Part 19

The code letter that may have given General Washington the greatest thrill required still another dictionary to translate it. It was that used by Robert Morris, the financier of the Revolution. On another page the closing half of one of his letters is illustrated. Historians tell us how Washington had appealed to Morris for funds to conduct the war. Sometimes he was fortunate in raising a sufficiency but at a critical period it seemed to Robert Morris that his only prospect was to obtain the needed sums from a wealthy Quaker. “How can I, friend Robert, who am a man of peace, lend thee money for the purpose of war? Friend George is, I believe, a good man and fighting in a good cause; but I am opposed to fighting of any sort.” This was the Quaker’s plea, but Morris recalled that Washington had also mentioned the urgency of funds for the secret service. That appealed to the Quaker. “The gold was dug up from his garden and handed over to Morris to forward to General Washington. His adopted son Custis says: ‘Its application to the secret service produced the happiest effects upon the cause of the Revolution in that critical period of our destiny.’”[62]

The code used by the Culpers covers too much space for reproduction here. However some of the words most frequently used have been collected and will be found on the page following, and a section of the original code prepared by Major Tallmadge for General Washington is reproduced on page 218.

This is part of the secret code used by General Washington, Benjamin Tallmadge, Robert Townsend, and Abraham Woodhull, during the Revolutionary War.

---------------+--------------------------------+-------------------- USE OF MEANS |USE OF MEANS |USE OF MEANS | | e a | 711 General Washington | 15 advice f b | | 28 appointment g c | 712 Clinton | 60 better h d | | 121 day i e | 713 Tryon | 156 deliver j f | | 151 disorder a g | 721 Major Tallmadge | 178 enemy b h | alias John Bolton | 174 express c i | 722 Abraham Woodhull | 230 guineas d j | alias Samuel Culper | 286 ink o k | 723 Robert Townsend | 309 infantry m l | alias Samuel Culper, Jr. | 317 importance n m | 724 Austin Roe | 322 inquiry p n | | 345 knowledge q o | 725 Caleb Brewster | 347 land r p | | 349 low k q | 726 Rivington | 355 lady l r | | 356 letter u s | 727 New York | 371 man v t | | 476 parts w u | 728 Long Island | 585 refugees x v | | 592 ships y w | 729 Setauket | 660 vigilant z x | | 680 war s y | 745 England | 691 written t z | | 708 your 341 January | e 1 | 73 camp 215 February | f 2 | 374 March | g 3 | 22 April | i 4 | 373 May | k 5 | 336 June | m 6 | 337 July | n 7 | 29 August | o 8 | 616 September | q 9 | 462 October | u 0 | 427 November | | 154 December | | ---------------+--------------------------------+--------------------

[Illustration: A SECTION OF THE CODE PREPARED BY MAJOR TALLMADGE FOR GENERAL WASHINGTON’S SPIES]

FOOTNOTES to “CODES AND CAMOUFLAGE”:

[59] Of ten messengers sent out by different routes to Howe, not one returned to Burgoyne.--Winsor’s Narrative and Critical History of America, Vol. VI, p. 312.

[60] In full a copy of the letter from which the above extracts are taken may be examined in the collection at East Hampton, L. I.

[61] The boldness with which some of the English magazines mentioned affairs in America during the Revolution is surprising. How many of these were inspired by Robert Townsend it would be interesting to know. In fact even Rivington might have been surprised had he discovered how often among the news items he had troubled Townsend to prepare and mail for him to the English magazines there were extra items written by Townsend that he had never seen. One that was published after the surrender of Cornwallis, calculated to destroy the morale of the troops, appears on page 676 in the December, 1781, issue of the same London magazine. It reads: “By only showing themselves one morning for a few hours near Kingsbridge, and sending the French baker boys round, to make a rattling among the broken bricks and rubbish, at the mouth of the Rariton. This was enough for him (Clinton). He instantly sent off express upon express, demanding assistance ... from Lord Cornwallis, who, at that very instant was besieged, at the distance of nearly 500 miles from New York, by that very army which still kept him in such alarm.”

[62] See Recollections of Washington by G. W. P. Custis, p. 294.

A CREW THAT DOUBLE CROSSED

The spies were never safe; to them sometimes friends were as dangerous as foes. The British and Americans upon several occasions captured their own men, but perhaps only once was the same whale boat captured by both sides. The discovery that they were detaining their own men certainly embarrassed the British officers in this particular instance. It was no less than William Heron who by capture they were not only detaining but from him their own men had taken the boat and outfit and it was necessary for them to get his things together again. William Heron’s home was in Reading, Connecticut, and he was at the time a member of the state legislature.

Hiram he called himself in correspondence with British Headquarters, and as Hiram he was known to Washington’s secret service. Perhaps none, aside from General Parsons, knew that Heron was their most active spy, even Governor Trumbull being deceived into giving him a commission as a privateersman. His trips across the Sound with messages for British Headquarters were frequent and he was most active particularly during the weeks of Arnold’s treason. When he visited West Point he was entertained by Arnold and slept under his roof. Parsons gave him a letter of introduction in which he vouches for him and Arnold trusted him with letters he wished to reach British Headquarters.

At the time of his capture which was in April, 1781, he was negotiating to make a second Arnold of Parsons.[63] Matters were progressing nicely when he crossed the Sound and landed near Oyster Bay with messages for Headquarters. Soon he was surrounded by British troops and found himself and crew prisoners. His actions must have appeared suspicious for that they claimed to be bearers of a flag did not deter their captors from making away with the boat and all that was in it. The available correspondence on the subject is interesting. First is a letter dated Westbury 21st April, 1781.

To Major Kissam. _Sir_, I had the honor to receive yours this evening and have forwarded the letter to Major DeLancey immediately. The bearers of flags of truces agreeable to General Orders are to be sent back as soon as they have delivered their dispatches, but if Wm. Heron has to transact business in his private affairs on this Island, he must first obtain his Ex. Gov. Robertson’s particular leave for that purpose; and shall therefore have the honor to wait upon you, Sir, tomorrow morning at 10 o’clock, in order to see whether Heron’s request is likely to be granted, and till that time I beg to detain him at your house or any other proper place. I am with great regard, Sir, Your most obedt. humble servant,

DEWURMB, LT. C.

Another dated Westbury 23d Apl. 1781 reads:

To Major Kissam, Cowbay. _Sir_, I enclose a passport for Mr. Heron, and should wish for his return to Stamford whenever the wind will permit of it. I have not yet received an answer from New York but as soon as those things wanted by Gen. Parsons shall arrive I will not fail to forward them to the General by another flag.--I have the honor to be with great regard, Sir, Your most Obedt. humble servt.

DEWURMB, LT. C.

Probably Heron feared he would not be able to reach Headquarters. He therefore from his place of confinement addressed a long letter to Major DeLancy which unfortunately for General Parsons has been preserved. This letter explains the progress he had made since his last visit. It is dated April 24th, and reads:

“The business I had to negotiate with Genl. P----s after my return home, I paid the utmost attention to, and in order to break the ice (as says the vulgar adage) I found myself under the necessity of summoning what little address I was master of, in order to secure myself a retreat should the matter I had to propose prove disagreeable to P----s. Therefore after giving him a satisfactory account of my commercial negotiation (which I knew would be alluring to him) I introduced the other branch of the business in the following manner. I told him that in justice to the confidence he reposed in me, I conceived myself in duty bound to conceal no material circumstance from him. Impressed with this sense I begged leave to communicate the substance of a conversation I had with a gentleman at New York, whom I knew to be in the highest confidence with the Commander in chief.... ‘The terms offered by the parent state’ continued the gentleman, ‘are so liberal and generous, that I wonder at any gentleman of an enlarged and liberal mind, giving his assistance in prolonging the calamities of his country, and as General P----s is well known to possess these talents as well as great influence in the army and country, Government would wish to make use of him for the laudable and honorable purpose of lending his aid in terminating this unhappy war in an amicable Re-union with the parent State: should he undertake it, Government will amply reward him, both in a lucrative and honorary way and manner, besides, I super-added, making a provision for his son.’

“... During this conversation I observed that he listened with uncommon attention, and as it grew very late, he said it was a matter which required deliberation, he therefore postponed it to another opportunity,

“Next morning he sent for me and resumed the subject of our last or preceding nights discourse. He said he had weighed the matter and found himself, upon the strictest examination, disposed to a reconciliation and to effect which he would use his influence and lend his aid to promote it, but that he saw the embarrassments in his way in regard to inculcating such principles in the army, though he did not doubt, but in time, he could bring the officers of the Connecticut line over to his opinion. That in order to effect it he thought he could do it more to the purpose by resigning his commission, which would save every appearance of those honorary ideas, inseperable from the military profession; that he would draw after him the officers above referred to, who look up to him as a father, and that their joint influence would be exerted among the citizens, which would turn the tables in favor of Government in our State: but in consideration of those services, he must have a reasonable and meet compensation for his Commission, it being all he had to depend upon.”

Filed with the above are other papers which show that he was permitted to reach Headquarters. They are dated 25th April, 1781, and read:

“Memorandums taken of a conversation with Hiram.

“He promises to get from Genl Pa----s the following information.

“The exact state of West Point.

“What troops.

“What Magazines.

“What new works and how many Guns.

“Who commands.

“If there is a boom below Fort Clinton.

“He is to let me know what P----s wish is, how we can serve him and the method he means to point out himself. He is to tell him he can no way serve us so well as continuing in the army; that the higher his command, the more material service he can render--he is to promise him great rewards for any services he may do us. He is to hold up the idea of Monk to him, and that we expect from his services an end to the war. That during the time he continues in their army, he shall have a handsome support and should he be obliged to fly, to remind him of the Example & situation of Arnold.”... Twelve additional questions by Major DeLancy were filed on the 20th of June. The first reads: “Is it your opinion that Genl. P----s will enter so heartily as to make us hope he will take an open determined step in our favor? Should that be the case you can hold up the situation of General Arnold and say it is in his power to place himself in one equally conspicuous; and as he must loose his present property for a time the Commander in Chief will, for every man he puts in our possession pay three guineas; or should he choose it, he will specify the sum that shall be paid on such event as we shall wish taking place. In the meantime should he exert himself to give us intelligence, he need only name the recompense, and most punctual attention shall be paid to it.”

The correspondence continues:

BROOKLYN, Ap. 26, 1781.

To Captain Poers, Commander of His Majesty’s Brig Argo, &c.

_Sir_, Major Gen. De Riedesel begs you will in compliance with the directions from Head Quarters, as you will see by the enclosed extract of a letter from the Deputy Adjt. General, order Mr. Wm. Heron’s boat which you took possession of a few days ago, back in all haste to the place where you first found her; and the men who navigated her will be sent without any delay to that place to receive their boat; and it is requested, Sir, that you will please to give such particular directions to your people, that she and everything belonging to her, may be restored to them as complete as she was found, without any further detention whatever. I have the honor to be with all respect, sir, Your very obedient humble servant.

---- ----.

Then from Westbury, under date of April 27th, 1781, the following note was forwarded by the detained men, who found upon their arrival Heron and the boat waiting for them:

“To Major Kissam. _Sir_, The enclosed papers will inform you that the people belonging to the Flag of Mr. Heron are to be sent to the other side as soon as Mr. Heron returns. The prisoners I hereby send, and beg you will be kind enough to guard them until they leave the Island; and in case of necessity to furnish them with provisions which shall be paid for whenever you will let me know the price thereof. The boat which was taken by the Argo brig will perhaps arrive at Hempstead Harbor to-day. I have the honor to be with great regard, Sir, Your most obedient humble servant,

“DEWURMB, Lt.C.”

Without delay they set out for Stamford and reached there just in time to fall into the hands of our General Waterbury, who treated them just as the British had on the other side of the Sound. We know now what they never suspected, that one of them, namely Heron, had recently furnished British Headquarters with information intended to enable Sir Henry Clinton to capture the spies of General Washington. Perhaps he had not quite sufficient detail. More likely the Culpers saved themselves by refusing to work as soon as the discovery was made that they were about to be betrayed. Employed with this crew of Heron’s were two whaleboat men who were also in Washington’s service. One was able to persuade General Waterbury to send him express to Headquarters. Promptly came word to release the crew and return their boat, just as the British had done on the other side. The letter was addressed to General Waterbury, Stamford, and reads as follows:

_Head Quarters_, NEW WINDSOR, 29, April, 1781.

_Sir._ Captains Scudder and Dean inform me that you had, from not being acquainted with circumstances, detained a Boat in which they had been over to Long Island. These Gentlemen were employed under my order at that time and will have occasion to cross the Sound every now and then as the business upon which they are engaged may require.--You will therefore be pleased to give them up the boat, and as I have now, in a confidential manner, intrusted you with their business, I shall hope that you will not only keep it a secret, but endeavour to assist them in the prosecution of a plan in which the public goods much interested. I do not mean to protect or countenance them in any manner of trade should they attempt to carry it on. I am, &c.

P.S. It may very probably lay in your way to obtain intelligence from New York. Should any thing material occur, you will oblige me by communicating it to me.

It was the William Heron above who made a farce of the engagement at the Setauket Church in August 1777. Putnam’s orders to Parsons were to destroy the enemy at Huntington and Setauket, bring off all the officers and soldiers of the Continental Army on Long Island, and destroy all the stores; and what he did was to capture a number of horse blankets and a dozen mounts. On page 108 of the life of Parsons will be found a part of what follows, including the original orders:

* * * * *

In August, 1777, Colonel Richard Hewlett, with two hundred and sixty Queens County Loyalists, had fortified himself in the Presbyterian Meeting House at Setauket, on the Long Island shore nearly opposite Fairfield and at the head of the little bay of that name. About the middle of the month, General Parsons prepared an expedition to surprise and capture this force. The following are the orders issued to him by General Putnam, the commander of the Connecticut Division:--

_Headquarters_, August 16, 1777.

You are hereby required to take under your command a detachment from the Continental Army and proceed to the sea coast near Fairfield and procure a number of boats to transport four or five hundred men, and small armed or other vessels as you find necessary and proper.

You are to make a descent on Long Island and deplete and destroy such parties of the enemy as are found at Huntington and Setauket or other place on the Island, and, if you find it practical without too great hazard, you are to retake and bring off all the officers and soldiers of the Continental Army now on Long Island.

If any military stores, magazines, provisions, forage or naval stores are found on the Island, you are to bring off and destroy them. You are to procure such information before you attempt to go on as will render the descent possible and the design practicable. If you find the position of the enemy on the Island or the ships in the Sound such as you judge will not facilitate the carrying the design into execution, you will not attempt it. This is left to your judgment. If that should be the case you will return by way of White Plains and receive further orders. You will take such men from the militia or the troops necessary for the defense of the State of Connecticut, in addition to the Continental troops, found necessary, and also a field piece. From the sea coast you will be careful to secure the return of your men to the Main in such manner and from such place as you judge most effectual after having affected the business you were sent to perform.

Wishing you success, I am, Sir, your obedient servant,

ISRAEL PUTNAM.

Parsons’ order of August 16, to Colonel Samuel B. Webb of his brigade, was as follows:--

_Sir._--You will have your command parade in the street in front of Colonel Wyllys’ regiment at 12 o’clock, provided with arms, thirty rounds of ammunition and three days’ provisions, and march them to Crompound where you will open the enclosed, which will give you further directions. This you will communicate to no one until you march forward.

* * * * *

FAIRFIELD, August 21, 1777.

Order of Brigadier General Parsons:

On the present expedition, ’tis of the first importance to the success of the enterprise and the credit, honor and safety of the troops, that the most exact order and discipline be observed, and the honor of our arms and the righteousness of our contest will be made manifest to the world and our enemies by the regular and orderly behaviour of the officers and soldiers. ’Tis not from base and mercinary motives, ’tis not to distress the helpless women and honest citizen we draw our swords, but from the noble and generous principle of maintaining the right of humanity and vindicating the liberties of freemen. The officers and soldiers are therefore most earnestly exhorted and strictly commanded to forbear all violation of personal property; not the least article is to be taken but by orders; we are to convince our enemies we despise their practices and scorn to follow their example. But should any person be so lost to all virtue and honor as to infringe this order, he or they may depend on the most exemplary punishment.

No officer is to suffer a soldier to leave his ranks on any pretense whatever and the greatest silence on the march is to be observed.

SAML. L. PARSONS.

These orders effectually tied the hands of the men who accompanied him.

“Landing at Crane’s Neck very early in the morning, General Parsons demanded the surrender of the Post; but ‘by means of some infernal Tory’[64] says the Boston Gazette, ‘which shows how much we suffer from internal foes who get knowledge of our most secret movements and find means to convey it to the enemy’ Hewlett had obtained intelligence of the intended surprise, and protected the church so effectively by breastworks six feet high, thrown up thirty feet from the building, in which were mounted four swivel guns, that, with the means at hand, the Post was practically impregnable. The enemy refused to surrender, Parsons opened on them with his guns, but failing to make any considerable impression, and fearing that the British fleet on the Sound might be attracted by the firing, he withdrew, not, however, without capturing a quantity of blankets and twelve or thirteen horses belonging to the British, and returned to Connecticut the next day in safety.”

This expedition had long been contemplated; at least as early as March, at which time the Connecticut Legislators were in session. Parsons had received instructions from General Washington which he took with him and read in the presence of William Heron. The British, therefore, had ample time to prepare themselves.[65]

* * * * *

Henry Onderdonk in his Revolutionary Incidents of Suffolk County publishes on p. 66 the letters that passed between Parsons and Hewlett, as follows: