Book I

.; Undine, ch. viii.; Lane's Arabian Nights, vol. iii. p. 385.

[24] Although Dindorf has left [Greek: OKEANOS] before the lines beginning with [Greek: ou deta], yet as he in his notes, p. 54, approves of the opinion of Elmsley (to which the majority of critics assent), I have continued them to Prometheus. Dindorf (after Burges) remarks that the

## particles [Greek: ou deta] deceived the copyists, who

thought that they pointed to the commencement of a new speaker's address. He quotes Soph. OEd. C. 433; Eur. Alcest. 555; Heracl. 507, sqq., where it is used as a continuation of a previous argument, as in the present passage.

[25] It has been remarked that AEschylus had Pindar in mind, see Pyth. I. 31, and VIII. 20. On this fate of Enceladus cf. Philostrat. de V. Apoll. V. 6; Apollodorus I.; Hygin. Fab. 152; and for poetical descriptions, Cornel. Severus AEtna, 70, "Gurgite Trinacrio morientem Jupiter AEtna Obruit Enceladum, vasti qui pondere montis AEstuat, et patulis exspirat faucibus ignes." Virg. AEn. III. 578; Valer. Flacc. II. 24; Ovid. Met. V. Fab. V. 6; Claudian, de raptu Pros. I. 155; Orph. Arg. 1256. Strabo, I. p. 42, makes Hesiod acquainted with these eruptions. (See Goettling on Theog. 821.) But Prometheus here utters a prophecy concerning an eruption that really took place during the life of AEschylus, Ol. 75, 2, B.C. 479. Cf. Thucydides III. 116; Cluver, Sicil. Antig. p. 104, and Dindorf's clear and learned note. There can be little doubt but Enceladus and Typhon are only different names for the same monster. Burges has well remarked the resemblance between the Egyptian Typho and the Grecian, and considers them both as "two outward forms of one internal idea, representing the destructive principle of matter opposed to the creative." I shall refer the reader to Plutarch's entertaining treatise on Isis and Osiris; but to quote authorities from Herodotus down to the Apologetic Fathers, would be endless.

[26] I think, notwithstanding the arguments of Dindorf, that [Greek: orges nosouses] means "a mind distempered," and that [Greek: logoi] mean "arguments, reasonings." Boyes, who always shows a _poetical_ appreciation of his author, aptly quotes Spenser's Fairy Queen, b. 2, c. 8, st. 26.

"Words well dispost, Have secrete powre t' appease inflamed rage."

And Samson Agonistes:

"Apt words have power to swage The tumors of a troubled mind."

The reading of Plutarch, [Greek: psyches] appears to be a mere gloss.

[27] Intellige _audaciam prudentia conjunctam_.--Blomfield.

[28] [Greek: aichma] is rendered "indoles" by Paley (see on Ag. 467). Linwood by "authority," which is much nearer the truth, as the spear was anciently used for the sceptre. Mr. Burges opportunely suggests Pindar's [Greek: enchos zakoton], which he gives to Jupiter, Nem. vi. 90.

[29] Asia is here personified.

[30] All commentators, from the scholiast downward, are naturally surprised at this mention of Arabia, when Prometheus is occupied in describing the countries bordering on the Euxine. Burges conjectures [Greek: Abarios], which he supports with considerable learning. But although the name [Greek: Abarides] (mentioned by Suidas) might well be given to those who dwelt in unknown parts of the earth, from the legendary travels of Abaris with his arrow, yet the epithet [Greek: areion anthos] seems to point to some really existing nation, while [Greek: Abaries] would rather seem proverbial. Till, then, we are more certain, AEschylus must still stand chargeable with geographical inconsistency.

[31] I have followed Burges and Dindorf, although the latter retains [Greek: akamantodetois] in his text.

[32] Why Dindorf should have adopted Hermann's frigid [Greek: hypostegazei], is not easily seen. The reader will, however, find Griffiths' foot-note well deserving of inspection.

[33] On [Greek: prouseloumenon], see Dindorf.

[34] Among the mythographi discovered by Maii, and subsequently edited by Bode, the reader will find some allegorical explanations of these benefits given by Prometheus. See Myth. primus I. 1, and tertius 3, 10, 9. They are, however, little else than compilations from the commentary of Servius on Virgil, and the silly, but amusing, mythology of Fulgentius. On the endowment of speech and reason to men by Prometheus, cf. Themist. Or. xxxvi. p. 323, C. D. and xxvi. p. 338, C. ed. Hard.; and for general illustrations, the notes of Wasse on Sallust, Cat. sub init.

[35] Brick-building is first ascribed to Euryalus and Hyperbius, two brothers at Athens, by Pliny, H. N. vii. 56, quoted by Stanley. After caves, huts of beams, filled in with turf-clods, were probably the first dwellings of men. See Mallet's Northern Antiquities, p. 217, ed. Bohn. This whole passage has been imitated by Moschion apud Stob. Ecl. Phys. I. 11, while the early reformation of men has ever been a favorite theme for poets. Cf. Eurip. Suppl. 200 sqq.; Manilius I. 41, sqq.; and Bronkhus, on Tibull. I. 3, 35.

[36] Cf. Apul de Deo Socr. Sec. II. ed. meae, "quos probe callet, qui signorum ortus et obitus comprehendit," Catullus (in a poem imitated from Callimachus) carm. 67, 1. "Omnia qui magni dispexit lumina mundi, Qui stellarum ortus comperit atque obitus." See on Agam. 7.

[37] On the following discoveries consult the learned and entertaining notes of Stanley.

[38] [Greek: egagon philenious], i.e. [Greek: hoste philenious einai].

[39] See the elaborate notes of Blomfield and Burges, from whence all the other commentators have derived their information. [Greek: Krasis] is what Scribonius Largus calls "compositio." Cf. Rhodii Lexicon Scribon, p. 364-5; Serenus Sammonicus "synthesis." The former writer observes in his preface, p. 2, "est enim haec pars (compositio, scilicet) medicinae ut maxime necessaria, ita certe antiquissima, et ob hoc primum celebrata atque illustrata. Siquidem verum est, antiquos herbis ac radicibus earum corporis vitia curasse."

[40] Apul. de Deo Socr. Sec. 20, ed. meae, "ut videmus plerisque usu venire, qui nimia ominum superstitione, non suopte corde, sed alterius verbo, reguntur: et per angiporta reptantes, consilia ex alienis vocibus colligunt." Such was the voice that appeared to Socrates. See Plato Theog. p. 11. A. Xenoph. Apol. 12; Proclus in Alcib. Prim. 13, p. 41. Creuz. See also Stanley's note.

[41] On these augurial terms see Abresch.

[42] Although the Vatican mythologist above quoted observes of Prometheus, "deprehendit praeterea rationem fulminum, et hominibus indicavit--" I should nevertheless follow Stanley and Blomfield, in understanding these words to apply to the omens derived from the flame and smoke ascending from the sacrifices.

[43] Cf. Herodot. I. 91, quoted by Blomfield: [Greek: ten pepromenen moiren adynata esti apophygeein kai to theo]. On this Pythagorean notion of AEschylus see Stanley.

[44] Or, "in pleasure at the nuptials." See Linwood. Burges: "for the one-ness of marriage."

[45] No clew is given as to the form in which Io was represented on the stage. In v. 848, the promise [Greek: entautha de se Zeus tithesin emphrona] does not imply any bodily change, but that Io labored under a mental delusion. Still the mythologists are against us, who agree in making her transformation complete. Perhaps she was represented with horns, like the Egyptian figures of Isis, but in other respects as a virgin, which is somewhat confirmed by v. 592, [Greek: klyeis phthegma tas boukero parthenou].

[46] "Gad-fly" or "brize." See the commentators.

[47] On the discrepancies of reading, see Dind. With the whole passage compare Nonnus, Dionys. III. p. 62,2.

[Greek: taurophyes hote portis ameibomenoio prosopou eis agelen agraulos elauneto synnomos Io. kai damales agrypnon ethekato boukolon Here poikilon aplaneessi kekasmenon Argon opopais Zenos opipeutera bookrairon hymenaion. Zenos atheetoio kai es nomon eie koure, ophthalmous tromeousa polyglenoio nomeos. gyioboro de myopi charassomene demas Io Ionies [halos] oidma kategraphe phoitadi chele. elthe kai eis Aigypton]--

This writer, who constantly has the Athenian dramatists in view, pursues the narrative of Io's wanderings with an evident reference to AEschylus. See other illustrations from the poets in Stanley's notes.

[48] The ghost of Argus was doubtless whimsically represented, but probably without the waste of flour that is peculiar to modern stage spectres. Perhaps, as Burges describes, "a mute in a dress resembling a peacock's tail expanded, and with a Pan's pipe slung to his side, which ever and anon he seems to sound; and with a goad in his hand, mounted at one end with a representation of a hornet or gad-fly." But this phantom, like Macbeth's dagger, is supposed to be in the mind only. With a similar idea Apuleius, Apol. p. 315, ed. Elm. invokes upon AEmilianus in the following mild terms: "At ... semper obvias species mortuorum, quidquid umbrarum est usquam, quidquid lemurum, quidquid manium, quidquid larvarum oculis tuis oggerat: omnia noctium occursacula, omnia bustorum formidamina, omnia sepulchrorum terriculamenta, a quibus tamen aevo emerito haud longe abes."

[49] I have followed Dindorf's elegant emendation. See his note, and Blomf. on Ag. 1.

[50] After the remarks of Dindorf and Paley, it seems that the above must be the sense, whether we read [Greek: hon] with Hermann, or take [Greek: hos] for [Greek: e hos] with the above mentioned editor.

[51] Paley remarks that [Greek: tas pol. tychas] is used in the same manner as in Pers. 453, [Greek: phtharentes]="shipwrecked" (see his note), or "wandering." He renders the present passage "the adventures of her long wanderings."

[52] With the earlier circumstances of this narrative compare the beautiful story of Psyche in Apuleius, Met. IV. p. 157, sqq. Elm.

[53] Cf Ag. 217, [Greek: epei d' anankas edy lepadnon].

[54] [Greek: krenen] is the elegant conjecture of Canter, approved by Dindorf. In addition to the remarks of the commentators, the tradition preserved by Pausanias II. 15, greatly confirms this emendation. He remarks, [Greek: therous de aua sphisin esti ta rheumata plen ton en Lerne]. It was probably somewhat proverbial.

[55] I shall not attempt to enter into the much-disputed geography of Io's wanderings. So much has been said, and to so little purpose, on this perplexing subject, that to write additional notes would be only to furnish more reasons for doubting.

[56] Probably the Kurban. Schutz well observes that the words [Greek: ou pseudonymon] could not be applied to an epithet of the poet's own creation. Such, too, was Humboldt's idea. See my first note on this play.

[57] See Schutz and Griffiths.

[58] Wrapped in mystery as the liberation of Prometheus is in this drama, it may be amusing to compare the following extracts from the Short Chronicle prefixed to Sir I. Newton's Chronology.

"968. B.C. Sesak, having carried on his victories to Mount Caucasus, leaves his nephew Prometheus there, to guard the pass, etc.

"937. The Argonautic expedition. Prometheus leaves Mount Caucasus, being set at liberty by Hercules," etc.--Old Translator.

[59] Stanley compares Pindar, Isth. vii. 33.

----[Greek: pepromenon en pherteron gonon [hoi] anakta patros tekein].

And Apoll. Rhod. iv. 201. Also the words of Thetis herself in Nonnus, Dionys. xxxiii. 356.

[Greek: Zeus me pater edioke kai ethelen es gamon helkein, ei me min potheonta geron anekopte Prometheus, thespizon Kronionos areiona paida phyteusai].

[60] "These were; 1. Epaphus; 2. Lybia; 3. Belus; 4. Danaus; 5. Hypermnestra; 6. Abas; 7. Proetus; 8. Acrisius; 9. Danae; 10. Perseus; 11. Electryon; 12. Alcmena; 13. Hercules."--Blomfield.

[61] For two ways of supplying the lacuna in this description of Io's travels, see Dindorf and Paley.

[62] Being turned into stone. Such was the punishment of the fire-worshipers in the story of the first Lady of Baghdad. See Arabian Nights, Vol. I., p. 198. The mythico-geographical allusions in the following lines have been so fully and so learnedly illustrated, that I shall content myself with referring to the commentators.

[63] See Linwood's Lexicon and Griffiths' note.

[64] There is still much doubt about the elision [Greek: esesth', ei]. Others read the passage interrogatively. See Griffiths and Dindorf.

[65] This pun upon the name of Epaphus is preserved by Moschus II. 50.

[Greek: en d' en Zeus, epaphomenos erema cheiri theeie portios Inachies. ten heptaporo para Neilo ek boos eukeraoio palin metameibe gynaika.]

and Nonnus, III. p. 62, 20:

[Greek: enth' Epaphon dii tikten akerasion hoti kolpon Inachies damales epaphesato theios akoites chersin erosaneessi--]

[66] There is much difficulty in this passage. Dindorf understands [Greek: ekeinon] (AEgypti filiorum), and so Paley, referring to his notes on Ag. 938, Suppl. 437. Mr. Jelf, Gk. Gr., Sec. 696, Obs. 3, appears to take the same view. There does not, therefore, seem any need of alteration. On the other interpretation sometimes given to [Greek: phthonon hixei somaton], see Linwood, v. [Greek: phthonos].

[67] [Greek: sphagaisi] is rightly rendered "in jugulo" by Blomfield, after Ruhnk. Ep. Crit. I. p. 71. To the examples quoted add Apul. Met. I. p. 108, "per jugulum sinistrum capulotenus gladium totum ei demergit," and p. 110, "jugulo ejus vulnus dehiscit in patorem," The expression [Greek: nyktiphroureto thrasei] is well illustrated by the words of Nonnus, I. c. p. 64, 17.

[Greek: kai kryphiois xipheessi siderophoron epi lektron arsena gymnon Area kateunase thelys Enyo].

[68] See Nonnus I. c. Ovid, ep. xiv. 51, sqq.

"Sed timor, et pietas crudelibus obstitit ausis: Castaque mandatum dextra refugit opus."

[69] On [Greek: sphakelos] see Ruhnk. Tim. p. 123, and Blomfield.

[70] See Paley. [Greek: a] is never intensive.

[71] On this admonition, generally attributed to Pittacus, see Griffiths, and for a modern illustration in the miseries of Sir John Anvil (or Enville), Knt., the Spectator, No. 299.

[72] Paley would supply [Greek: potniai] to complete the metre.

[73] I have followed Griffiths.

[74] Dindorf would throw out [Greek: aphobos], Paley [Greek: ou dedia], remarking that the sense appears to require [Greek: hote].

[75] _I.e._ possessing resources even among impossibilities. Cf. Antig. 360. [Greek: aporos ep' ouden erchetai], and for the construction, Jelf, Gk. Gr. Sec. 581, 2. obs.

[76] I think Elmsley has settled the question in favor of [Greek: toion] for [Greek: hoion].

[77] "In AEschylus we seem to read the vehement language of an old servant of exploded Titanism: with him Jupiter and the Olympians are but a new dynasty, fresh and exulting, insolent and capricious, the victory just gained and yet but imperfectly secured over the mysterious and venerable beings who had preceded, TIME, HEAVEN, OCEAN, EARTH and her gigantic progeny: Jupiter is still but half the monarch of the world; his future fall is not obscurely predicted, and even while he reigns, a gloomy irresistible destiny controls his power."--Quart. Rev. xxviii, 416.

[79] Milton, Samson Agon.

_Dalilah._ "I see thou art implacable, more deaf To prayers than winds or seas."

Merchant of Venice, Act 4, sc. 1.

"You may as well go stand upon the beach And bid the main flood bate his usual height."

See Schrader on Musaeus, 320.

[80] See Linwood's Lexicon. Cf. Nonnus, Dionys. II. p. 45, 22.

[Greek: desma phygon dolometis homarteseie Prometheus, hepatos heboontos apheidea daitymonea ouranies thrasyn ornin echon pompea keleuthou].

[81] I have adopted Dindorf's emendation. See his note.

[82] How the cosmoramic effects here described were represented on the stage, it is difficult to say, but such descriptions are by no means rare in the poets. Compare Musaeus, 314, sqq. Lucan, I. 75 sqq. and a multitude in the notes of La Cerda on Virgil, AEn. I. 107, and Barthius on Claudian. Gigant. 31, sqq. Nonnus, Dionys. I. p. 12.

[83] Or, "of which may Jove the Averter be what his name imports." See Paley and Linwood's Lex.

[84] This interpretation is now fully established, See Paley. Thus Caesar, B. G. I. 29, "qui arma ferre possent: et item separatius pueri, senes;" II. 28, Eteocles wishes even the [Greek: achreioi] to assist in the common defense.

[85] [Greek: pistoi] is to be supplied with [Greek: genoisthe].

[86] Although [Greek: boter] may be compared with the Roman _pullarius_, yet the phrase is here probably only equivalent to [Greek: despotes manteumaton] soon after.

[87] Paley prefers "nocturno concilio agitari," comparing Rhes. 88, [Greek: tas sas pros eunas phylakes elthontes phobo nyktegorousi]. On the authority of Griffiths, I have supplied [Greek: tous Achaious] before [Greek: epibouleuein].

[88] See my note on Prom. 863.

[89] See commentators.

[90] Cf. Jelf. Gk. Gr. Sec. 566, 2.

[91] See Linwood, s.v. [Greek: stephein]. Paley compares v. 267, [Greek: Laphyra daon douriplechth' hagnois domois Stepso pro naon]. Adrastus alone had been promised a safe return home.

[92] Cf. Eum. 515, [Greek: oikton oiktisaito], _would utter cries of pity_. Suppl. 59, [Greek: oikton oiktron aion], _hearing one mournful piteous cry_. The old translations rendered it, "no regret was expressed on their countenance."

[93] Perhaps we might render [Greek: phraxai], _dam_, in order to keep up the metaphor of the ship. Cf. Hom. Od. V. 346, [Greek: phraxe de min rhipessi diamperes oisyinesi]. The closing the ports of a vessel to keep out the water will best convey the meaning to modern readers.

[94] This seems the true meaning of [Greek: ephestios], _indigenous in Greece_, as Blomfield interprets, quoting Hesych, [Greek: ephestios, autochthon, enoikos], II. B. 125, etc. An Athenian audience, with their political jealousy of Asiatic influence, and pride of indigenous origin, would have appreciated this prayer as heartily as the one below, v. 158, [Greek: polin doriponon me prodoth' Heterophono strato], which their minds would connect with more powerful associations than the mere provincial differences of Boeotia and Argos. How great a stress was laid upon the ridicule of foreign dialect, may be seen from the reception of Pseudartabas in the Acharnians.

[95] Cf. Arist. Rhet. II. 17, 6. The same sentiment, though expressed the contrary way, occurs in Eur. Troad. 26, [Greek: Eremia gar polin hotan labe kake, Nosei ta ton theon oude timasthai thelei].

[96] The chorus survey the surrounding plains from a high part of the Acropolis of Thebes, as Antigone from the top of the palace in the Phoenissae of Euripides, v. 103, sqq.

[97] [Greek: prodromos]=_so as to be foremost_. Cf. Soph. Antig. 108, [Greek: phygada prodromon oxytero kinesasa chalino].

[98] This passage is undoubtedly corrupt, but Dindorf's conjecture [Greek: hele d' emas phrenas deos; hoplon ktypos potichrimptetai, dia pedon boa potatai, bremei d']--, although ingenious, differs too much from the _ductus literarum_, to be considered safe. Paley from the interpretation of the Medicean MS. and the reading of Robortelli, [Greek: eDIDemnas], has conjectured [Greek: DIA de gas emas pedi' hoploktypou], which seems preferable. Perhaps we might read [Greek: epi de gas pedioploktypou osin chrimp. boa], by tmesis, for [Greek: epichrimptetai]. AEschylus used the compound, [Greek: enchriptesthai], Suppl. 790, and nothing is more common than such a tmesis. I doubt whether [Greek: pedioploktypon] is not one of AEschylus' own "high-crested" compounds. Mr. Burges has kindly suggested a parallel passage of an anonymous author, quoted by Suidas, s. v. [Greek: hyparattomenes: hippon chremetizonton, tes ges tois posin auton hyparattomenes, oulon synkrouomenon].

[99] Cf. Soph. Antig. 106.

[100] Cf. Virg. _AEn._ I. 479;

"Interea ad templum non aequae Palladis ibant Crinibus Iliades passis, peplumque ferebant Suppliciter tristes"--

Statius, Theb. x. 50:

----"et ad patrias fusae Pelopeides aras Sceptriferae Junonis opem, reditumque suorum Exposcunt, pictasque fores, et frigida vultu Saxa terunt, parvosque docent procumbere natos * * * * * Peplum etiam dono, cujus mirabile textum," etc.

[101] Here there is a gap in the metre. See Dindorf.

[102] "pro vitanda servitute."--Paley.

[103] Not "at the seven gates," as Valckenaer has clearly shown.

[104] The paronomasia can only be kept up by rendering, "do thou, king of wolves, fall with wolf-like fierceness," etc. Mueller, Dorians, vol. i. p. 325, considers that [Greek: Lykeios] is connected with [Greek: lyke], _light_, not with [Greek: lykos], _a wolf_.

[105] I follow Paley's emendation, [Greek: auetais].

[106] See a judicious note of Paley's.

[107] I have borrowed Griffiths' translation. It seems impossible that [Greek: hagnon telos] could ever be a personal appeal, while [Greek: sy te] evidently shows that the address to Pallas Onca was unconnected with the preceding line. As there is probably a lacuna after [Greek: Diothen], it is impossible to arrive at any certain meaning.

[108] See Stanley. [Greek: Onka] is a Phoenician word, and epithet of Minerva.

[109] The boys, girls, etc.

[110] Cf. Eur. Hippol. 1219, sqq.

[Greek: kai despotes men hippikois en ethesi polys xynoikon herpas' henias cheroin, helkei de kopen hoste naubates aner].

[111] _I.e._ to adore the images placed at the head of the vessel. See Griffiths.

[112] This far-fetched interpretation of an absurd text is rightly condemned by W. Dindorf in his note, who elegantly reads with Lud. Dindorf [Greek: hydasi t' Ismenou]. Paley has clearly shown the origin of the corruption. Linwood is equally disinclined to support the common reading.

[113] Blomfield reads [Greek: ego de g' andras], the change of [Greek: DEG] to [Greek: DEP] being by no means a difficult one. Linwood agrees with this alteration, and Dindorf in his notes. But Paley still defends the common reading, thinking that [Greek: ep' echthrois] is to be taken from the following line. I do not think the poet would have hazarded a construction so doubtful, that we might take [Greek: epi] either with [Greek: andras], [Greek: echthrois], or by tmesis, with [Greek: axo].

[114] The construction of the exegetical accusative is well illustrated in Jelf's Gk. Gr. Sec. 580, 3.

[115] I have followed Blomfield, and Dindorf in his notes, in reading [Greek: kydos toisde politais].

[116] This is perhaps the sense required; but, with Dindorf, I can not see how it can be elicited from the common reading. Perhaps Schneider's [Greek: artitrophois] is right, which is approved by Dindorf, Linwood, and Paley.

[117] There is the same irregular antithesis between [Greek: allon agei] and [Greek: ta de (=ta de) pyrphorei]; as in Soph. Ant. 138, [Greek: eiche d' alla ta men, alla d' ep' allois epenoma--Ares].

[118] See Elmsl. on Eur. Bacch. 611. I follow Griffiths and Paley.

[119] There is much difficulty in the double participle [Greek: peson-kyresas]. Dindorf would altogether omit [Greek: kyresas], as a gloss. But surely [Greek: peson] was more likely to be added as a gloss, than [Greek: kyresas]. I think that the fault probably lies in [Greek: peson].

[120] This passage is scarcely satisfactory, but I have followed Paley. Perhaps if we place a comma after [Greek: hyperterou], and treat [Greek: hos andr. d. hyp. eutych.] as a genitive absolute, there will be less abruptness, [Greek: elpis esti] standing for [Greek: elpizousi], by a frequent enallage.

[121] The turgidity of this metaphor is almost too much even for AEschylus!

[122] The multitude of interpretations of the common reading are from their uniform absurdity sufficient to show that it is corrupt. I have chosen the least offensive, but am still certain that [Greek: apartizei] is indefensible. Hermann (who, strange to say, is followed by Wellauer) reads [Greek: katargizei], Blomfield [Greek: katartizei].

[123] Besides Stanley's illustrations, see Pricaeus on Apul. Apol. p. 58. Pelagonius in the Geoponica, XVI. 2, observes [Greek: agathou de hippou kai touto tekmerion, hotan hestekos me anechetai, alla kroton ten gen hosper trechein epithyme]. St. Macarius Hom. XXIII. 2, [Greek: epan de mathe (ho hippos) kai synethisthe eis ton polemon, hotan osphranthe kai akouse phonen polemou, autos hetoimos erchetai epi tous echthrous, hoste kai ap' autes tes phones ptoesin empoiein tois polemiois]. Marmion, Canto V.,

"Marmion, like charger in the stall, That hears without the trumpet's call, Began to chafe and swear."

[124] See Boyes' Illustrations, p. 11.

[125] This seems to be the sense of [Greek: mantis ennoia]. Blomfield would add [Greek: ennoia] to the dative, which is easier.

[126] So Linwood. Justice is styled the near relation of Melanippus, because he was [Greek: aischron argos], v. 406. The scholiast however interprets it [Greek: to tes xyngeneias dikaion].

[127] Dindorf's substitution of [Greek: dikaias] for [Greek: dikaios] is no improvement. Paley's [Greek: dikaios] is more elegant, but there seems little reason for alteration.

[128] Probably nothing more than the lightning is meant, as Blomfield supposes. Paley quotes Eur. Cycl. 328, [Greek: peplon krouei, Dios brontaisin eis erin ktypon]. And this agrees with the fate of Capaneus as described in Soph. Antig. 131, sqq.; Nonnus, XXVIII. p. 480; Eur. Phoen. 1187, sqq.

[129] Blomfield compares Eur. Bacch. 733, [Greek: thyrsois dia cheroin hoplismenas]. But the present construction is harsher.

[130] See Blomfield.

[131] I follow Blomfield and Paley.

[132] "We embrace this opportunity of making a grammatical observation with respect to the older poets, which, to the best of our knowledge, has not hitherto been noticed by any grammarian or critic. Wherever a wish or a prayer is expressed, either by the single optative mood of the verb, or with [Greek: me, eithe, ei gar, eithe gar], the verb is in the second aorist, if it have a distinct second aorist; otherwise it may be in the present tense, but is more frequently in the first aorist."--Edinb. Rev. xix. 485.

[133] _I.e._ not bearing a braggart inscription, but putting confidence in his own valor. [Greek: ou] was rightly thrown out by Erfurdt. See Paley.

[134] _I.e._ from the dragon's teeth sown by Cadmus.

[135] Eteoclus and the figure on his shield.

[136] Like a Bacchic devotee. See Virg. AEn. IV. 301, sqq. So in the Agamemnon, v. 477.

[Greek: martyrei de moi kasis pelou xynouros, dipsia konis, tade].

[137] Cf. Ag. 174. [Greek: Zena de tis epinikia klazon, Teuxetai phrenon to pan]. Dindorf would omit all the following lines. There is some difficulty about the sense of [Greek: prosphileia], which I think Pauw best explains as meaning "such is the god that respectively befriends each of these champions."

[138] Cf. Apollon. Rhod. I. 466, [Greek: Isto nyn dory thouron hoto periosion allon kydos eni ptolemoisin aeiromai, oude m' ophellei Zeus toson, hossation per emon dory]. Statius Theb. ix. 649--"ades o mihi dextera tantum Tu praesens bellis, et inevitable numen, Te voco, te solam superum contemptor adoro." See Cerda on Virg. AEn. X. 773.

[139] So Catullus, iii. 4, 5.

Passer, deliciae meae puellae, Quem plus illa oculis suis amabat.

And Vathek, p. 124 (of the English version), "Nouronihar loved her cousin more than her own beautiful eyes."--OLD TRANSLATOR. See Valcken. on Theocrit. xi. 53.

[140] A pun upon the word [Greek: parthenos] in the composition of Parthenopaeus's name.

[141] The figure on the shield is undoubtedly the one meant.

[142] _I.e._ "he will fight by wholesale." See comm. Perhaps the English phrase to "deal a blow," to "lend a blow," is the nearest approximation to this curious idiom. Boyes quotes some neat illustrations.

[143] This passage is a fair instance of the impossibility of construing certain portions of AEschylus as they are edited. Dindorf in his notes approves of Dobree's emendation, [Greek: kai ton son aut' adelphou es patros moron Exyptiazon onoma], and so Paley, except that he reads [Greek: omma] with Schutz, and renders it "_oculo in patrio OEdipi fatum religiose sublato_." Blomfield's [Greek: prosmolon homosporon] seems simpler, and in better taste. [Greek: homosporon] was doubtless obliterated by the gloss [Greek: adelpheon] (an Ionic form ill suited to the senarius), and the [Greek: homoioteleuton] caused the remainder of the error. Burges first proposed [Greek: homosporon] in Troad. Append. p. 134, D. As to Paley's idea that OEdipus' death was caused "_per contentiorim filii indolem_," I can not find either authority for the fact, or reason for its mention here, and I have therefore followed Blomfield. Dindorf's translation I can not understand. The explanations of [Greek: exyptiazon onoma] are amusing, and that is all.

[144] _I.e._ saying [Greek: Polyneikes polyneikes]. Paley ingeniously remarks that [Greek: endateisthai] is here used in a double sense, both of _dividing_ and _reproaching_. See his note, and cf. Phoen. 636. [Greek: alethos onoma Polyneike pater etheto soi theia, pronoia, neikeon eponymon].

[145] See Griffiths.

[146] Porson, and all the subsequent editors have bracketed this verse, as spurious, but the chief objection to this sense of [Greek: karpizesthai] seems to be obviated by Paley. See his note.

[147] Either with [Greek: palin] or [Greek: polin] there is much difficulty, as without an epithet [Greek: polis] seems harshly applied to Hades. Paley thinks that [Greek: ten makran] refers both to [Greek: pompen] and [Greek: polin]. Dindorf adopts his usual plan when a difficulty occurs, and proposes to omit the line. Fritzsche truly said of this learned critic, that if he had the privilege of omitting every thing he could not understand, the plays of the Grecian dramatists would speedily be reduced to a collection of fragments.

[148] When the spear was not in use, it was held in the left hand, under the shield. See Blomfield.

[149] Sc. king, or victor. Blomfield adopts the former.

[150] This passage is not satisfactory. Paley reads [Greek: andrelaton], but I am doubtful about [Greek: tos ... tonde ... tropon].

[151] In the original there is, perhaps, a slight mixture of construction, [Greek: haimatos] partly depending upon [Greek: karpos] implied in [Greek: pikrokarpon], and

## partly upon [Greek: androktasian], [Greek: androkt..

haim.] being _the slaughter of a man, by which his blood is shed_.

[152] Wellauer: _denuntians lucrum, quod prius erit morte posteriore_: _i.e._ victoriam quam sequetur mors. And so Griffiths and Paley.

[153] Shakespeare uses this name in the opening speech of King Henry, in