Part 2

We all arrived here yesterday at three o’clock after a passage of 2 hours. The kindness of yourself and wife and the pleasure I found at your house are strongly fixed on my mind, and make me desirous of contributing any thing to the information, amusement &c. of yourself and friends. I enclose a paper which will give you all the news that is yet published about Charles Town. Tomorrow a hand bill will come out with the Capitulation. Yesterday most of the troops here, Staten Island &c. were embarked in Sloops &c. to the number, it is said, of 7 or 8 thousand, and proceeding up the Kills, landed about sunset near Elizabeth Town, and immediately began their march to attack Washington in his camp at Morris Town. At five o’clock this morning the troops had got to Springfield, 8 miles short of the place without much opposition, but since, much firing has been heard. Brigadier Genl. Sterling[5] was wounded in the thigh by a random shot at Elizabeth Town last evening and is brought back but the British met with no other loss there.

A vessel is just arrived from St. Kits but brings no news except that the fleets were within sight of each other and another action expected. The British had been reinforced with three sail.

My Respects to C. Wistar and family. I am sorry katy’s indisposition prevented her coming with us. I shall send the nickanees by Tommy. I am affectionately &c.

WILLIAM T. ROBINSON.

7 June, 1780.

Culper Senior had the contents of the above letter on its way to Washington three days later; see his letter of June 10, 1780, on p. 79.

A shorter but no less important letter reads:

New York, 31st December, 1779.

_My good Friend_:

When I left you at D. Bowne’s, I galloped directly to the Ferry the nearest way without stopping, and arrived there in two hours and twenty five minutes, and had there been a boat ready I might, if I chose it, have gone to meeting here in the afternoon, but you will readily imagine that I was more intent on procuring a good dinner, which I did at Brooklyn and got over before sundown....

We have no news--besides what the enclosed papers contain. The Southern Fleet, consisting of 150 sail, went out of the Hook at two o’clock on Sunday and ’tis feared that they have suffered in the dreadful storm that followed soon after. The fleet for Europe sailed the thursday before.

This goes by Hick’s boat to Great Neck, to the care of Richard Thorne. I also send a small paper bundle containing a Book for Eliza and a pair of skates for my friend Harry--of which I beg their acceptance. My respects and best wishes attend Mrs. Lawrence and the family and our two friends over the ICE. I am affectionately yours,

WM. T. ROBINSON.

_Another Robinson letter will be found in the notes (125)._

It may interest some to know that this Wm. T. Robinson once owned the property 421 E. 61st Street, New York, now owned and occupied by the Colonial Dames of America. His helpful intelligence reached the spies through Joseph Lawrence of Bayside, L. I. The original documents were preserved in a manner so similar to all the rest of the Culper Jr. material as to be remarkable. The wife of Joseph Lawrence was Phebe and there were not so many that knew her maiden name, but it was Townsend and she was the daughter of the Fourth Henry Townsend. They were married in 1764 when he was 23. Their son Effingham married Anne Townsend daughter of Solomon Townsend who was Robert Townsend’s brother. A daughter of Anne and Effingham twenty three years after her mother’s death had occasion to go through the homestead and there under the eaves in the garret at the stone house she found (in 1868) this interesting correspondence that had evidently been placed there by her grandparents and had remained unobserved for nearly a century. It reached the Long Island Collection in East Hampton a few months ago, having been carefully preserved but without critical examination during the past seventy years.

John Bolton was the assumed name of the man who stood between the Culpers and General Washington. With the occasional exception of a letter to General Washington all from the Culpers were addressed to Mr. John Bolton, the name assumed by Major Benjamin Tallmadge in the secret service work. Major Tallmadge did not try to conceal his identity after the war. Caleb Brewster always permitted his own name to be used. With his trusty gun and sword he defended it, although the British at one time offered a large reward for his capture. Austin Roe, also of Setauket, was the chief messenger. He was given no other name, but was known by a number, which was 724. Jonas Hawkins was another messenger, and there were several more that could be depended upon if required, but Austin Roe became so expert in the service as to eclipse the rest. One who can realize what he had to contend with must view with amazement the work of Austin Roe. Across the Sound General Washington had Dragoons posted, three every fifteen miles apart, to carry the messages to him, whilst on the Long Island side Austin Roe rode the fifty-five miles from Setauket to New York and the same distance back, through the enemy’s country, unattended. True, officers in British uniforms had permitted him to arrange for relays of horses which he could exchange along the way as required, but nevertheless it was a remarkable feat and should yet be recognised as such.

* * * * *

Had it been possible to follow a message from New York to Headquarters in 1781 one might have seen Austin Roe enter a coffee house in the vicinity of Wall Street. Visibly tired, and probably hungry as well, for he had just finished a long ride. Few were in the room at that hour but in the far corner we will observe two British officers in conversation with a gentleman dressed in the fashion of the day. This is Mr. Townsend, and the officers are persuading him to visit their encampment. They have been advised that he is diffident but they have discovered that preferment comes to those who receive favorable publicity in the English Magazines as well as in the Royal Gazette. Mr. Rivington, the king’s printer, had advised them to cultivate Mr. Townsend’s acquaintance; to keep him posted as to all their activities if they value publicity such as he may give them; and they exact from Townsend the promise of an early visit. They do not know that the Coffee Room was established for that very purpose: that Townsend and Rivington although silent partners were its financial backers; and that Rivington wished to establish it in order to provide a place close by his printing office where British officers would meet and furnish him with copy for the English Magazines and his own Royal Gazette. Townsend he found apt, and most willing to run down news that made good copy; and the fact that Townsend refused to be on his pay roll or to accept money for his work did not lessen Rivington’s regard for him. That James Rivington ever imagined Robert Townsend to be in the service of General Washington there is no evidence to show. In fact it is very unlikely. Rivington was not the type of man that Townsend would trust with that secret.

The sight of Roe was sufficient to apprise Townsend that the General was expecting a message. When he could excuse himself he left the Coffee Shop and returned to his own rooms, which were nearby. He was soon followed by Austin Roe, who handed him a letter from Mr. John Bolton. This read: “I wish you to send by bearer ½ ream letter paper, same as the last. Mr. Roe will pay for it.” Townsend paid little attention to this message, but opening a secret closet brought out a vial of liquid which he proceeded to brush over the letter. Soon another message appeared on the same sheet of paper. It was from General Washington requesting certain important information. Meanwhile Roe had started down the street for the printing office of James Rivington at the corner of Queen Street facing the North Front of the Coffee House. Here he purchased a half ream of paper--had it carefully wrapped and labeled and then started back with it to Townsend’s rooms. Very carefully it was unwrapped, in order that it could be sealed again without showing that it had been opened. Townsend then began counting the sheets until he arrived at a number previously agreed upon. That sheet was then extracted, and reaching for a vial of a different liquid he proceeded to write. But only momentarily could the words be seen. As soon as the stain was dry it disappeared, leaving no hint that it was there waiting to be developed by the other liquid.

The supper hour was now approaching when the Coffee Room would be a scene of great gaiety. There would be gathered new arrivals from abroad, anxious for an introduction, and those expecting soon to leave would be tendered an affectionate adieu. It was a huge success from the standpoint of a news gatherer, and would have been worth while even if it had not been returning the handsome revenue it did at that time. So thought Rivington. Doubtless Townsend from the standpoint of a Spy thought the same, but unlike Rivington he kept his own counsel. It should not be presumed that all could be gotten in this fashion. There were reports from at least a dozen to be checked over, and out of the way places to be visited. When all had been summed up Townsend finished his letter and returned it to its proper place in the package of letter paper. Austin Roe packed his saddle bags with a variety of articles needed by those at the east end of the Island, and carefully stowed among the things was this half ream of paper for Mr. John Bolton. In the late forenoon he set off, crossing the Brooklyn ferry and from there heading either for Jamaica or Flushing he soon was well on his way. There were times when he met with trouble along the road but upon this occasion we presume that he reached Setauket without incident, and just in time to give attention to his cattle, which were kept pastured in a field belonging to Abraham Woodhull. It might have been a matter of suspicion had he always left a package with Woodhull, therefore a box in the field was resorted to on this as upon many occasions, and straightway home Roe drove the cows. Later Woodhull, passing through the field, transferred the contents of the box to a bag he was carrying and soon the intelligence for General Washington was in his private room. Other messages to accompany those just arrived were now prepared by Woodhull, who we will not forget always signed himself Culper Senior in this correspondence.

Caleb Brewster was waiting with his boats to convey these messages across the Sound. Woodhull knew he was waiting but had not seen him. He had observed the black petticoat which was the signal of his arrival hanging on the line across the creek on Strong’s Neck. He knew where the boats were hid, too, although there were six landing places, but he had observed hanging with the clothes on the line near half a mile away four handkerchiefs. Just as one, two, three, five or six hanging there at one time indicated certain landing places Woodhull knew that four indicated the Neck, and there when the messages were ready he took them.[6] It was long a question as to who it was that used this clothes line signal to guide the delivery of the messages to Brewster who was to carry them across the sound on their way to Washington’s headquarters. Finally a clue was found among the papers of the Floyd family and when this was compared with the Woodhull account book it was discovered that the signals were arranged by no less a personage than the wife of Judge Selah Strong. Anna Smith was her maiden name. She was born on April 14th, 1740, and married Judge Strong on Nov. 9th, 1760.[7]

Brewster sometimes would capture an enemy crew on the way across, and sometimes when not well protected they would chase him. Occasionally he found it necessary to kill some of them. Major Tallmadge was not always to be found in the same place but kept Brewster sufficiently informed to be able to steer in the right direction. When to Major Tallmadge the messages were handed they were again examined, in fact frequently the stain letters were developed and then forwarded to the nearest Dragoons posted along the road, from whence they were relayed to Headquarters.

* * * * *

No one will challenge the emphasis put upon the importance of the Secret Service. Only lack of details has deterred its recognition. As early as April 1779, Major Tallmadge began by saying: “Some pieces of useful intelligence respecting the movements of the Enemy in this late intended Expedition to New London, and which I have reason to believe in a great measure defeated their intentions, have been communicated by Culper.” “Of very great importance” Washington considered it, and so wrote on July 11, 1780 “I rely upon this intelligence,” he wrote at another time. When G. W. P. Custis, adopted son of General Washington, was told by friends, who probably over-estimated, that the service had cost between one thousand and fifteen hundred pounds, he wrote: “It was a cheap, a dog cheap bargain; for, although gold was precious in the days of the Continental currency, yet the gold paid for the secret service was of inestimable value, when it is remembered how much it contributed to the safety and success of the army of Independence.”

Too much can not be said of the personnel of the service, due largely to Robert Townsend, whom all the others speak of in the highest terms. “Nothing could induce me to be here but the earnest desire of Culper Jur.,” said Woodhull in 1779. “He is the person in whom I have the greatest confidence,” General Washington wrote of Culper Junior in a letter to Congress. “This much I can assure you,” says Major Tallmadge, “he is a Gentleman of business, of Education and honor.” Of him on June 20th, 1779, Woodhull wrote: “He is a person that hath the interest of our Country at heart and of good reputation, character and family, I have reason to think his advantages for serving you, and abilities, are far superior to mine. As long as I am here shall be an assistant and do all that I can.” Again on February 5th, 1780, General Washington wrote of Culper Junior: “His accounts are intelligent, clear, and satisfactory ... I rely upon his intelligence,” and Woodhull echoes “He’s allowed to be a person of good sense and judgment, and his firmness and friendship towards our Country I do assure, you need not doubt. I have known him several years and confident he is a sincere friend, and hath undertaken it solely for to be some advantage to our distressed Country.” Then in May, 1781, General Washington recorded: “Of the Culpers fidelity and ability I entertain the highest opinion.”

In this volume are now collected a majority of the letters still in existence from spies in the American service during the Revolutionary War. That General Washington was contented with an occasional report from other scenes of action evinces the importance he attached to the territory around New York. That the Spies of Washington are worthy of important recognition in the annals of the State becomes evident as their work is examined.

G. M. Pierce, Registrar General of the National Society, D. A. R. in 1918 summed up the Revolutionary Spy in these words: “The man or woman who enters upon such a career must possess strength of character and be endowed with all the qualifications of a good soldier and a commanding officer besides. A soldier must possess bravery and courage, but a spy must be not only brave and courageous, but must also have what is called ‘nerve,’ poise, self possession, absolute control of facial expression, fearlessness, tact and discretion unequalled. For his is the most hazardous of all undertakings. Discovery means death, the penalty inflicted alike by all nations.”

FOOTNOTES to “FOREWORD”:

[1] In October, 1773, Nathan Hale began teaching in East Haddam, Connecticut, but in May, 1774, he took charge of a school in New London, called the “Union School.” Here he remained until the summer of 1775, when he joined the third company of the 7th Connecticut Regiment, commanded by Colonel Charles Webb.

[2] “The Two Spies, Nathan Hale and Robert Townsend,” might almost be called a first edition of this volume, but there being more new material in this than the entire contents of the first issue, it is given a new title.

[3] Until this publication the identity of Culper Senior was not positive. Some said Nathaniel Ruggles was the man; others were correct in assuming that it was Abraham Woodhull, but others confused matters by declaring that it was Abraham C. Woodhull, an entirely different person, although he lived in the same town at the same time.

[4] The above Amos Underhill had brothers, one being Benjamin, whose wife was the daughter of Sylvanus Townsend. After his death she married in 1789, John Franklin, son of Thomas. Benjamin’s only son he called Townsend Underhill, born in 1765. His daughter was Elizabeth. This Elizabeth Underhill married John Butler Coles. In 1780 he was a clerk for Thos. Buchanan & Co., and later had his own business at 12 Dock Street, now Pearl. He was a director of the Bank of New York from 1806 to 1820 and died January 2, 1827, leaving a large estate. His father, Nathaniel Coles, happy over the return of peace, in 1783 roasted an entire ox and invited the neighborhood to partake of it. Both Amos and Benjamin Underhill had business dealings with Robert Townsend.

[5] Sir Thomas Sterling.

[6] A somewhat similar method was used on the New England side, at least in the vicinity of Newport. It is described on page 48 of a Discourse by Arthur A. Ross, who a hundred years ago was Pastor of the First Baptist Church there. Mr. Ross says: “During the whole time the British had possession of the Island, a correspondence was maintained between certain individuals of the Island and the main at Little-Compton, so that the American officers were constantly apprized of the general movements of the enemy, while in possession of Rhode-Island. This correspondence was maintained by signals given on the Island, indicating a clear coast, and that a messenger could pass over in safety, after dark. The first signal was the leaving down of a certain pair of bars, which, with a spy-glass, could be distinctly seen from the main. Afterward, for fear of exciting the suspicion of the enemy, the signal was changed, when an open window of Mr. Peleg Peckham’s barn, answered the same purpose. A small vault in the ground, near the shore, and at no great distance from Mr. Peckham’s, covered with a flat stone, served as a depository of communication.--Here, letters and papers were regularly deposited and removed, by the respective individuals engaged in the correspondence.”

[7] Judge Strong was born on Dec. 25th, 1737, and died July 4, 1815. His parents were Thomas Strong and Susannah Thompson, daughter of Samuel Thompson and Hannah Brewster. His wife died August 2, 1812. Anna Strong’s father was William Henry Smith, b. Mar. 13, 1689, Brookhaven and d. Jan. 27, 1743. Her mother was Margaret Lloyd, granddaughter of Grizzell Sylvester.

NATHAN HALE

Late in the evening of September 22, 1776, Captain John Montressor, of the British Engineers, who was serving as aide-de-camp to Lord Howe, appeared under flag of truce at the American outposts on Harlem Plains, New York. He bore a letter to General Washington respecting the exchange of prisoners. General Putnam, Captain Alexander Hamilton, and Captain William Hull were among those who met him. To them Montressor verbally gave the information that an American officer, one Captain Hale, had been executed that morning as a spy. It was startling news, and to Hull it came like a shock, for Nathan Hale had been his chum at college[8] and confided to him details of the dangerous mission he had undertaken. A week later, the sad news reached the home of Hale, and one of his brothers, Enoch, started for the encampment of Washington’s army. There Lieutenant-Colonel Webb was induced to visit the British headquarters under a flag, and he returned with information that enabled Enoch to record that “Nathan, being suspected by his movements that he wanted to get out of New York, was taken up and examined by the general, and, some minutes being found with him, orders were immediately given that he should be hanged. When at the gallows, he spoke and told that he was a captain in the Continental army, by name Nathan Hale.”

Enoch carried this news home, and later his brother John made entry in the town records of Coventry which reads as follows: “Capt. Nathan Hale, the son of Deacon Richard Hale, was taken in the City of New York by the Britons and Executed as a spie some time in the month of September, A.D. 1776.”

Tench Tilghman, in a letter to William Duer, written ten days after the announcement of Hale’s execution, betrays the feeling in the American army. “The General is determined, if he can bring some in his hands under the denomination of spies, to execute them,” he writes: “General Howe hanged a Captain of ours belonging to Knowlton’s Rangers who went into New York to make discoveries. I don’t see why we should not make retaliation.”

Another letter, written by an American officer in camp at Harlem, is dated September 26, 1776, and reads: “One Hale, in N.Y. on suspicion of being a spy, was taken up and dragged without ceremony to the Execution Post and hung up.” “Yesterday we hanged an officer of the Provincials who came as a spy,” writes a British officer to friends at home; and James Drewett, on board the British frigate Mercury at New York, writes: “On the 22d we hung a man who was sent as spy by Gen. Washington.”

It was almost five months later when the newspapers began publishing garbled accounts. The “Conquest of Canaan,” an epic poem, by Timothy Dwight, probably the first book to mention Hale, was not published until nearly nine years after his execution, although, strangely enough, its author had early in 1776 solicited Hale to get subscribers to it for him.

Hannah Adams was in fact the first historian to record a concise account of Hale, and her “History of New England,” in which it appears, was not published until 1799, nearly twenty-three years after the event. The story in her book reads as follows:

“The retreat from Long Island left the British in full possession. What would be their future operations remained uncertain. To obtain information of their situation, their strength and future movements, was of high importance. For this purpose, general Washington applied to Colonel Knowlton, who commanded a regiment of light infantry, which formed the van of the American army, and desired him to adopt some mode of gaining the necessary information. Colonel Knowlton communicated this request to Captain Nathan Hale, of Connecticut, who was then a captain in his regiment.