Part 4

[The two following extracts are translated from Syriac versions, and I am indebted for them to Mr. N. MacLean of Christ's College, Cambridge. The first has been put together out of two MSS. in the British Museum, neither of which contains the whole, and was printed by Pitra, _Analecta Sacra_, Vol. IV. The Greek original of most of the first sentence is preserved in a catena on Deuteronomy, _Cod. Vat._ 1521, fol. 591, and was first printed by Simon de Magistris in his edition of our author, p. 200. There is much probability that this extract formed part of the same letter to Stephanus as the extract from Eusebius which precedes it here. The second extract is found in three other Syriac MSS. in the British Museum, but is less certainly part of this letter, or indeed authentic at all.]

(2) If so be that any man speak a wicked thing of God like those who call Him unpitying[73] or any man living in the fear of other gods, the Law has commanded that such a one be stoned:[74] but we would stone these men with sound words of faith. Or if a man receive not at all the mystery[75] of Christ or alter and distort it--(saying) that He is not God, or that he did not become a man, or that He did not die, or that He did not rise, or that He will not come to judge the quick and the dead--or preach anything else apart from what we preached, let him be a curse, says Paul.[76] Or if so be he have wronged the word concerning the resurrection of the flesh, let him be already reckoned with the dead. For we speak in carefulness concerning these things--in order that we may be in agreement one with another, churches with churches, bishops with bishops, priests with priests. And in regard to causes and affairs about matters which concern individual men--how it is right to receive him who approaches from without and how him who comes from within[77]--we counsel to obey those who stand at the head of every place who by Divine election[78] are put into this ministration--leaving to our Lord the judgment of all things which they do.

(3) Those who were baptized in the name of the three Persons--the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit--though they were baptized by heretics who confess the three Persons, shall not be re-baptized. But those who are converted from other heresies shall be perfected by the baptism of the Holy Church.[79]

To Xystus (or Sixtus) II[80] (Eus., _H. E._ vii. 5, 3-6) (_The second on the same subject_)

(1) (Stephen) therefore had sent word concerning Helenus and concerning Firmilianus, and all the bishops of Cilicia and Cappadocia and (be it noted) of Galatia and all the neighbouring churches likewise--to the effect that he would not hold communion with them for this same reason, since, he says, they re-baptize the heretics.[81] And observe the importance of the matter. For decrees had really been passed about it in the largest synods of the bishops,[82] as I am informed, so that those who come over from heretical bodies, after a course of instruction, are washed and cleansed from the defilement of the old and unclean leaven.[83] About all this also I have written asking him for information.

(2) To our beloved fellow-presbyters also, Dionysius and Philemon, who had formerly sided with Stephanus and were correspondents of mine on the same matter, I have written briefly the first time and more fully now.[84]

(3) The teaching which is now at work in Ptolemais of Pentapolis,[85] is impious, full of blasphemy about the Almighty God and Father[86] of our Lord Jesus Christ and full of unbelief about His only begotten Son,[87] the First-born of all creation,[88] the Incarnate Word, and displays want of perception concerning the Holy Spirit. And therefore, when both official communications from both parties arrived and some of the brethren sought personal interviews with me, I wrote what I could[89] by the Divine assistance and gave a somewhat methodical explanation of the matter, a copy of which I have sent you.

To Philemon (Eus., _H. E._ vii. 7) (_The third on the same subject_)

(1) I read both the critical researches and the traditional treatises[90] of the heretics, defiling my soul a little with their abominable opinions and yet gaining this advantage from them, that I could refute them for myself and abhor them much more thoroughly. And indeed when a certain brother among the presbyters tried to restrain me and frighten me from contaminating myself with the mire of their iniquity (he said I should ruin my soul, and, as I perceived, there was truth in what he said), a heaven-sent vision[91] came and strengthened me, and words came to me which expressly ordered me thus: "Read all that may come to thy hands: for thou art competent to sift and test everything, and that was the original reason[92] of thy accepting the Faith." I acknowledged the vision as in agreement with the apostolic voice which says to the more able: "Approve yourselves bankers of repute."[93]

(2) This cause and rule I received from our blessed Father[94] Heraclas. For those that came over from the heretics, although they had apostatized from the Church--or rather had not even done that but were informed against as resorting to some heretical teacher, though still reputed members of our congregations--these he repelled from the Church, and did not restore them at their request until they had publicly and fully stated all that they had heard among those who set themselves against us; and then he admitted them without requiring them to be re-baptized: for they had received that holy gift already.

(3) I have learnt this also, that the brethren in Africa[95] did not introduce this practice (of re-baptism) now for the first time, but it was also adopted some time ago among our predecessors as Bishops, in the most populous churches and well-attended synods of the brethren, viz. in Iconium and Synnada,[96] and I cannot bring myself to reverse their decisions and involve them in strife and controversy. For "thou shalt not remove," it says, "thy neighbour's boundaries, which thy fathers set."[97]

To Dionysius of Rome (Eus., _H. E._ vii. 7, 6 and 8) (_The fourth letter on Baptism_)

For with Novatian we are reasonably indignant, seeing that he has cut the Church in two and dragged certain of the brethren into impieties and blasphemies and introduced the most unholy teaching about God and accuses the most gracious Jesus Christ our Lord of being without pity,[98] and besides all this sets at nought the holy laws and overthrows the confession of faith before baptism,[99] and altogether banishes the Holy Spirit from them, even though there were some hope of His remaining or even of His returning to them.[100]

To Xystus (Sixtus) II, Bishop of Rome (Eus., _H. E._ vii. 9) (_The fifth about Baptism_)

I truly desire counsel, brother, and ask an opinion from you, being afraid lest after all I am wrong in my treatment of a case that has come before me as follows--

One who is reckoned faithful among the brethren who meet together, of old standing, having been a member even before my ordination (as Bishop), and I fancy even before the appointment of the blessed Heraclas, had been present at a recent baptism and heard the questions and answers (in that service). He came to me weeping and bemoaning himself and falling at my feet, confessing and protesting that the baptism he had received among the heretics was not this, nor had anything in common with it: for that was full of impiety and blasphemies:[101] and he said that he was now sore pricked in the soul and had no courage even to lift up his eyes to God, because he had started with such unholy words and rites, and so he begged to obtain this thorough means of purification and acceptance and grace. But this I did not venture to do, saying that his so long being in communion with us was sufficient for the purpose. For as he had heard the Giving of Thanks (Eucharist) and joined in saying the Amen,[102] and stood[103] at the Table[104] and stretched forth his hands to receive the holy Food and had taken it and partaken of the Body and Blood of our Lord Jesus Christ for a considerable period, I should not venture to put him back to the beginning once more. So I bade him take courage and approach for the receiving of the Holy Things with sure faith and good hope. But he ceases not to grieve, and shrinks from approaching the Table and can with difficulty be persuaded to stand with (the _Consistentes_)[105] for the Prayers.

To Conon[106] (Pitra, _Spic. Sol._ i. 15, from a Bodl. MS. dated 1062)

As to those who are nearing the end of life, if they desire and beg to obtain absolution, having before their eyes the judgment to which they are departing, considering what is in store for them, if they are handed over thereto bound and condemned, and believing that they will gain relief and lightening of punishment there, if they be loosed here--for these the approval of the Lord is true and assured--these, too, it is part of the Divine mercy to send on their way free. If, however, they afterwards continue to live, it does not appear to me consistent to bind them again and load them with their sins. For when once absolved and reconciled to God, and pronounced again to be partakers of Divine grace and dispatched as free to appear before the Lord,[107] so long as nothing wrong has been done by them in the meantime to bring them back into bondage for their sins were most unreasonable. Shall we after that[108] impose on God the limits of our judgment, to be kept by Him while we observe them not ourselves, making parade of the goodness of the Lord[109] but withholding our own? Nevertheless if any one, after recovery, should show himself in need of further treatment, we counsel him, of his own accord, to humble and abase and lower himself, with a view to his own improvement and also to what is seemly in the eyes of the brethren and irreproachable before those without.[110] If he consent to this, he will be the gainer: but, if he should object and refuse, then no doubt that will be a sufficient ground for a second exclusion.

From the Writings about Repentance (Mai, _Class. Auct._ x. 484, from a Vat. MS.)

But now we do the contrary. For him whom Christ in His goodness seeks when wandering upon the mountains, and calls to Himself when fleeing, and lays upon His shoulders when found at last,[111] him we resolutely repel when he approaches. Nay, let us not adopt so evil a counsel for our own sake, nor drive the sword into our own heart. For they that endeavour to injure or, on the other hand, to benefit others, may not altogether have the effect they desired upon them, but they do bring about good or evil for themselves and replenish their store either of heavenly virtues or of undisciplined affections. And these taking good angels as their companions and fellow-travellers,[112] both here and hereafter, in all peace and freedom from every evil, will be allotted the most blessed inheritances for eternity and will ever be with God, the greatest good of all; and those will forfeit at once the peace of God and their own peace, and both here and after death will be handed over to tormenting demons. Let us then not repel those who return, but gladly welcome them and number them with those who have not strayed, and thus supply that which is wanting[113] in them.

To Domitius and Didymus (Eus., _H. E._ vii. 11) (_Part of an Easter Letter_)

(1) It is superfluous to mention by name the many members of our body, who are unknown to you: but you should know that men and women, young and old, soldiers[114] and civilians, every class and age, some by the scourge and fire and some by the sword have conquered in the fight and carried off their crowns, while with some even a very long period did not prove sufficient to show them acceptable to the Lord (as martyrs), as in fact seems to be the case even now with me.[115] Wherefore I have been put off until a time which He Himself knows to be the right one by Him who saith: "In a time acceptable I heard thee, and in the day of salvation I succoured thee."[116] For since you inquire and wish to be informed how we fare, by all means hear our experiences: how that when we were being led away prisoners by a centurion and duumviri[117] with their soldiers and servants, viz. myself and Gaius, Faustus, Peter and Paul, certain of the inhabitants of the Mareotis came upon us, and with violence dragged us off against our will and in spite of our protests.[118] And now I with Gaius and Peter only, deprived of the company of the other brethren,[119] am shut in a desolate and dreary part of Libya, three days' journey from Parætonium.[120]

And further on he says--

(2) In the city there have concealed themselves, secretly looking after the brethren, from among the presbyters Maximus,[121] Dioscorus, Demetrius and Lucius (for Faustinus and Aquila, who were better known in the world, are wandering in other parts of Egypt), and of the deacons Faustus, Eusebius and Chæremon, who survived those who perished in the pestilence.[122] Eusebius was he whom from the beginning God strengthened and inspired to perform many services for the confessors in prison with all energy, and to carry out at no small risk the last offices for the perfect[123] and blessed martyrs in decking out their bodies (for burial). For up till now the Prefect does not cease from cruelly slaying some of those who are brought before him, as I have already said, and from tearing others in pieces with instruments of torture, while he crushes the spirits of others again with chains and imprisonment, forbidding any to visit them and making search lest any should be found doing so. Nevertheless, God gives them some respite from their miseries through the zeal and steadfast efforts of the brethren.

To Hermammon (Eus., _H. E._ vii. 1, 10, 23) (_Part of another Easter Letter_)

(1) Even Gallus[124] did not know the flaw in Decius's policy, nor did he foresee what it was that upset him, but stumbled over the same stone that was right before his eyes. For, though his reign was prospering and things were going according to his mind, he drove into exile the holy men who were interceding with God for his peace and health, with the effect that with them he drove out also their prayers on his behalf.

So far on that point, and then again he discourses about Valerian in the same letter--

(2) To John also it is revealed in like manner, when he says: "There was given him a mouth speaking great things and blasphemy, and there was given him authority and forty-two months."[125] And both these things are to be wondered at in the case of Valerian,[126] and of them it is especially to be observed how his prosperity lasted so long as he was gentle and well-disposed towards the men of God.[127] For none of the Emperors before him were so kindly and favourably affected towards them, not even those who were said to have been openly Christians,[128] as he manifestly was, receiving them at the beginning in a most familiar and friendly spirit: indeed, his whole house was filled with devout persons and was a veritable Church of God.[129] But he was persuaded to abandon this treatment by that tutor and chief ruler of Egyptian magicians,[130] who instructed him to slay or persecute, as adversaries and hinderers of his vile and detestable sorcerers, the pure and holy persons, who are and were able to confound the devices of accursed demons by being present and seen and merely breathing on them and uttering words,[131] while he also incited him to perform unholy rites and detestable juggleries and abominable sacrifices such as the killing of wretched boys and the slaying of unhappy fathers' children and the dividing of new-born entrails asunder and the cutting up and mutilating of bodies which are God's creation,[132] in the hope that such doings would bring them Divine favour.

And to this he adds as follows--

(3) Fine offerings at all events did Macrianus make to them (sc. the demons) to propitiate them for the Empire which he hoped for, when, in his former position as so-called officer in charge of the Emperor's general ({katholou}) accounts he entertained no reasonable ({eulogon}) nor catholic ({katholikon}) sentiments,[133] but fell under the prophet's curse, who says: "Woe to those who prophesy out of their own heart and see not the general ({to katholou}) view."[134] For he did not understand the workings of Universal ({katholou}) Providence,[135] nor suspect the approach of Judgment on the part of Him who is before all things and through all things and over all things.[136] Wherefore he has become also the enemy of His universal ({katholikês}) Church and has alienated and estranged himself from God's mercy and banished himself as far as possible from his own salvation, verifying in this his personal name.[137]

And again further on he says--

(4) For Valerian, through being persuaded to this policy by him, exposed himself to insults and injuries according to that which was said to Isaiah: "And these men chose their ways and their abominations which their soul desired, and I will choose their mockings and will recompense them their sins."[138]

But this man (Macrianus) in his mad lust after imperial power for which he had no qualifications, being unable to deck his own crippled body with the imperial robes, put forward his two sons, who thus became liable for their father's sins.[139] For the prophecy clearly applies to them which God spake: "visiting the sins of the fathers upon the children unto the third and fourth generation of them that hate me."[140] For he brought upon his sons' heads his own evil desires in which he had succeeded and involved them in the consequences of his own wickedness and hatred of God.[141]

Then there is a section in which he refers to the peaceful times under Gallienus--

(5) So after thus inciting one of the Emperors before him and attacking the other, he speedily vanished with all his family, root and branch,[142] whilst Gallienus was proclaimed and acknowledged by all, being at once the old and the new Emperor, having preceded the usurpers and remaining after them. For, in accordance with that which was spoken to the prophet Isaiah, "behold the things predicted from the beginning have come to pass, and new things which will now arise."[143] For as a cloud having overcast the sun's rays and screened them for a while shades it and shows itself in its stead, and then when the cloud has passed off or been dissipated the sun which was shining before emerges and shines forth again, so it is with Macrianus; after coming forward and gaining access for himself to the imperial power which belonged to Gallienus, he ceases to be, since he was of no account, and the other resumes the position he had before. And the Empire, having cast off, as it were, its old age and purged itself of its former badness, now bursts into greater splendour, is seen and heard from afar and pervades the whole world.

Then in due order he indicates the date of this letter in these words--

(6) And once more it occurs to me to consider the days and years of this period of the Empire. For I observe that the ungodly persons (I have mentioned) after a short period of honourable mention have lost their good name, but (Gallienus) who was more righteous and loved God better,[144] having completed the seven years' period, is now passing through his ninth year:[145] therefore let us keep the Feast.[146]

To the Brethren in Alexandria (Eus., _H. E._ vii. 22) (_Part of another Easter Letter_)

(1) Other men would not think the present a time for "keeping festival: nor, indeed, is this nor any other such a time to them; I speak not of times obviously sorrowful, but even of such as they might consider most joyful. In these days there are lamentations everywhere, and all are mourning: wailings resound through the city by reason of the number of the dead and the dying day by day. For, as it is written about the firstborn of the Egyptians, so now also "a great cry arose: for there is not a house in which there is not one dead."[147] I would, indeed, there were but one; for the things that have before now befallen us were truly many and grievous.[148] First of all they drove us into exile and we kept the feast then too by ourselves, persecuted and harried to death by all, and every place where each particular affliction befel us became the scene of our festal assembly, open country, desert, ship, inn or prison, and our perfect[149] martyrs spent the brightest of all feasts, being entertained in heaven above. But after this war and famine seized us, which we endured in common with the Gentiles, having undergone alone all the injuries they had inflicted on us and then having to share in the evils they wrought on one another and suffered: and once more we rejoiced in the peace of Christ, which He has given to us alone. But now after we and they had obtained a very brief respite, this pestilence has overtaken us, which is to them a more fearful thing than all former fears and more terrible than any calamity whatever, and to quote an expression of an historian of their own,[150] "a thing which alone has exceeded all men's expectation," while to us it was not so much that as a discipline and a testing no less severe than any of the rest: for it did not spare us, though it attacked the Gentiles in great force.

To this he adds as follows--