey the laws they themselves make, rather than those of the king's magistrates.

5. They distress the Indians by demanding their services as rowers; and contributions of rice, wine, fowls, and other things, with but slight payment, or even none.

6. They employ many more Indians than are necessary, who serve in many capacities without pay.

7. They levy many excessive fees for baptisms, weddings, and funerals, and then neglect to reserve the episcopal tax.

8. They erect large churches, houses, and monasteries for only one friar, or at the most for two. They often remodel and rebuild these edifices at a great expense to the royal treasury, encomenderos, and Indians.

9. They put forth strenuous efforts to oblige the Indians to bequeath at least a third of their gold and wealth to the monasteries, for which gifts they receive more honor at their death, so that others may be roused to do likewise. Those who do not thus give are buried like beasts.

10. In the churches alms-boxes and chests are placed, in which they compel both men and women alike to drop their offering each one singly, diminishing their property.

11. They insist on the continual formation of brotherhoods and erection of shrines, so that these may be endowed and adorned and may receive new alms--the Indians understanding no more of the matter than the display and ostentation of the offering.

12. Every monastery has, usually, a great many festivities, which are all attended by the friars throughout the whole province. These are accompanied by many Indians, for the purpose of bearing their hammocks, rowing for them, and acting in other capacities. Thus, year after year, the friars go from one village to another, dragging the Indians after them, and causing great expense.

13. The religious levy many contributions on the Indians for the expense of their festivities, for triumphal arches, castles, and dances. These entertainments are receptions which they compel the Indians to tender, as a welcome, to their provincials and priors, to whom breakfasts and dinners are given also. These festivities occur frequently, and are conducted with much worldly show and expense.

14. They are very careful to exact that all the Indian girls, especially the young and most beautiful, appear at the gates of the monastery every day. They converse with them, showing partiality to the handsomest among them. When a new prior arrives or any other person for whom the religious wish to make a special display, these Indian girls dress themselves carefully and call to see them. Besides this, there are other things which it would be offensive to tell.

15. The superiors commonly send young friars of but little education and no very good example to these curacies. Their conduct is such that the Indians hate them as enemies. Thus the Indians profit but little by the instruction, and acquire a distaste for the law of God and His gospel.

16. They generally spend their time disputing with the alcaldes-mayor. Especially if the latter do not coincide in all their opinions, they persecute and harass them, until they even compel them to leave the country.

17. They accept and encourage complaints and tales by private persons, even though they may be false and unjust; for this enables them to preach to and reprove the people and also the ministers of justice, so that they themselves may be feared and respected. And they do this with great indecorum and license.

18. By means of special study and persistent effort, they strive to participate in government affairs. They desire to have a hand in everything, and to take part in all matters, through the medium of conscience and theology, by means of which they interpret and pick flaws in his Majesty's ordinances. But rarely do they allow his orders to be executed, unless quite to their taste and liking.

19. Many of them undeniably have contracts with the factors, encomenderos, and known capitalists in the trade with España.

20. They are attended by a great following of Indian boys, who serve as pages and servants. These are well dressed, wearing liveries and gold chains. They carry their hats for them in the streets, while in the monastery they assist them in the cells. Each one, however, has his own special servant.

21. These servants, together with other Indians whom they have with them, who are taught to play on the guitar and other instruments, are made to dance, execute lively songs and dances, and to sing profane and immodest tunes. Thus they entertain their guests, setting a bad example to the Indians, without profiting anyone.

22. When they find themselves gainers in wealth, their principal thought is to try to return to España with their profits. This disturbs many here, for by divers ways and means they endeavor to obtain permission to carry out their design.

23. The orders send many each year, under the pretext that they are going on business for the order. They do not take into consideration that they are needed here, nor the expense to his Majesty in sending them.

24. The more spiritual among them try to go to China, Xapon, Camboxa, and other kingdoms, in order to preach the gospel, unmindful of their duties here, for which they were brought. This anxiety makes them restless, and they invent journeys and conquests which disturb the rulers and the Spaniards. All this gives rise to other objectionable things.

25. They will accept no curacy in any province, unless rich enough to suit them. They abandon the rest, so that there are many islands and provinces whose people ask for baptism but are unable to obtain it, for the lack of persons to administer it as well as to impart instruction and to live with the Indians to see that they do not apostatize.

26. Many of the religious treat the Indians very cruelly, just as if they were slaves or dogs. On failure to please, they are beaten, or subjected to any penalty that presents itself, on the pretext that they were remiss in attention to religious instruction.

_Ecclesiastical judges and prelates_

27. They meddle with the royal jurisdiction. Hitherto they have not been restrained, for they would immediately pronounce excommunication and offer other insults.

28. In the cases tried by them, they practice notorious coercion, insulting the parties to the case, executing all that they decide and determine, whether right or wrong--and all this without having any education, or having any person to guide them.

29. The religious have attorneys who speak both languages, and interpreters, whom they invest with authority, and from whom the Indians suffer innumerable offenses and many grievances.

30. Their officials and clerks collect excessive fees and do not keep to the fixed rate.

31. Although his Majesty had ordered no pecuniary fines to be imposed on the Indians for any cause or pretext whatsoever, they are compelled to pay fines of gold and reals, which decrease their property and estate.

32. Some of the judges are quite at variance with others, especially in regard to conservators; and they excommunicate one another and the town, with considerable offense and scandal. Bulls and briefs have been published, unknown to, and not passed or received by, the council.

33. When complaint is made of the excesses and crimes of any ecclesiastic or religious, their superiors do not punish them. On the contrary, saying that it does not befit the dignity of religion to say that they have committed crimes and that they have received punishment, they let the matter drop.

34. The ecclesiastics and religious quietly take away from and add to the instruction at will, and without the supervision of the governor and the ecclesiastical superior, contrary to his Majesty's orders. This occasions many difficulties. They do not allow the bishop to visit their curacies, for fear that the injustice of their action will be discovered.

_Secular government_

35. Negligence and carelessness exist in making the laws, and more in enforcing them, in regard to matters pertaining to the care and advancement of this kingdom, and its good government--and especially to the royal decrees sent by his Majesty, most of which are suspended or not effectively observed.

36. Concerning provisions and all other necessities for human existence, each one is a law unto himself, does what he pleases, and sells as he wishes, without any fixed price, measure, or system. Hence provisions are growing steadily worse and dearer. The natives and Chinese trade, bartering and retailing, which, as above stated, results in the injury and high price of provisions, while the merchandise is adulterated or counterfeited.

37. The thorough efforts which are needed are not made to prevent the natives from becoming vagabonds and idlers; and to make them cease to be peddlers and traders for gain. They must be induced to cultivate the soil, make their cloth, and occupy themselves with their different kinds of work, as they did formerly. Then the land was more productive and they were better off.

38. It is necessary rigorously to restrict the Chinese from going about as they now do among these islands for trade and profit, without any system, robbing the country, enhancing the value of articles, and imparting many bad habits and sins to the natives. They also explore the ports and harbor entrances, and reconnoiter the country, that they may be able to work some injury when occasion offers.

39. It would be very advantageous forcibly to eject all the Sangleys who are scattered throughout the islands--namely, those who are protected by the alcaldes-mayor and the religious--because of the money that they take out of the country, and the injury they cause to it.

40. These Sangleys should not be allowed to have parians in certain towns of the islands, where there are but few Spaniards. The justices harbor them there for their own profit, and the harvests that they gather from them and their ships, as in Manila. This might prove very harmful and injurious, and renders it necessary that, at the very least, the ship coming to trade shall dispose of its cargo as quickly as possible, and return to China with all those who came in it.

41. It is only just that, when the Sangleys arrive with their ships, they should observe the proclamations issued which prohibit them from bringing many people. Penalties should be exacted, and when the Sangleys return they should take as many people as they can, thus relieving the country from the many here who are an injury to it.

42. We must endeavor to have them sell the merchandise brought by them from China freely to any person who wishes to buy; and we must see that no advantage is taken of anyone, either in their ships or on land, under severe penalties intended to prevent such acts--from which arise obvious injustice, and the increase of the price of their wares.

43. An order must be given to the Chinese to sail early for these islands, so that, during the month of May, their goods shall be sold, and their ships go on the return voyage. This is the best thing, both for the safety of their voyage, and the prevention of so excessive prices on their goods.

44. We must endeavor to have them bring good merchandise, not defective or spurious. As they are an unscrupulous race, they adulterate the goods, which they would not do if they saw that notice was taken of their action, and that the goods that were not up to the standard were burned.