Part 24

“The Hungarians made yet one more attempt to avoid an open collision with the Austrian government. On the 9th of September, a deputation of one hundred and sixty Hungarians, at whose head was Pazmandy, the president of the chamber of deputies, repaired to Vienna, to entreat the emperor of Austria to show himself the king of Hungary, and ‘to contribute to the rescue of the fatherland by throwing the weight of his royal authority into the scale.’ The king drew from his pocket a written paper, and read them, in an indifferent voice, a cold and evasive answer.

“The deputation returned to Pest, to announce to the Hungarian people, that they were to rely only on themselves. On the same day, Jellachich, at the head of the imperial forces, passed the Drave.

“It was thus that the war between Hungary and Austria began. From this period, the eyes of the world have been turned upon Hungary. Our readers have yet fresh in their recollection the scene of this war, in which the Hungarians extorted admiration even from their enemies. It is not our intention to retrace them here. We have designed only, in this rapid sketch, to place in a condensed form before those of our readers who had not, previous to the breaking out of the late contest, directed their attention towards Hungary, such a statement of the antecedent relations of that country with Austria as shall enable them to form an equitable judgment of the events of which they have been witness, and of those which the next decade is to develop.”

M.L.P.

It may seem remarkable, that the History of the Crimes of the House of Austria should be closed just with the stirring up a war, which concentrates and epitomizes all the crimes of five hundred years, against a virtue, which, for eight hundred years, had been one long struggle for the development of the noblest constitution of the Eastern Continent, a Constitution thirteen times all but overthrown by despots, and thirteen times reinstated by the patriotic energy of its liberty and law-loving people.

But the object of this compilation is especially to show, that the Austrian house has been acting, in the war of Hungary, wholly according to its nature; for that its whole conduct from Rodolph downwards, with reference not merely to Hungary, but to every nation and province of a nation, with which it has come into contact, demonstrates, that it is an enemy to all international law which deserves the name of _Public Right_; and imperatively calls upon all constitutional nations, in self-defence, or, at least in defence of the principle which is their strength, to withdraw from it their support and countenance.

It would be unjust to give less than a volume to the history of this war; a war unrivalled since the days, when Athens and Sparta, at the gate of Europe, stemmed the millions of Asia, that were threatening to overwhelm the only spot on Earth, where Freedom was self-conscious and intelligent.

Indeed, the historian cannot fail to see a certain parallel between this crisis of the world’s history, and that culminating point of antiquity, the world-renowned, time-honoured Persian war. For more than two thousand years had Syria, Babylon, Media, Nineveh, Egypt, Ethiopia and Persia been developing every resource of the gardens of the world, from the banks of the Nile to the Indus; and they had formed a commercial web[36] of power and wealth, which stretched from China (the ancient Serica) in the East, to the Gulf of Guinea, along the North of Africa to Spain, and thence coastwise to Britain on the West, and concentrated in their great capitals the material resources of the Earth, as may be discerned, with the eyes of the present day, upon the monuments that yet remain to astonish us by their colossal proportions, and their historical memorials, and by the gem cylinders, whose date seems as endless as their influence was deep.[37] At the end of the sixth century before Christ, those vast regions had been centralized by the military genius of Cyrus, and the administrative skill more than the military genius of Darius Hystaspes, so that all their productions, and their inhabitants, with all their time and labour, physical strength and genius, were at his personal command.[38]

At the same period, on the borders of this mighty empire, was a small state, not so large in area as the State of Rhode Island, in which dwelt a people, rich only in ideas, but ideas that had cherished the instinct of liberty into a divine inspiration; for it had lifted them into the conception and faith, that intelligences finer than could be discerned with the gross material organs, and purer than could be brought into circumscription by the material forces with which men make war, were allied to them, and had received into their august companionship Hercules and Theseus, their heroes of labour and patriotism, and would not suffer Greeks to admit as equals, but empowered them to despise as barbarians, all who bore the form of men but had debased themselves from the stature of manliness, by slaving for another man, although he did command the material resources of the Universe.

The Persian power had not spared in its rapacity a few little commercial colonies which shared the blood and culture of Athens; but indirectly, through its victory over Crœsus, who was Grecian by culture if not by race, had made them also tributary, and included them in its centralised empire. A word from these colonies to Athens, intimating that it was neither pious nor Hellenic to allow a barbarian to lord it over a kindred people, with identical gods,—was enough to rouse up that little state, which had just developed the old free constitution of Theseus into Solon’s republic, by the expulsion of the Pisistratidae,—and it rose, on the principle of a fraternity, and attacked “the Great King;” provoking his vengeance and risking in self-respect, the worst he could do.

And when he did do his worst, and poured upon the devoted little state his hundreds of thousands, did it flinch? No! but strong in their gods, strong by the shade of Theseus,[39] whom, with the creative enthusiasm of a faith deeper than sense, and which raised the spiritual vision above the material, they saw visibly marshalling their bands, their ten thousand met and vanquished the hundred and ten thousand Persians in the one great battle of Marathon. And again, after ten years of rest from that defeat, when Darius’s son led up his million (not a man less,[40]) was it not able to raise the sister states to intervene, on the mere principle that spiritual was not to be submitted to material forces? And were not three hundred allies found who could deliberately choose to die on the nation’s threshold as the barbarian was about to cross it, for the mere purpose of showing him the difference between the owners of a Penates-guarded homestead, and the bond-servants of a despot under whom no homestead was sacred? And even when their little country was desolated, and their city burned, the temples of their gods not spared, and although no miraculous interposition had saved these consecrated places, did their faith and confidence falter? Did they not rather rally on the sea, still confiding in the oracles of their god, which echoed the sentiment of their own hearts, that themselves, without a foot of land on the earth, were Athens? And thus inspired, did they not vanquish a fleet three times as great as their own, a fleet in which were the mariners of Phœnicia? And when, after a winter’s rest, the selected three hundred thousand bravest of that invading million came down for another attack, led by the greatest captain of his nation, did not all the worshippers of the Grecian Olympus (where was embodied to their imaginations every distinctively human attribute, and the moral harmony of the Universe itself, as Phœbus Apollo) rally, presenting indeed numerically but one third the force, but, by that which was within, outmeasuring a thousand times the Persian three hundred thousand? And almost at the first blow did they not destroy it, so that scarce one was left to go home and tell the tale? Were they satisfied with even this? Did not another twenty years of unwavering action on the same principle, by land and sea, end with a complete victory, in which the son of the victor of Marathon, having ended the war ten years before, by the battle of the Eurymedon, dictated to the great king a peace, whose articles bore that no Persian should come within thirty miles of the Grecian seas, and that the colonies of the Greeks on the Asiatic coast should be free and self-governed?

So was it of old, with a nation whose gods were no greater or more beautiful than their own best thoughts, but just as great and just as beautiful as those best thoughts believed in and allowed to carry them whither they would,—which is the secret of the whole wonderful history. More than two thousand years have passed by, and we behold the material wealth and power of Europe combined against a nation, which bears to the Holy Alliance the same relation that Greece bore to Darius Hystaspes.

Hungary combines in this modern time the cause of both Ionia and Athens, and Nicholas of Russia leads the conservative nations against her, like Darius of old. Single-handed, has she already done battle on a hundred Marathons. There is nothing more wonderful in human history than Hungary in 1849 retreating into the heart of her own dominion, while the armies of Russia and Austria, with the Serbs and Croats which the latter power had infuriated to join them, form the cordon round Hungary, contracting it every day, and crowding the nation nearer to each other, like a troop of hunters who are driving in to the death of their game. The Hungarians stand back to back, facing the foe all round, determined to shed their last blood rather than yield their right to national independence. But this is not all. In that devoted phalanx, which, unlike the phalanx of old, is a circle bristling round its whole circumference and threatening death to the hundred thousands who menace it, is an angel of life. He bears a silver trumpet, through which he speaks, and the ringing music turns the statues of men into statues of the soul. They are no longer vulgar flesh and blood; they are transfigured with the spirit of liberty and law. At the word of command, they start into action. The iron circle breaks: North, South, East, West, shoot forth thousands to their work.[41] They break the contracting cordon that was pressing them in, though it were deep by tens of thousands of the paid soldiers of despotism, and they return on their steps; and they sweep from their native land the invaders, till hardly a foot of an enemy is left to profane the holy ground:

Aye call it holy ground! The spot whereon they trod— They keep unstained what there they found— Freedom to worship God.

A second time in the world’s history have spirit and matter met on the battle-field, at fearful apparent odds,—and spirit triumphed!

Sparta was not at Marathon. She was wisely at home, performing the holy rites that had been handed down through noble generations, and consecrating laws which guarded liberty. But she came up, when Marathon was won, to rejoice in the victory, and to pledge her future coöperation. Nobly was the pledge redeemed at Thermopylæ and at Platæa.

But where was Hungary’s Sparta, even when the vanquished enemy rallied in still greater numbers and again stormed in upon her? Did not the Earth contain an older republic, “the model republic,” that might send a new Leonidas with some devoted “three hundred” out of whose bosoms should go a fire that should pass with lightning quickness through the golden linked chain of despotism which binds the Holy Alliance together, and make it a rope of ashes? And if it were not enough to show the Czar of Russia a new Thermopylæ, to rally to a new Salamis and a new Platæa?

-----

Footnote 1:

For the theory of the Catholic Church, whatever may be its practice, is that all men are born into it. It asserts a right over every child who sees the light where it is acknowledged: consequently he who bound himself to serve the Church at that time bound himself to serve humanity, at least within the precincts over which the Church extended its authority. For three hundred years after this time the people of Europe was considered to be _The Church_.

Footnote 2:

The legend of WILLIAM TELL gives the spirit of the whole.

Footnote 3:

Blanch, the first wife of Rodolph, died in April, 1305.

Footnote 4:

Pelzel, p. 731–742. Several native and Catholic writers endeavour to extenuate the cruelty of Ferdinand, by declaring that he was with difficulty induced to make these dreadful examples; and was overborne by the representations of his ministers and the Jesuits. Admitting this fact, it is no exculpation of his conduct to assert that he acted unjustly by the advice of his ministers. But the preceding and subsequent transactions, as well as the general character, the relentless disposition, and the deep-rooted prejudices of Ferdinand, furnish ample evidence that he wanted no external impulse to commit acts of persecution and cruelty against the Protestants.

Footnote 5:

Schiller’s Thirty Years’ War.

Footnote 6:

Coxe, Chap. XXCIV.

Footnote 7:

Coleridge has well defined Christianity to be “the perfection of Reason.”

Footnote 8:

The accounts given, by their own writers, of the ancient Magyars, recall forcibly the description given by Sallust of the manners of the Romans in the first years of the Republic.

Footnote 9:

Sancti Stephani Regis Decretum I. cap. IV.

Footnote 10:

Sanct. Stephan. Decret. I. cap. X.

Footnote 11:

Respublica et Status Regni Hungariæ.

Footnote 12:

See the representations of the grievances of the Hungarian nation made by the diets of 1559 and 1563. See also the letter addressed by the Bishop of Colócza to Joseph I., through Baron Scalvinioni, 1703.—The manifesto of Prince Rakóczy, 1703.—Memoirs of Prince Rakóczy, by himself, 1739.

Footnote 13:

See Fessler, _Die Geschichten der Ungern_.

Footnote 14:

A very valuable work, written by a Hungarian, in the French language, published in 1739. The Hungarians commonly write in French, German, or Latin, when they desire to give their works a European circulation. In the eighteenth century, prior to the time of Maria Theresa, they used French in preference to German.

Footnote 15:

“For,” says the Hungarian historian, Fessler, “the highest enthusiasm is only strong in deeds, not rich in words.”

Footnote 16:

Fessler, _Die Geschichten der Ungern_, 10ter Bd., S. 658.

Footnote 17:

_Ibid._, 10ter Bd., S. 660.

Footnote 18:

See De Gerando, _De l’Esprit Public_, p. 174, for the account of the elections in the county of Bars.

Footnote 19:

The diet of Hungary is composed of two chambers, or “tables,” as they are there called.

At the first table sit the dignitaries of the church and the state, and the titled nobility, or magnates. This table is presided over by the Palatine.

The second table is composed of the deputies of the counties. Each county sends two deputies. The royal cities, and certain chapters and privileged districts, send also their deputies to the diet. These, however, before the extension of representation in 1848, had but one collective vote. Croatia sent three deputies to the diet, one of which sat in the upper and two in the lower house. The chamber of magnates did not form a part of the ancient constitution of Hungary. Before the accession of the Archdukes of Austria, the diets were held in the open air, and all the noble inhabitants of the country had a right to be present at them, and take part in the deliberations. The foreign government found its account in raising up a class whose interests were separated from those of the main body of the nation. The “second table,” or chamber of deputies, is still called, by distinction, “the States.” The initiative belongs to the king and the second table of the diet. The deputies are bound to vote according to the instruction of their constituents, and can be recalled if they fail to satisfy them.

Footnote 20:

Many proprietors had already made contracts of this kind with their peasants, though the only security for their fulfilment was the good faith of the parties.

Footnote 21:

It was of great importance to the government to prevent the publication of the debates in the diet. Every art was put in practice by the Austrian cabinet, to deceive the people in regard to the views of the opposition party. Emissaries were employed to diffuse among the peasantry an impression that the nobles were unfriendly to their interests, and prevented the benefits which their ‘good father, the emperor,’ wished to bestow on them. Nothing could tend more effectually to disabuse them, than giving publicity to the proceedings of the diet.

Footnote 22:

During the terrible inundation which took place on the breaking up of the ice in the Danube, in 1838, it is said that Wesselényi saved the lives of not less than two hundred persons. He remained on the river for several days and nights, in an open boat, in continual danger from the masses of ice which were floating down the river.

Footnote 23:

_La Transylvanie._

Footnote 24:

Every member of a magnate family, after he has attained the age of twenty-four, has a right to a seat at the first table of the diet.—De Gerando.

Footnote 25:

Bezerédy was one of the first to set this honorable example. The following letter, addressed to him by the peasants of the village of Bitske in the county of Fejér, dated April 5, 1845, will give an idea of the character of the Hungarian peasantry, and the feeling which subsists between them and the nobles. In this country, the great majority of the inhabitants are of the Magyar race.

“The patriotic act by which, faithful to holy and eternal justice, you have been the first to renounce the right of exemption from taxation,—this act, truly worthy of a noble, has already, to the honour of our aristocracy be it said, found many imitators. Those who have followed your example have made the most worthy recognition of your action. We also, who believe that, in taking part in our burdens, you have not lowered yourself to our level, but have raised us to yourselves, all regard it as a sacred duty to express to you our ardent gratitude for this noble sacrifice, which opens a new era to our country. May God grant, for the glory of the country and for our happiness, that your life may be long, and that your spirit may inspire the whole world.”

Footnote 26:

Very severe restrictions were imposed by Austria on Hungarian commerce.

Footnote 27:

Kossuth, in March, 1845, soon after this arbitrary act of government was carried into effect, addressed the county of Pest in a speech in which he pointed out all the dangers to the country which were involved in this measure, and all the evils which must result, and which actually did afterwards result, from it. We have not room for this speech. We give the opening and closing passages.

“Although the future of our country appears to me covered by a dark veil, I cannot deny that the hope of a better destiny has sometimes beamed before my eyes. One of these moments of illusion presented itself when the government seemed ready to unite in our views, and to walk with us on the path of progress which had been smoothed by our efforts; when it seemed to offer us its assistance in repairing the faults of our fathers, and raising the people from their sad condition. We were then ready to banish the remembrance of three centuries of sorrow, and to give ourselves to the labours which were to replace this mournful but sacred struggle in which we had been engaged for the defence of our rights and our liberties. Alas! the illusion quickly vanished, and we found ourselves still alone on the path of progress. One step more and the struggle recommenced. So be it then; those who were ready to reconcile themselves with power will again defend their rights as men and citizens....

“It has been said,—what has not been said to justify the government?—that order rendered these illegal measures necessary. Order! I do not know a word of which despotism has made a more insolent abuse. It is in the name of order that Nicholas has effaced Poland from the rank of nations, and that king Ernest has annihilated the constitution of Hanover. It was in the name of order that Philip II. made a cemetery of Belgium. This order, thanks be to God, Hungary does not know, nor does she desire to know it. Hungary is governed only by laws, and, if order requires a change in the government, the nation must assemble and assent to the change. Any measure which is arbitrarily imposed is not order, but illegality, despotism, that is to say, disorder.”

Footnote 28:

It has been said, among other things, by those writers who support the Austrian views, that the abolition of the disabilities of the unprivileged class, decreed by the diet in 1848, was a measure of policy intended to secure the coöperation of the people in a projected revolution. This programme, published eight months before the revolution in Paris, which gave occasion to that at Vienna, offers a sufficient answer to this assertion.

Footnote 29:

Before the union of Transylvania with Hungary, there were some important differences in the political constitutions of the two countries. In Transylvania a distinction of races was recognized. In the Transylvanian diet, the Magyars, the Szeklers, and the Saxons were represented as distinct nationalities, by their respective deputies. The Wallachian inhabitants of the country were not represented in the diet as a distinct race; they were counted as Magyars. A Wallachian noble might be elected to the diet, but he sat there as a Magyar. Among the Szeklers, a race closely kindred to the Magyars, the distinction between noble and non-noble has never been introduced. They have preserved their ancient institutions in greater purity than the Magyars. By the union of Transylvania with Hungary, all political distinctions founded on difference of race were abolished: the same system of representation was established in Transylvania as in Hungary; all the inhabitants, without distinction of race, were admitted in the right of suffrage, the possession of a very small amount of yearly income being the only qualification required.

Footnote 30:

“We have state prisoners,” says Birányi, “who, victims of an arbitrary act of power, have been pining for years in horrible dungeons. It would have been shameful to have forgotten them in the list of the national demands.”—_Pesti Forradalom_, Pest, 1848.

“An inconsiderate word, or a single passage in a perhaps prudently written book, torn out of its connection, and invested with an arbitrary meaning, was all that was needed to stamp a man as a political criminal. This was the easiest means of putting out of the way men of distinguished abilities, who might have been able to further the welfare of their country.”—Berffi, _Ein Blatt Volksgeschichte_. Pest, 1848.

Footnote 31:

Berffi. Der 15. März, 1848, in Pest. _Ein Blatt Volksgeschichte._

Footnote 32:

_Pesti Forradalom._ _Irta Birányi Akos._ Pesten, 1848.

Footnote 33: