Part 1

CRIMES OF THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA AGAINST MANKIND.

PROVED BY EXTRACTS

FROM THE HISTORIES OF COXE, SCHILLER, ROBERTSON, GRATTAN, AND SISMONDI, WITH MRS. M. L. PUTNAM’S HISTORY OF THE CONSTITUTION OF HUNGARY, AND ITS RELATIONS WITH AUSTRIA, PUBLISHED IN MAY, 1850.

EDITED BY E. P. PEABODY.

=Second Edition.=

NEW-YORK: G. P. PUTNAM, 10 PARK PLACE. 1852.

Entered according to act of Congress, in the year 1852, BY RODOLPHE GARRIQUE, In the Clerk’s Office of the District Court of the United States for the Southern District of New-York.

PREFACE OF SECOND EDITION.

This work was first published for the benefit of the Hungarian Fund, on the understanding (which proved a misunderstanding), of a certain autograph acknowledgment which failed to arrive at the time expected.

Those who had the care of the publication consequently took the liberty, without the leave or knowledge of the Editor, who was absent, to mutilate the correspondence that formed the Preface, making it irrelevant within itself, and insignificant altogether. The Preface is therefore wholly left out in this edition, and an Analytic Index is prefixed; and the stereotypes have passed into the hands of the present publisher, who republishes it, confident that these important passages of unquestionable history will benefit the Hungarian cause, by showing its necessity and justice, although it is impossible to benefit the Hungarian Fund by the proceeds of the work.

ANALYTICAL INDEX.

Biographical Notices of Rodolphe of Hapsburgh, 4; of Albert I., 15; Frederic & Leopold, 22; Albert II., 24; Rodolphe & Frederic, 31; Albert III. & Leopold II., 32; Albert V., 39; Sigismund, 40; Charles V., 51; Ferdinand I., 62; Philip II., 143; Ferdinand II., 79; Leopold I., Emperor, 188; Joseph I., 190; Charles VI., 191; Maria Theresa, 179 & 192; Joseph II., 160 & 192; Leopold II., 193; Francis, 196.

Destruction of Constitutional Rights of Austria and Styria, 16; 20; 44.

Attempted destruction of those of Switzerland, 16; 20; 32; 40 to 48.

Destruction of those of Bohemia, 17; 39; 64.

Italy and its Conquered Rights, 91–110.

Netherlands do. do., 136–174.

Poland and its Partition, 176–181.

Hungary, and the War upon its Constitution, 20; 39; 62; 182–230.

ERRATA.

Rulhire for _Rulhière_, pp. 176 & 177. Philip II. for _III._, last line of p. 148.

CRIMES OF THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA AGAINST MANKIND.

Frederic Schlegel, in that extraordinary piece of sophistry, called the Philosophy of History, would have it “that the final cause of the Universe was to build up the Romano-Germanic Empire as the Metropolis and bulwark of _Christendom_.”

This work, the substance of a course of eighteen lectures, delivered in Vienna, has little chance of making any great impression on mankind; for the genius which in his younger days guided SCHLEGEL in surveying the literatures of the world, and inspired his eloquent account of them, seems naturally enough to have deserted him, when he yoked himself as a drayhorse to the car of despotism and superstition. Nothing short of imperial authority could have compelled any human audience to have endured eighteen lectures of such dark metaphysics; but this, as we are exultingly told, was abundantly exerted, even by example, for the Imperial family attended in person!

That “Might makes Right” is a principle asserted not exclusively by the House of Austria, or rather by the _House of Hapsburgh_; (for we must not entirely absorb Austria in the House of Hapsburgh. Recent events have shown that Austria also has an entity of its own, and that so far as it exists, it has interests antagonistic to those of the reigning family).

But the Imperial House makes pretensions which especially challenge mankind to bring it to the bar for righteous judgment. From the day when Rodolph the First wrote to Pope Gregory X. to confirm his election to the Empire, even to the present hour, this family has professed to be the elect Servant of the Most High, for the benefit of Mankind. Out of its own mouth shall it be judged.

“_Conscious_,” says Rodolph, in that memorable document, “_of my own deficiency, and trembling with astonishment and fear, I hesitated whether I should accept so eminent a station_; until, at length, _trusting in Him_, who in the high and ineffable decrees of his Providence, changes as He wills the condition of mortals, _adds strength to the feeble and gives eloquence to the simple, I assumed courage sufficient to venture, weak as I am_, upon so laborious and difficult an office, hoping that neither _the grace of God_, nor the favour _of His Holy Church_, nor your paternal affection will be wanting to me. _Turning, therefore, all my thoughts to Him_ under whose authority we live, and placing all my expectations on you alone, I fall down before the feet of your Holiness, beseeching you, with the most earnest supplications, to favour me with your accustomed kindness in my present undertaking; and that you will deign _by your mediation with the Most High_ to support _my cause, which I may truly call the cause of the whole German Empire, that He may condescend to direct my steps according to His will, and lead me in the ways of His commandments_. That I may be enabled therefore, successfully to perform _what is most acceptable to Him and to His_ Holy Church, may it graciously please your Holiness to crown me with the Imperial Diadem, for I trust I am both able and willing to undertake and accomplish whatever you and the Holy Church shall think proper to impose upon me.”

Such is the great and solemn pretension. And now in the first place mankind asks, who art thou, Rodolph of Hapsburgh, professing thyself humbly and unwillingly to be taking upon thyself the cares of Empire, out of mere devotion to God and to the human race whom God would lead, as a bridegroom leads his bride to the altar, giving himself to her and for her? Has then the Christian Charity which is greater than Faith and Hope and “_seeketh not her own_,” marked thy life’s conduct up to this time? And what are the conditions of the compact between thyself and the earthly representative of the Divine Providence? Are they that thou shalt enquire into the genius and institutions of all the nations that shall be united under thee, with a view to vindicate to every man the liberty wherewith Christ would make him free; to give scope for the perfect development of every material resource of the countries they inhabit, and of every intellectual and moral opportunity that the Past, the Present, and the Future shall present?

Thine own words challenge the enquiry; the pretensions of all thy posterity, ever renewed, repeat the challenge. From the mountains of Switzerland, from the plains of Italy, from the rocks of Catalonia, from ruined and emasculated Bohemia, from partitioned Poland, from long betrayed though ever generous Hungary, even from thine own Tyrol and Styria, and Austria, come up the accusers, and impartial History gives utterance in some small measure to the voice of their manifold accusation.

The present volume will principally consist of a series of extracts from different historical works, in which the crimes of the House of Hapsburgh against liberty and law are _incidentally_ related. There seems to be a call, just now, that the testimony of History upon this subject should be laid before the American people. Their heart is touched by the events of the last three years, and it is well that their sensibility should have the support of their reason, enlightened by the truth, that they may not be the victims of every newspaper paragraph which venal partisans of the cause of legitimacy in Europe may have the art to insinuate into the current periodicals; and which presume upon the common ignorance in this country, of the details of European history, that comes to us at best only through books written more or less in the spirit of monarchy. A history of Europe written from the republican point of view, a history of nations and not of their governors, is the desideratum for the people of these United States. But such a work requires both genius and integrity of soul to conceive, and a vast industry properly to execute, the discovery of the exact truth being infinitely the greatest part of the labor required. We may only avail ourselves at this moment of such history as is written, and if something of the force of the statement is lost by the fragmentary nature of our work, on the other hand something will be gained to the argument from the consideration, that the passages brought as witnesses were not written primarily to serve the object to which we direct them. They are largely taken from conservative writings. Archdeacon Coxe gathered his materials in Vienna, and himself states that “to this family Europe owes its preservation,” and that it has “formed the great bulwark of political freedom!” To the tissue of violence and rapacity which forms the life of each successive head of the family, he always appends an EULOGY, sometimes ludicrously in contrast with the facts he has related, but which is presumptive evidence that he would not make those facts worse than they were. From the first chapter of his History of the House of Austria we extract the origin of the family, with a memoir which elucidates the personal character of the author of the letter to the pope, quoted above. We abridge all we extract by making as many omissions as possible; but the exploring of the sources from which we make our extracts will show that the omissions in no instance falsify the facts related. We purposely leave out the false coloring which the author’s own remarks sometimes give to these facts, together with the numerous episodes which make the narrative heavy, and weaken the moral impression of it, by scattering and wearying the attention.

Ethico, Duke of Alsace in the seventh century, and Guntram, Count of Alsace and Brisgau in the tenth century, were the most important ancestors of the House of Hapsburgh. Guntram’s grandson Werner, bishop of Strasburg, built the castle which gives name to the House, near Windisch, the site of the Roman colony, Vindonessa; and a nephew of his, likewise named Werner, took the title of Count of Hapsburgh in 1046. A Count of Hapsburgh, called Albert IV., went on a crusade in 1232, and died at Askalon in 1240. He was the father of the great founder of the imperial power of the family.

“Rodolph was born in 1218, probably at the ancient castle of Limburgh, or Limper in Brisgau, on the confines of Alsace, and was presented at the font by the Emperor Frederic II., to whose house he was distantly allied. Under the auspices of his warlike father he passed his youth in the court and camp of Frederic II., and was initiated at an early age in the use of arms. He was trained to wrestling and running, was skilled in horsemanship, excelled in throwing the javelin, and being endowed with great strength and vigor, gave eminent proofs of superiority over his companions in all military exercises.

“On the death of his father, Rodolph inherited only the Landgraviate of Upper Alsace, the Burgraviate of Rheinfelden, and in conjunction with his brothers, succeeded to the County of Hapsburgh, the inhabitants of which being free, were exempted from arbitrary taxes; to some scattered domains in Suabia and Brisgau; and the advocacies or prefectureships of a few of the neighboring towns and districts. Though in possession of such confined territories, Rodolph followed the example of the German princes, who considered peace as inglorious, _and sought to aggrandise their fortunes by pillage or conquest_. He maintained a splendid establishment, formed a chosen band of troops, collected adventurers from all nations, more than his scanty revenues would support; and eager to signalise himself in arms, gave full scope to his enterprising genius. For some time he found no respite from war; he was either engaged in protecting the surrounding states from the incursions of banditti and depredations of the powerful barons, or _under various pretences invading the possessions of others_, and defending his own property from the encroachments of ambitious neighbours.

“The first of his exploits in his native country was in 1242, against Hugh of Tuffenstein, a young baron, who had provoked his resentment by contumelious expressions. Rodolph invested a fortress of considerable strength belonging to his adversary, and having failed in attempting to take it by storm, obtained entrance _by bribing the sentinels_, and made himself master of the place, notwithstanding the desperate valour of Hugh, who was killed in the defence.

“He next turned his arms against his uncle and guardian Rodolph of Lauffenburg, whom he accused of embezzling a part of his patrimony. He found, however, an intrepid and enterprising opponent in his cousin Godfrey, the son of Rodolph: and after carrying havoc into each other’s territories, the two relatives effected a reconciliation, by which Rodolph obtained some compensation for his demands. This accommodation was succeeded by an intimate friendship between the two youthful heroes, who in this short contest had learned to admire and emulate each other.

“We next find Rodolph engaged in hostilities with his uncle Hartman, count of Kyburgh. The dominions of the House of Kyburgh were at this time jointly possessed by Hartman the elder, second son of Ulric, and his nephew Hartman the younger. In order to find resources for the pay of his retainers, Rodolph had obtained from his uncle a sum of money as the arrears of his mother’s portion. Encouraged by the facility with which he succeeded in this demand, and pressed by his necessities, he made further exactions, and at length claimed a considerable part of the territories belonging to the two Hartmans. This claim being rejected he instantly invaded, in 1244, the dominions of Hartman the elder, occupied Baden, Winterthur, and Mersburgh, extorted a considerable largess as the price of their restoration, and a promise, that should his uncle and cousin die without issue male, the possessions of the House of Kyburgh should revert to him. _By this violence_ he indeed obtained a sum of money for his immediate necessities; but forfeited the affections of his uncle, and nearly lost the territories which he was entitled to inherit; for Hartman, with the consent of his nephew, transferred to the bishop of Strasburgh the counties of Baden, Lentzburgh, and Kyburgh, and received them in return for himself and his nephew as fiefs of the see.

“The chronicles, which detail his minutest actions, scarcely again mention him till the year 1253, when he, engaged with other nobles of the Imperial or Ghibeline party against Bertold, bishop of Basle, _penetrated into the suburbs of the city by night, and burnt a nunnery_, for which he was excommunicated by Pope Innocent IV. It was probably to obtain the revocation of this sentence, that we find him serving under Ottocar, king of Bohemia, against the Prussians, a (Slavonian) people then in a state of paganism, _who were defending their liberties_, in opposition to the Teutonic knights, and against whom the pope had published a crusade. He afterwards assisted Ottocar in his war with Bela, king of Hungary; and perhaps had a share in the complete victory which insured to the king of Bohemia the possession of Austria and Styria, and confined Bela within the limits of Hungary.

“On his return to his native country he was involved in a series of wars in Alsace and Switzerland. Finding the bishop and citizens of Strasburgh in open hostilities against each other, he assisted the bishop, signalised himself by his valour and activity, and _compelled the citizens_ to conclude a truce. At the same time he effected a reconciliation with his uncle Hartman, who, pleased with his change of conduct, and struck with his rising fame, endeavoured to recover from the bishop of Strasburgh the deed of donation which he had made of his territories. Rodolph urged the same request to the bishop during the truce, recapitulated his services, and tendered his future assistance; but meeting with a refusal, he replied, “Since you pay no regard to the greatest services, and seem inclined rather to offend than conciliate your friends, Rodolph of Hapsburgh, instead of your ally, is become your most inveterate enemy.” Laying his hand on his sword, he added, “While I am master of this weapon, neither you nor any other person shall wrest from me those dominions, which I am to inherit by right of my mother; and since, in contradiction to every principle of justice, you grasp at the possessions of others, know that you shall shortly lose your own.” Nor was this threat uttered in vain; for in 1259 the citizens of Strasburgh, availing themselves of the breach, requested Rodolph to accept the supremacy of their city, and the command of their troops. He joyfully received this well-timed offer, and repairing to take possession of his new charge, the inhabitants went out in crowds to meet their deliverer, hailed him as a person sent by heaven, and considered his presence as a sure omen of victory.

“By espousing the cause of the citizens, Rodolph acted with _equal prudence and judgment_. The citizens in those days were mostly soldiers, accustomed to defend their liberties against the vexations of their own nobles, and of the neighboring barons. They were animated with an undaunted spirit; from the nature of their governments, they were more subject to control, and more obedient to military order than the lawless retainers of the nobles; and their industry and commerce supplied the means of supporting the burdens of war. From their instruction in public schools, and from the force of example, their minds were more enlightened, their comprehension keener, and they were more calculated for those ambuscades, feints, and stratagems, of which the art of war at that time principally consisted. Rodolph, in the character of their captain, general, or advocate, won their confidence and esteem. _Assisted by their spirit, and supported by their riches, he was enabled to humble the rivals of his power._

“Among others the citizens of Zurich, in 1265, chose him as their prefect, and invested him with the command of their troops; and this appointment involved him in a war with the count of Regensberg, and a formidable confederacy of the neighboring barons, _which highly contributed to his subsequent greatness_.

“During the troubles of the interregnum in the German empire, the burghers of Zurich, which was an imperial city, had gradually acquired considerable privileges, and began to assume the administration of their own affairs. In order to strengthen themselves against the power of the nobles, they contracted alliances with the sister republics, and endeavored to secure a protector among their neighboring princes. For this purpose they despatched an embassy to Lutold, baron of Regensberg, whose territories almost surrounded Zurich, and extended along the eastern shore of the lake, as far as Rapperschwyl. Lutold answered the messengers with scorn: ‘Tell your citizens that Zurich is surrounded by my subjects as a fish in a net; let the inhabitants surrender themselves to me, and I will govern them with mildness.’ In this strait the citizens turned to Rodolph of Hapsburgh, who accepted their offer, repaired to Zurich, and assumed the command. Undaunted by the confederacy which Lutold had formed with the count of Tockenburgh, and other neighboring barons, he placed his hopes of success in celerity and decision. He collected his own troops and those of Zurich; drew assistance from the cities of Alsace, and the circle of the Lower Rhine; summoned to his standard the mountaineers of Uri, Schwyz, and Underwalden, and marched against the enemy.”

We omit the details of his success in this instance, and of his surprising the castles of Balder, and of Utleberg.

“After a series of similar stratagems, sieges, and other engagements, his arms were crowned with repeated successes; and the confederate barons, struck with terror, exclaimed, ‘All opposition is fruitless! Rodolph is invincible!’”

It was when Rodolph was engaged in a war, growing out of his possession of Kyburgh, whose details we omit, that having retired to his tent, he was awakened at midnight by his nephew Frederic of Hohenzollern, burgrave of Nuremberg, with the intelligence that he was unanimously chosen King of the Romans by the electors of Germany. In the first moments of surprise, Rodolph could not give credit to this unexpected intelligence; and even expressed his indignation against the burgrave for attempting to deceive and insult him. “Convinced, however, by his solemn protestations, and by letters from the electors, he recovered from his surprise, and _joyfully accepted the proffered dignity_. The news of his election being quickly disseminated, the citizens of Basle opened their gates, notwithstanding the remonstrances of the bishop. ‘We have taken arms,’ they said, ‘against Rodolph, Count of Hapsburgh, and not against the King of the Romans.’ The bishop acceded to terms of peace, the prisoners on both sides were released, and Rodolph’s followers admitted in triumph. The new sovereign was received amidst general acclamations; the citizens took the oath of fidelity, and presented him with a considerable largess towards defraying the expenses of his coronation. The bishop, chagrined at the success and elevation of his rival, struck his forehead with vexation, and profanely exclaimed, “Sit fast, great God, or Rodolph will occupy thy throne!”

We omit the account which Coxe gives of the general state of Germany as aside from our purpose. He proceeds to tell us that in an unfavorable aspect of affairs, the electors met at Frankfort in September 1273, and two candidates presented themselves, Alphonso King of Castile, and Ottocar King of Bohemia; but, contrary to all expectation, the nomination fell on Rodolph, Count of Hapsburgh.

“Many circumstances contributed to favor his advancement, among which the most effectual were the views and interests of the seven electors, by whom the right of nomination was at this time assumed; namely, the Archbishops of Mentz, Cologne, and Treves, the King of Bohemia, Otho Margrave of Brandenburgh, Albert Duke of Saxony, and Louis Duke of Bavaria and Count Palatine, who seems to have possessed a joint vote with his brother Henry. Of these, the most strenuous in the cause of Rodolph was Werner of Eppenstein, Elector of Mentz. On his nomination to the archiepiscopal see of Mentz, Werner had repaired to Rome, in order to receive the confirmation of his office, and the pallium from the hands of the Pope; and as the road was infested with banditti, he was escorted by Rodolph himself across the Alps, and treated on his return with equal cordiality and magnificence. Werner, captivated by his attentions, character, and talents, expressed a wish that he might live to repay the obligation. Such an opportunity now presented itself, and Werner used all his influence to secure the nomination of Rodolph. He secretly gained the Electors of Cologne and Treves; and found means to influence the secular Electors, by the prospect of a matrimonial alliance with their future chief, who had six daughters unmarried. His intrigues and recommendation were strongly supported by Frederic of Hohenzollern, the friend and relation of Rodolph, who had great influence with the secular electors, contributed to remove all obstacles, and concluded the negotiation in his name.