Part 20

(b) _The Flourishing of Middle High German Poetry._--Such was the preparation for the extraordinarily brilliant, although brief epoch of German medieval poetry, which corresponded to the reigns of the Hohenstaufen emperors, Frederick I. Barbarossa, Henry VI. and Frederick II. These rulers, by their ambitious political aspirations and achievements, filled the German peoples with a sense of "world-mission," as the leading political power in medieval Europe. Docile pupils of French chivalry, the Germans had no sooner learned their lesson than they found themselves in the position of being able to dictate to the world of chivalry. In the same way, the German poets, who, in the 12th century, had been little better than clumsy translators of French romances, were able, at the beginning of the 13th, to substitute for French _chansons de geste_ epics based on national sagas, to put a completely German imprint on the French Arthurian romance, and to sing German songs before which even the lyric of Provence paled. National epic, Court epic and Minnesang--these three types of medieval German literature, to which may be added as a subordinate group didactic poetry, comprise virtually all that has come down to us in the Middle High German tongue. A Middle High German prose hardly existed, and the drama, such as it was, was still essentially Latin.

The first place among the National or Popular epics belongs to the _Nibelungenlied_, which received its present form in Austria about the turn of the 12th and 13th centuries. Combining, as it does, elements from various cycles of sagas--the lower Rhenish legend of Siegfried, the Burgundian saga of Gunther and Hagen, the Gothic saga of Dietrich and Etzel--it stands out as the most representative epic of German medieval life. And in literary power, dramatic intensity and singleness of purpose its eminence is no less unique. The vestiges of gradual growth--of irreconcilable elements imperfectly welded together--may not have been entirely effaced, but they in no way lessen the impression of unity which the poem leaves behind it; whoever the welder of the sagas may have been, he was clearly a poet of lofty imagination and high epic gifts (see NIBELUNGENLIED). Less imposing as a whole, but in parts no less powerful in its appeal to the modern mind, is the second of the German national epics, _Gudrun_, which was written early in the 13th century. This poem, as it has come down to us, is the work of an Austrian, but the subject belongs to a cycle of sagas which have their home on the shores of the North Sea. It seems almost a freak of chance that Siegfried, the hero of the Rhineland, should occupy so prominent a position in the _Nibelungenlied_, whereas Dietrich von Bern (i.e. of Verona), the name under which Theodoric the Great had been looked up to for centuries by the German people as their national hero, should have left the stamp of his personality on no single epic of the intrinsic worth of the _Nibelungenlied_. He appears, however, more or less in the background of a number of romances--_Die Rabenschlacht_, _Dietrichs Flucht_, _Alpharts Tod_, _Biterolf und Dietlieb_, _Laurin_, &c.--which make up what is usually called the _Heldenbuch_. It is tempting, indeed, to see in this very unequal collection the basis for what, under more favourable circumstances, might have developed into an epic even more completely representative of the German nation than the _Nibelungenlied_.

While the influence of the romance of chivalry is to be traced on all these popular epics, something of the manlier, more primitive ideals that animated German national poetry passed over to the second great group of German medieval poetry, the Court epic. The poet who, following Eilhart von Oberge's tentative beginnings, established the Court epic in Germany was Heinrich von Veldeke, a native of the district of the lower Rhine; his _Eneit_, written between 1173 and 1186, is based on a French original. Other poets of the time, such as Herbort von Fritzlar, the author of a _Liet von Troye_, followed Heinrich's example, and selected French models for German poems on antique themes; while Albrecht von Halberstadt translated about the year 1210 the _Metamorphoses_ of Ovid into German verse. With the three masters of the Court epic, Hartmann von Aue, Wolfram von Eschenbach and Gottfried von Strassburg--all of them contemporaries--the Arthurian cycle became the recognized theme of this type of romance, and the accepted embodiment of the ideals of the knightly classes. Hartmann was a Swabian, Wolfram a Bavarian, Gottfried presumably a native of Strassburg. Hartmann, who in his _Erec_ and _Iwein_, _Gregorius_ and _Der arme Heinrich_ combined a tendency towards religious asceticism with a desire to imbue the worldly life of the knight with a moral and religious spirit, provided the Court epic of the age with its best models; he had, of all the medieval court poets, the most delicate sense for the formal beauty of poetry, for language, verse and style. Wolfram and Gottfried, on the other hand, represent two extremes of poetic temperament. Wolfram's _Parzival_ is filled with mysticism and obscure spiritual significance; its flashes of humour irradiate, although they can hardly be said to illumine, the gloom; its hero is, unconsciously, a symbol and allegory of much which to the poet himself must have been mysterious and inexplicable; in other words, _Parzival_--and Wolfram's other writings, _Willehalm_ and _Titurel_, point in the same direction--is an instinctive or, to use Schiller's word, a "naive" work of genius. Gottfried, again, is hardly less gifted and original, but he is a poet of a wholly different type. His _Tristan_ is even more lucid than Hartmann's _Iwein_, his art is more objective; his delight in it is that of the conscious artist who sees his work growing under his hands. Gottfried's poem, in other words, is free from the obtrusion of those subjective elements which are in so high a degree characteristic of _Parzival_; in spite of the tragic character of the story, _Tristan_ is radiant and serene, and yet uncontaminated by that tone of frivolity which the Renaissance introduced into love stories of this kind.

_Parzival_ and _Tristan_ are the two poles of the German Court epic, and the subsequent development of that epic stands under the influence of the three poets, Hartmann, Wolfram and Gottfried; according as the poets of the 13th century tend to imitate one or other of these, they fall into three classes. To the followers and imitators of Hartmann belong Ulrich von Zatzikhoven, the author of a _Lanzelet_ (c. 1195); Wirnt von Gravenberg, a Bavarian, whose _Wigalois_ (c. 1205) shows considerable imaginative power; the versatile Spielmann, known as "Der Stricker"; and Heinrich von dem Turlin, author of an unwieldy epic, _Die Krone_ ("the crown of all adventures," c. 1220). The fascination of Wolfram's mysticism is to be seen in _Der jungere Titurel_ of a Bavarian poet, Albrecht von Scharfenberg (c. 1270), and in the still later _Lohengrin_ of an unknown poet; whereas Gottfried von Strassburg dominates the _Flore und Blanscheflur_ of Konrad Fleck (c. 1220) and the voluminous romances of the two chief poets of the later 13th century, Rudolf von Ems, who died in 1254, and Konrad von Wurzburg, who lived till 1287. Of these, Konrad alone carried on worthily the traditions of the great age, and even his art, which excels within the narrow limits of romances like _Die Herzemoere_ and _Engelhard_, becomes diffuse and wearisome on the unlimited canvas of _Der Trojanerkrieg_ and _Partonopier und Meliur_.

The most conspicuous changes which came over the narrative poetry of the 13th century were, on the one hand, a steady encroachment of realism on the matter and treatment of the epic, and, on the other, a leaning to didacticism. The substitution of the "history" of the chronicle for the confessedly imaginative stories of the earlier poets is to be seen in the work of Rudolf von Ems, and of a number of minor chroniclers like Ulrich von Eschenbach, Berthold von Holle and Jans Enikel; while for the growth of realism we may look to the _Pfaffe Amis_, a collection of comic anecdotes by "Der Stricker," the admirable peasant romance _Meier Helmbrecht_, written between 1236 and 1250 by Wernher der Gartenaere in Bavaria, and to the adventures of Ulrich von Lichtenstein, as described in his _Frauendienst_ (1255) and _Frauenbuch_ (1257).

More than any single poet of the Court epic, more even than the poet of the _Nibelungenlied_, Walther von der Vogelweide summed up in himself all that was best in the group of poetic literature with which he was associated--the Minnesang. The early Austrian singers already mentioned, poets like Heinrich von Veldeke, who in his lyrics, as in his epic, introduced the French conception of _Minne_, or like the manly Friedrich von Hausen, and the Swiss imitator of Provencal measures, Rudolf von Fenis appear only in the light of forerunners. Even more original poets, like Heinrich von Morungen and Walther's own master, Reinmar von Hagenau, the author of harmonious but monotonously elegiac verses, or among immediate contemporaries, Hartmann von Aue and Wolfram von Eschenbach, whose few lyric strophes are as deeply stamped with his individuality as his epics--seem only tributary to the full rich stream of Walther's genius. There was not a form of the German Minnesang which Walther did not amplify and deepen; songs of courtly love and lowly love, of religious faith and delight in nature, patriotic songs and political _Spruche_--in all he was a master. Of Walther's life we are somewhat better informed than in the case of his contemporaries: he was born about 1170 and died about 1230; his art he learned in Austria, whereupon he wandered through South Germany, a welcome guest wherever he went, although his vigorous championship of what he regarded as the national cause in the political struggles of the day won him foes as well as friends. For centuries he remained the accepted exemplar of German lyric poetry; not merely the Minnesanger who followed him, but also the Meistersinger of the 15th and 16th centuries looked up to him as one of the founders and lawgivers of their art. He was the most influential of all Germany's lyric poets, and in the breadth, originality and purity of his inspiration one of her greatest (see WALTHER VON DER VOGELWEIDE).

The development of the German Minnesang after Walther's death and under his influence is easily summed up. Contemporaries had been impressed by the dual character of Walther's lyric; they distinguished a higher courtly lyric, and a lower more outspoken form of song, free from the constraint of social or literary conventions. The later Minnesang emphasized this dualism. Amongst Walther's immediate contemporaries, high-born poets, whose lives were passed at courts, naturally cultivated the higher lyric; but the more gifted and original singers of the time rejoiced in the freedom of Walther's poetry of _niedere Minne_. It was, in fact, in accordance with the spirit of the age that the latter should have been Walther's most valuable legacy to his successors; and the greatest of these, Neidhart von Reuental (c. 1180-c. 1250), certainly did not allow himself to be hampered by aristocratic prejudices. Neidhart sought the themes of his _hofische Dorfpoesie_ in the village, and, as the mood happened to dictate, depicted the peasant with humorous banter or biting satire. The lyric poets of the later 13th century were either, like Burkart von Hohenfels, Ulrich von Winterstetten and Gottfried von Neifen, echoes of Walther von der Vogelweide and of Neidhart, or their originality was confined to some particular form of lyric poetry in which they excelled. Thus the singer known as "Der Tannhauser" distinguished himself as an imitator of the French _pastourelle_; Reinmar von Zweter was purely a _Spruchdichter_. More or less common to all is the consciousness that their own ideas and surroundings were no longer in harmony with the aristocratic world of chivalry, which the poets of the previous generation had glorified. The solid advantages, material prosperity and increasing comfort of life in the German towns appealed to poets like Steinmar von Klingenau more than the unworldly ideals of self-effacing knighthood which Ulrich von Lichtenstein and Johann Hadlaub of Zurich clung to so tenaciously and extolled so warmly. On the whole, the Spruchdichter came best out of this ordeal of changing fashions; and the increasing interest in the moral and didactic applications of literature favoured the development of this form of verse. The confusion of didactic purpose with the lyric is common to all the later poetry, to that of the learned Marner, of Boppe, Rumezland and Heinrich von Meissen, who was known to later generations as "Frauenlob." The _Spruchdichtung_, in fact, was one of the connecting links between the Minnesang of the 13th and the lyric and satiric poetry of the 15th and 16th centuries.

The disturbing and disintegrating element in the literature of the 13th century was thus the substitution of a utilitarian didacticism for the idealism of chivalry. In the early decades of that century, poems like _Der Winsbeke_, by a Bavarian, and _Der welsche Gast_, written in 1215-1216 by Thomasin von Zirclaere (Zirclaria), a native of Friuli, still teach with uncompromising idealism the duties and virtues of the knightly life. But in the _Bescheidenheit_ (c. 1215-1230) of a wandering singer, who called himself Freidank, we find for the first time an

## active antagonism to the unworldly code of chivalry and an unmistakable

reflection of the changing social order, brought about by the rise of what we should now call the middle class. Freidank is the spokesman of the _Burger_, and in his terse, witty verses may be traced the germs of German intellectual and literary development in the coming centuries--even of the Reformation itself. From the advent of Freidank onwards, the satiric and didactic poetry went the way of the epic; what it gained in quantity it lost in quality and concentration. The satires associated with the name of Seifried Helbling, an Austrian who wrote in the last fifteen years of the 13th century, and _Der Renner_ by Hugo von Trimberg, written at the very end of the century, may be taken as characteristic of the later period, where terseness and incisive wit have given place to diffuse moralizing and allegory.

There is practically no Middle High German literature in prose; such prose as has come down to us--the tracts of David of Augsburg, the powerful sermons of Berthold von Regensburg (d. 1272), Germany's greatest medieval preacher, and several legal codes, as the _Sachsenspiegel_ and _Schwabenspiegel_--only prove that the Germans of the 13th century had not yet realized the possibilities of prose as a medium of literary expression.

III. THE TRANSITION PERIOD (1350-1600)

(a) _The Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries._--As is the case with all transitional periods of literary history, this epoch of German literature may be considered under two aspects: on the one hand, we may follow in it the decadence and disintegration of the literature of the Middle High German period; on the other, we may study the beginnings of modern forms of poetry and the preparation of that spiritual revolution, which meant hardly less to the Germanic peoples than the Renaissance to the Latin races--the Protestant Reformation.

By the middle of the 14th century, knighthood with its chivalric ideals was rapidly declining, and the conditions under which medieval poetry had flourished were passing away. The social change rendered the courtly epic of Arthur's Round Table in great measure incomprehensible to the younger generation, and made it difficult for them to understand the spirit that actuated the heroes of the national epic; the tastes to which the lyrics of the great Minnesingers had appealed were vitiated by the more practical demands of the rising middle classes. But the stories of chivalry still appealed as stories to the people, although the old way of telling them was no longer appreciated. The feeling for beauty of form and expression was lost; the craving for a moral purpose and didactic aim had to be satisfied at the cost of artistic beauty; and sensational incident was valued more highly than fine character-drawing or inspired poetic thought. Signs of the decadence are to be seen in the _Karlmeinet_ of this period, stories from the youth of Charlemagne, in a continuation of _Parzival_ by two Alsatians, Claus Wisse and Philipp Colin (c. 1335), in an _Apollonius von Tyrus_ by Heinrich von Neuenstadt (c. 1315), and a _Konigstochter von Frankreich_ by Hans von Buhel (c. 1400). The story of Siegfried was retold in a rough ballad, _Das Lied von hurnen Seyfried_, the _Heldenbuch_ was recast in _Knittelvers_ or doggerel (1472), and even the Arthurian epic was parodied. A no less marked symptom of decadence is to be seen in a large body of allegorical poetry analogous to the _Roman de la rose_ in France; Heinzelein of Constance, at the end of the 13th, and Hadamar von Laber and Hermann von Sachsenheim, about the middle of the 15th century, were representatives of this movement. As time went on, prose versions of the old stories became more general, and out of these developed the _Volksbucher_, such as _Loher und Maller_, _Die Haimonskinder_, _Die schone Magelone_, _Melusine_, which formed the favourite reading of the German people for centuries. As the last monuments of the decadent narrative literature of the middle ages, we may regard the _Buch der Abenteuer_ of Ulrich Fuetrer, written at the end of the 15th century, and _Der Weisskonig_ and _Teuerdank_ by the emperor Maximilian I. (1459-1519) printed in the early years of the 16th. At the beginning of the new epoch the Minnesang could still point to two masters able to maintain the great traditions of the 13th century, Hugo von Montfort (1357-1423) and Oswald von Wolkenstein (1367-1445); but as the lyric passed into the hands of the middle-class poets of the German towns, it was rapidly shorn of its essentially lyric qualities; _die Minne_ gave place to moral and religious dogmatism, emphasis was laid on strict adherence to the rules of composition, and the simple forms of the older lyric were superseded by ingenious metrical distortions. Under the influence of writers like Heinrich von Meissen ("Frauenlob," c. 1250-1318) and Heinrich von Mugeln in the 14th century, like Muskatblut and Michael Beheim (1416-c. 1480) in the 15th, the Minnesang thus passed over into the Meistergesang. In the later 15th and in the 16th centuries all the south German towns possessed flourishing Meistersinger schools in which the art of writing verse was taught and practised according to complicated rules, and it was the ambition of every gifted citizen to rise through the various grades from _Schuler_ to _Meister_ and to distinguish himself in the "singing contests" instituted by the schools.

Such are the decadent aspects of the once rich literature of the Middle High German period in the 14th and 15th centuries. Turning now to the more positive side of the literary movement, we have to note a revival of a popular lyric poetry--the Volkslied--which made the futility and artificiality of the Meistergesang more apparent. Never before or since has Germany been able to point to such a rich harvest of popular poetry as is to be seen in the Volkslieder of these two centuries. Every form of popular poetry is to be found here--songs of love and war, hymns and drinking-songs, songs of spring and winter, historical ballads, as well as lyrics in which the old motives of the Minnesang reappear stripped of all artificiality. More obvious ties with the literature of the preceding age are to be seen in the development of the _Schwank_ or comic anecdote. Collections of such stories, which range from the practical jokes of _Till Eulenspiegel_ (1515), and the coarse witticisms of the _Pfaffe vom Kalenberg_ (end of 14th century) and _Peter Leu_ (1550), to the religious and didactic anecdotes of J. Pauli's _Schimpf und Ernst_ (1522) or the more literary _Rollwagenbuchlein_ (1555) of Jorg Wickram and the _Wendunmut_ (1563 ff.) of H.W. Kirchhoff--these dominate in large measure the literature of the 15th and 16th centuries; they are the literary descendants of the medieval _Pfaffe Amis_, _Markolf_ and _Reinhart Fuchs_. An important development of this type of popular literature is to be seen in the _Narrenschiff_ of Sebastian Brant (1457-1521), where the humorous anecdote became a vehicle of the bitterest satire; Brant's own contempt for the vulgarity of the ignorant, and the deep, unsatisfied craving of all strata of society for a wider intellectual horizon and a more humane and dignified life, to which Brant gave voice, make the _Narrenschiff_, which appeared in 1494, a landmark on the way that led to the Reformation. Another form--the Beast fable and Beast epic--which is but sparingly represented in earlier times, appealed with peculiar force to the new generation. At the very close of the Middle High German period, Ulrich Boner had revived the Aesopic fable in his _Edelstein_ (1349), translations of Aesop in the following century added to the popularity of the fable (q.v.), and in the century of the Reformation it became, in the hands of Burkard Waldis (_Esopus_, 1548) and Erasmus Alberus (_Buch von der Tugend und Weisheit_, 1550), a favourite instrument of satire and polemic. A still more attractive form of the Beast fable was the epic of _Reinke de Vos_, which had been cultivated by Flemish poets in the 13th and 14th centuries and has come down to us in a Low Saxon translation, published at Lubeck in 1498. This, too, like Brant's poem, is a powerful satire on human folly, and is also, like the _Narrenschiff_, a harbinger of the coming Reformation.

A complete innovation was the drama (q.v.), which, as we have seen, had practically no existence in Middle High German times. As in all European literatures, it emerged slowly and with difficulty from its original subservience to the church liturgy. As time went on, the vernacular was substituted for the original Latin, and with increasing demands for pageantry, the scene of the play was removed to the churchyard or the market-place; thus the opportunity arose in the 14th and 15th centuries for developing the _Weihnachtsspiel_, _Osterspiel_ and _Passionsspiel_ on secular lines. The enlargement of the scope of the religious play to include legends of the saints implied a further step in the direction of a complete separation of the drama from ecclesiastical ceremony. The most interesting example of this encroachment of the secular spirit is the _Spiel von Frau Jutten_--Jutta being the notorious Pope Joan--by an Alsatian, Dietrich Schernberg, in 1480. Meanwhile, in the 15th century, a beginning had been made of a drama entirely independent of the church. The mimic representations--originally allegorical in character--with which the people amused themselves at the great festivals of the year, and more especially in spring, were interspersed with dialogue, and performed on an improvised stage. This was the beginning of the _Fastnachtsspiel_ or Shrovetide-play, the subject of which was a comic anecdote similar to those of the many collections of _Schwanke_. Amongst the earliest cultivators of the _Fastnachtsspiel_ were Hans Rosenplut (fl. c. 1460) and Hans Folz (fl. c. 1510), both of whom were associated with Nuremberg.