Part 7

(2) (Athan., _de sent. Dion._, 18). However, when I spoke of certain things that had an origin ({genêta}) and certain things that were made ({poiêta}), I did indeed casually mention examples of such things, recognizing that they were not altogether useful for my purpose: for instance, I said that neither was the plant the same as the husbandman, nor the boat as the shipwright. But afterwards I dwelt at length on those which were more to the point and cognate to the subject, and went more into detail about these truer examples, seeking out various additional evidences which I set out for you[248] also in another letter: and in them I refuted as false the accusation also which they bring against me, as not stating that Christ is of one substance ({homoousios})[249] with the Father. For even if I say[250] that this word is not found nor read anywhere in Holy Writ, yet these later attempts of mine to explain which they have ignored are not inconsistent with this conception. For I compared human generation, which is clearly a transmission of the parents' own nature ({homogenês}), saying that the parents were different from their children in this single point, that they were not themselves the children: or else it must needs be that neither parents nor children should exist. The letter itself I cannot, as I have said before, owing to circumstances,[251] lay my hand on: otherwise I would have sent you my exact words, or rather a copy of the whole letter: and I will do so, if I have the opportunity. But I know from memory that I added several illustrations from things kindred to one another: for instance, I said that a plant coming up from a seed or a root was different from that whence it sprang and yet was absolutely of one nature ({homophyes}) with it: and a river flowing from a source partakes of a different shape and name; for neither is the source called river nor the river source, and both these things exist,[252] and the source is, in a sense, the father and the river is the water from the source. But these and similar remarks they pretend never to have seen written, but act as if they were blind. They only try to pelt me from afar[253] with those poor ill-fitting phrases of mine[254] as with stones, failing to recognize that where a subject is obscure and requires to be brought within our understanding, not only do diverse but even quite contradictory illustrations convey the meaning sought for.

(3) (_Ibid._, 17.) It has been already said that God is the Fountain of all good things: and the Son is described[255] as the stream flowing forth from Him. For the Word is "the effluence" of mind, and, to use human phraseology, is conveyed from the heart through the mouth, _i. e._ the mind that finds expression by means of the tongue, being differentiated from the word in the heart. For the one having sent it forth remains and is still what it was; but the other being sent forth issues and is carried in all directions: and thus each is in each, being different one from the other: and they are one, being two. And it was in this way that the Father and the Son also were said to be one and in one another.[256]

Each of the titles employed by me is indivisible and inseparable from its neighbour. I spoke of the Father, and before introducing the Son I implied Him, too, in the Father. I introduced the Son: even if I had not already mentioned the Father He would, of course, have been presupposed in the Son. I added the Holy Spirit: but at the same time I intimated both from Whom and through Whom[257] He came. But they are not aware that the Father is not separated from the Son _qua_ Father--for the title (Father) is suggestive of such connexion (as Son with Father)--nor is the Son cut off from the Father; for the appellation "Father" denotes their common bond. And the Spirit is the object of their dealings,[258] being incapable of desertion by either Him that sends, or Him that conveys. How then can I, who use these titles, hold that They are wholly divided and separated?[259]

(4) (_Ibid._, 23). For, as our mind overflows with speech[260] of itself, as says the prophet: "My heart overfloweth with good speech,"[261] and each is diverse from the other, each occupying its proper place distinct from the other, the one dwelling and moving in the heart and the other on the tongue and in the mouth, and yet they are not entirely unconnected nor deprived of one another; the mind is not speechless, nor the speech mindless, but the mind produces the speech, revealing itself thereby; and the speech shows the mind, having been gendered therein; the mind is, as it were, the inlying speech and the speech is the issuing mind; the mind is transferred into the speech and the speech displays[262] the mind to the hearers; and thus the mind through the speech gains a lodgment in the souls of those that hear, entering together with the speech, and the mind is, as it were, the father of the speech, having an independent existence withal; and the speech is, as it were, the son of the mind, being an impossibility prior to the mind, yet brought into association with it from any outside source, but springing from the mind; even so the Father, who is the Almighty and Universal Mind, has the Son, the Word as the Interpreter and Messenger of Himself.

Additional Note to p. 12.

Jerome (in his letter _ad Evangelum_) is responsible for the assertion that Dionysius was the last who, in accordance with the original custom of the Church of Alexandria, was nominated as Bishop by his fellow-presbyters there. Subsequently the Bishop was chosen (at least in theory) by the whole body of the faithful in the diocese, as in other parts of Christendom. Jerome's words do not seem to include consecration also by a fresh laying of hands by the presbytery, though Bishop Lightfoot (_Philippians_, p. 231) inferred from certain other evidence of a not very decisive kind that this was the case and that it was rendered necessary at first by the Bishop of Alexandria having had no other Bishops with him in Egypt until 190. Others hold that no fresh laying on of hands at all had been considered necessary, which is hardly probable. Mr. C. H. Turner (_Cambridge Medieval History_, vol. i.) has suggested that Jerome was misled by Arians who had their own interests to serve in making the assertion, while he himself was too ready to credit it in his zeal to uphold the presbyterate against the arrogant claims of the Roman deacons at that time. The present writer ventures to think that Jerome's statement, if correct, refers only to nomination and that an episcopal consecrator had been found elsewhere (_e. g._ in Africa or Palestine or Syria) for the laying on of hands as usual.

FOOTNOTES

[1]In one of Eusebius's works (the _Præparatio Evangelica_) he is quoted side by side with great authors like Plato and Aristotle.

[2]Most of those who read this will be aware that {pais} (Lat. _puer_) can be used in various senses, like our "boy" and French _garçon_.

[3]Not the Prefect of Egypt of that name mentioned by Dionysius on p. 46, though he did afterwards try to usurp the throne (see p. 16).

[4]For Dionysius's share in this dispute see his letter on p. 50.

[5]Dionysius's phrase about him on p. 66 is "tutor and chief ruler of Egyptian magicians"; see note 3 _in loco_.

[6]This Æmilianus was one of several who afterwards attempted to seize the throne; see above, p. 14. Macrianus was another of them in Egypt (p. 68, _n._).

[7]The office indicated seems to be the same as that of _Rationalis_ mentioned above on p. 16.

[8]I was much assisted in drawing up this summary of {peri Physeôs} and also in writing the notes upon the extracts from the text by Professor H. Jackson, of Cambridge fame.

[9]The particular passage, however, adduced by Procopius above is Gen. iii. 21.

[10]On this point C. H. Turner's article in Hastings's _Dictionary of the Bible_, Vol. V, pp. 496 f. (on Patristic Commentaries), may be consulted.

[11]The passage on Luke xxii, quoted by Dr. Sanday (_Inspiration_, p. 36), is of very doubtful authenticity.

[12]"Martyr" in this case need not necessarily be taken strictly as meaning "one put to death for the Faith," though no doubt the mediæval tradition was in favour of his martyrdom in that sense.

[13]It looks as if Dionysius was afraid to mention his name. Perhaps it was Sabinus the Prefect. The word "poet" in Greek means properly "maker," and there is evidently a _double entendre_ in its use here.

[14]_i. e._ against Christ (1 Cor. xii. 3).

[15]The reference is to Heb. x. 34. It will be noticed that Dionysius attributes this Epistle to S. Paul, either inadvertently or in accordance with the Alexandrine tradition, which Origen also accepts (Eus., _H. E._, vi. 25).

[16]Viz. the revolt of Decius in Oct. 249.

[17]_i. e._ Philip the Arabian, who was popularly supposed to be half a Christian.

[18]The reference is obviously to Matt. xxiv. 24 (Mark xiii. 22) though Dionysius has substituted "cause to stumble" ({skandalisai}) for "cause to go astray" ({planêsai} or {apoplanan}).

[19]The reference is very loosely to Matt. xix. 23 and 25.

[20]Viz. those who held no prominent position; the ordinary folk.

[21]Cp. Gal. ii. 9.

[22]Cp. Acts xxviii. 23 and Rev. i. 9.

[23]There is evidently an allusion here to Matt. v. 11 and Luke vi. 22.

[24]Viz. the _ungulæ_, with which the flesh was torn from the bones.

[25]Only three are mentioned in the text.

[26]_i. e._ some time between 251, when persecution ended with the death of Decius, and 257, when Valerian revived it.

[27]The first was a martial offence, the second a civil.

[28]_i. e._ by being allowed to follow Christ's example.

[29]This was the _catasta_, or platform, which corresponded to our prisoner's dock.

[30]Dionysius's language recalls 2 Cor. ii. 14; Col. ii. 15 is different.

[31]Cf. Heb. xi. 38.

[32]_i. e._ they showed themselves worthy of being among the elect.

[33]A range of hills to the east of the Nile seems to have been so called.

[34]On the marriage of the clergy at this time, see Bingham, _Antiq._, IV, v. [S] 5.

[35]This is probably the earliest extant mention of the Saracens--at least by that name.

[36]The opinion that the martyrs passed at once to heaven and shared His throne was general among the early Fathers (see Matt. xix. 28 and 1 Cor. vi. 2, 3).

[37]Cp. Ezek. xviii. 23, xxxiii. 11, 2 Pet. iii. 9.

[38]These expressions are not to be pressed as if they assumed episcopal authority.

[39]Cp. Gal. i. 20.

[40]_i. e._ in October 249.

[41]The Prefect of Egypt.

[42]This was a kind of soldier employed on secret service by the emperors and their provincial governors.

[43]Probably his sons, though they might be his pupils or his servants.

[44]One of "the boys."

[45]Whether Timotheus was making off to join Dionysius or was fleeing in another direction is not clear.

[46]Cp. Mark xiv. 52.

[47]Dionysius's language here recalls 2 Cor. xi. 1, 17, 21 and xii. 6, 11.

[48]Viz. Tobit xii. 7, where the best attested reading is "to reveal gloriously," instead of "(it is) glorious to reveal."

[49]The Prefect of Egypt at that time.

[50]Though Dionysius was Bishop, it is noticeable that he still associates himself with the presbyterate here and elsewhere; cp. 1 Pet. v. 1, etc.

[51]Acts v. 29.

[52]Marcellus seems to be the "brother from Rome" mentioned above, and Eusebius is not now mentioned.

[53]The word "also" either refers to the imperial edict or suggests that some written communication had been sent.

[54]Viz. Valerian and his son Gallienus.

[55]Cp. 1 Tim. ii. 2; this laudable custom is often referred to in early Christian writings.

[56]This restriction was constantly enforced by persecuting emperors, because the graves of martyrs were a favourite resort for prayer and worship. The word cemetery (=sleeping-place) was introduced by Christians for graveyards.

[57]This is an indignant protest against Germanus's charges.

[58]1 Cor. xv. 3.

[59]Col. iv. 3.

[60]Cp. Acts xii. 25.

[61]The brethren who lived on the outskirts of a city like Alexandria were not bound to attend the mother church, but had as it were chapels of ease in their own vicinities.

[62]Or perhaps "carried on" (to act as thou didst).

[63]Strictly speaking, Novatian's withdrawal was not very likely to involve actual martyrdom.

[64]The word is {katorthôma} (success); perhaps "recovery" would bring out the antithesis to "fall" ({sphalma}) better.

[65]Gen. xix. 17 (LXX).

[66]Another reading gives "blessed" ({makarios}), which, though less well supported by the MSS., makes the phrase {makariôs anepausato} more pointed.

[67]This expression probably means to include the Churches of Mesopotamia and Osroene, besides those which he proceeds to mention below.

[68]Eusebius is mistaken in identifying this peace with the cessation of persecution: the reference is to the subsiding of the Novatianist schism in 254 which restored peace to Christendom. The surprise and joy were due to the violence of the language and other measures which the chief combatants (Stephen and Cyprian) had employed.

[69]Hadrian's colony in Mount Sion was so named (A.D. 132). Later on the older and more glorious name of Jerusalem was restored to the see.

[70]Bishop of Cæsarea in Cappadocia (+ A.D. 260), and one of Origen's distinguished pupils. On the baptismal controversy he sided with Cyprian of Carthage.

[71]The adroit reference to the wonted liberality of the Roman Church is to be noted: other instances are given by Salmon, _Infallibility_, p. 375.

[72]Here again Dionysius shows his adroitness, if Benson (_Cyprian_, p. 357) is right in thinking that the list of churches he gives suggests a repetition of the Pentecostal outpouring of the Holy Ghost (Acts ii. 9 f.).

[73]Cp. the letter to Dionysius, p. 58.

[74]Lev. xxiv. 13-16.

[75]The word here used represents {mystêrion}, denoting the Christian revelation as {mystêrion} often does.

[76]Cf. 1 Cor. xvi. 22 and Gal. i. 8, 9.

[77]The former are converts from heathenism, or perhaps from heresy; the latter Christians who have lapsed.

[78]The word here is the Greek {cheirotonia} in Syriac letters, and so might also be rendered "ordination."

[79]The MSS. from which this extract comes state that it is from a letter to Dionysius and Stephanus of Rome. No such letter is otherwise known, and it is not likely that Stephen's name would come second, as he was then bishop and Dionysius only a presbyter, though later on he became bishop. Possibly it is from the letter which our Dionysius tells us he wrote to his Roman namesake and Philemon when they were of the same opinion as Stephen: see p. 55. As far as the contents of the extract go, it is not at all incredible that Dionysius was willing to admit the validity of such baptisms as are specified: it was only heresies of a very fundamental kind which he considered to invalidate baptism.

[80]The successor to Stephanus in 257 as Bishop of Rome: he was martyred after one year's reign.

[81]This was, according to Benson (_Cyprian_, p. 354), a threat which he did not actually carry into effect, and was only meant to restrain them from adopting Cyprian's attitude on the matter.

[82]_i. e._ those of Iconium and Synnada (_circ._ 230): Dionysius may also be referring to the three much more recent councils which Cyprian had held at Carthage between 254 and 256 (_i. e._ since his letter to Stephen above). By this time he had by patient inquiry found out much more than he had known at first of what was necessary to be known before coming to a decision.

[83]_Cf._ 1 Cor. vi. 11 and v. 7, 8.

[84]See note on p. 54. Dionysius became afterwards Bishop of Rome in 259: a fragment of a letter from our Dionysius to him is printed on p. 58. His famous letter to our Dionysius on the Sabellian controversy is not included in this volume. Part of a letter to Philemon is given on p. 56. He was a Roman Presbyter.

[85]On the north-west coast of Cyrenaica, one of the five chief cities which gave its name to the Libyan Pentapolis. Sabellius denied the three Persons in the Trinity, and held that the Person of the Father who is One with the Son was incarnate in Christ: see further p. 19.

[86]There seems no doubt that this is the right reading here, though most of the MSS. read "God the Father and our Lord Jesus Christ"; but clearly Dionysius is only speaking of God the Father in this clause and of Jesus Christ in the next. See 2 Cor. i. 2, Eph. i. 3, etc.

[87]It was Dionysius's treatment of this subject which afterwards gave Arius the heresiarch of Alexandria an opening for claiming his teaching in support of his own tenets, though there is no Arian suggestion, of course, in this phrase: see p. 20.

[88]Col. i. 15.

[89]Eus., _H. E._ vii. 26, mentions letters to Ammonius, Bishop of Bernice, Telesphorus Euphranor and Euporus in this connexion. Athanasius appears only to have known one joint letter to Ammonius and Euphranor.

[90]Dionysius seems to distinguish here two kinds of writings: (1) those that were based on systematic research and criticism, and (2) those that handed on the more traditional and less critical views and statements of the past.

[91]Divine interposition is more vaguely suggested above on p. 44. S. Augustine's statement should also be compared, that at a critical moment of his conversion he heard a voice saying, "Take and read" (_Conf._ vii. 12, [S] 29); S. Polycarp likewise heard a voice from heaven saying, "Be strong and play the man," as he was led into the arena.

[92]See Introduction, p. 11.

[93]This is one of the more common apocryphal sayings usually attributed to our Lord: hence the epithet "apostolic" is somewhat strange.

[94]The word for "Father" here is {papas} (pope), a colloquial form of {patêr} applied to any bishop (or even to one of the inferior clergy sometimes) in the first ages. For Heraclas see p. 11. It is to be noticed, however, that this canon of his dealt not with heretical baptism (such as Dionysius is dealing with), but with actual or reputed perverts, and stated the terms on which they were to be restored to the Church of their baptism.

[95]_i. e._ the Church in Africa Proconsularis, of which Carthage was the metropolis and Cyprian the metropolitan.

[96]Iconium was the chief city of Lycaonia (see Acts xiii. and xiv.), and Synnada was an important town in Phrygia Salutaris. These synods had been held some twenty-five years before (in A.D. 230).

[97]Deut. xix. 14.

[98]See above, p. 53.

[99]A confession of faith has always been required before baptism: this Novatian virtually ignored by his action.

[100]Here as elsewhere Dionysius shows his breadth of view about God in recognizing that the Holy Spirit might in some measure remain even with the lapsed.

[101]It is strange that so old a believer should never have noticed the difference before, but baptism was almost entirely confined at that time to Easter and Whitsuntide, and he may have always been absent.

[102]Cp. 1 Cor. xiv. 16. The Amen is either that after the Consecration of the Elements or at the Reception of them.

[103]"Standing" was, and is still, the posture in the East: Scudamore, _Not. Euch._, p. 637.

[104]A somewhat rare word for "Altar" without some descriptive epithet like "holy" or "mystic."

[105]The _Consistentes_ were the last order of penitents, who were allowed to remain after the dismissal of the catechumens and other penitents, but did not join in the oblation or communion itself: cf. Canons of Nicæa, No. xi.

[106]The letter from which this is supposed to be an extract is said by Eusebius (_H. E._ vi. 46, 2) to have been on the subject of Repentance, and may possibly be "the instruction" which Dionysius says he had given on p. 42 above.

[107]Viz. under the impression that they were going to die.

[108]_i. e._ after thus pledging ourselves to them.

[109]Cf. 1 Pet. ii. 3, where Ps. xxxiii. (xxxiv.) 9 is quoted.

[110]Cf. 1 Tim. iii. 7, etc.

[111]The reference is to Luke xv. 4 ff. and Ezek. xxxiv. 6, etc.

[112]Dionysius is thinking perhaps of the story in Tobit v. 6, where Raphael becomes the companion of Tobit's son Tobias on his journey.

[113]On the principle that "charity thinketh no evil ... but hopeth all things" (1 Cor. xiii.): similar but not identical phrases (in words or sense) are found 1 Cor. xvi. 17, 2 Cor. ix. 12, xi. 9, Phil. ii. 30, and Col. i. 24.

[114]The difficulties of soldiers becoming and remaining Christians were peculiarly great under the early Emperors.

[115]That is, some had not yet been called upon to be actual martyrs, Dionysius among them who was still in exile.

[116]Is. xlix. 8.

[117]These were the same civil officials as those mentioned in Acts vi. 20 at Philippi, with their servants, there called lictors ({rhabdouchoi}): the soldiers belonged to the centurion, of course.

[118]This has already been described on p. 44.

[119]Including Timotheus who had been the means of his escape.

[120]A town on the coast 150 miles west of Alexandria.

[121]He and the three deacons have already been mentioned on p. 46. They must have left Dionysius when he went into exile and returned to Alexandria.

[122]"In the island," according to Rufinus's version, but it is not clear what island he means: the pestilence is probably one of those frequent epidemics which devastated North Africa and other districts of the empire.

[123]The epithet "perfect," though applied to believers generally in the New Testament (Matt. v. 28, etc.), was later specially used of martyrs.

[124]Gallus succeeded to the empire on the death of Decius and his sons in 251, and reigned till 253, when it was wrested from him by Æmilian, who was in turn ousted by Valerian after four months' rule. Dionysius makes no mention of this episode, though he does of Macrian's attempt later.

[125]The quotation is from Rev. xiii. 5, but the last words follow a reading which has no support in the MSS. It should also be noticed that Dionysius does not think it at all certain that the author of the Revelation is the Evangelist: see p. 86.

[126]Valerian reigned from 253 till his disappearance in 260. The duration of the persecution was forty-two months, from before midsummer 257 till late in 260.

[127]Here the expression means Christians generally, not prophets or clergy as often.

[128]Alexander Severus and Philip the Arabian are no doubt meant.

[129]Compare such expressions in S. Paul's letters as Rom. xvi. 5, 1 Cor. xvi. 11, etc.

[130]No doubt Macrianus is meant, who is mentioned further on, but it is difficult to account for the exact epithets which Dionysius here applies to him. Apparently he had been Valerian's tutor in some kind of magic, and had allied himself somehow with the Jewish colony in Alexandria (hence {archisynagôgos}), who would, of course, be hostile to the Christians.

[131]Christian exorcists must be meant, though the claim to supernatural powers which Dionysius makes for them is sufficiently remarkable.

[132]This was a frequent charge against the Christians themselves. Here Dionysius turns it against their persecutors in Egypt.