IX.

THE NKANDHLA FORESTS.--SIGANANDA AND HIS TRIBE.--DINUZULU'S ATTITUDE.--EARLY OPERATIONS AT NKANDHLA.--MURDER OF H.M. STAINBANK.

Some account is now necessary of the locality within which the rebel bands took refuge, shortly to become the focus of more than a month's operations by some 2,000 European troops and a like number of Native levies.

The name Nkandhla is probably derived from the verb _kandhla_, meaning "to tire, exhaust, or prostrate," and is applied collectively to the various great and more or less connected forests that clothe the mountains, spurs and valleys of that part. The area in question, as will be seen from the map, is about eleven miles long by five broad. Separate names are given to about ten of the forests, among them: Dukuza (_wander about_), Elendhlovu (_the elephant one_), Elibomvana (_the little red one_), and Kwa Vuza (_the dripping one_). The slopes of the mountains are remarkable for their steepness, especially when approached from the low ground in the vicinity of Cetshwayo's grave. The altitude of the slopes, of course, varies, but the steepness is practically uniform, whether the height be 2,000, 3,000, or 3,500 feet. The bed of the Insuze River, from the Tate to the Halambu, would average about 1,100 feet--where the Mome enters the Insuze, it is 1,122. In many parts, the peaks and ridges rise to a height of 1,500 to 2,000 feet from the nearest stream bed, and within a distance of less than a mile, measured from the foot of the perpendicular.

Three streams flow through the forests into the Insuze, viz.: Mome, Nkunzana, and Halambu, and, of these, the Nkunzana traverses the heart or densest part of the forests.

The principal forest, as well as the deepest and darkest, is Dukuza, no doubt deriving its name from the fact that one is liable to lose his way therein and go wandering about unless acquainted with the secret that, to find his way, he must climb the nearest ridge to see in what direction to make.[172] The trees are not, as a rule, higher than sixty feet, though, near the bottom of some of the gorges, they rise to seventy and eighty. Generally speaking, there is but little undergrowth, and the trees stand rather wide apart. Here and there a precipice or _donga_ is met with.

Notwithstanding the sharp ascent so characteristic of Nkandhla ridges and spurs, comparatively few stones or boulders are to be found. The ground is covered with damp, decaying substances, such as leaves and branches; here and there, especially along the beds of streams, are to be seen moss-covered, slippery rocks, ferns and monkey-ropes, all tending to give an impression of the immense antiquity and majesty of the forest. Beautiful glades, varying in size and shape, are suddenly come upon in parts, with all the freshness and evenness of some lowland meadow. A look-out must be kept for snakes, such as rocky cobras, _mambas_ and puff-adders. Leopards are also to be found. Of birds, lories, red-necked partridges and eagles will frequently be seen. And superstitious people will be interested to know that ghosts have, for generations, haunted and are said still to haunt the dense, precipitous forest Eziwojeni, immediately below Sigananda's kraal "Enhlweni."

Above and at the rear of the Mome waterfall (which has a drop of fifty feet) is a natural stronghold, the one used by Cetshwayo in 1883. Owing, however, to a feeling of insecurity, especially on account of the presence of artillery, the rebels did not use it in 1906, they preferred to take refuge in the Mome gorge and the adjoining forest-covered valleys. A favourite, though unhealthy hiding-place, is in the vicinity of Manzipambana (a tributary of the Nkunzana), which never issues into open daylight. The peculiar vagaries of its course, which, in parts, seems to proceed one way and then in exactly opposite direction, are ascribed to perverse and occult powers emanating from the still and sombre forest depths.

The Mome gorge, to be often referred to later, takes its name from a stream that flows through it. It is about one and a half miles long, with great mountain walls on either side. At the head of the valley is the waterfall already referred to. Near the fall, the ground rises on either side to an altitude of over 3,000 feet, but at the mouth of the valley drops away with remarkable suddenness. Within a radius of 200 to 300 yards of the fall, the earth is covered with a dense forest which, extending outwards on either side, connects with the various other forests referred to above, especially on the east. A couple of isolated forests are to be seen within the valley, particularly the Dobo or 'pear-shaped' one on the west near the mouth. So steep are the sides of the gorge, like the letter V, that the sun in the morning and afternoon is shut out to such an extent that the day appears to be considerably shorter than it is.

Altogether the Nkandhla, with the Mome gorge as practically the key of the position, could hardly be surpassed as a place of refuge. Nor could the beauty and attractiveness of the district as a whole be easily excelled. There is a cleanness and definition as well as natural grandeur about Nature's handiwork hereabout that immediately appeal to the imagination. The purity and coolness of the air are exhilarating, so much so that one becomes oblivious to the cares of life as he wanders about the woodlands, toils up the sharp ascents, or bends over one of the many brooks to regale himself with some of the clearest crystal water to be found on the face of the globe. The Nkandhla should never become a field of war, and anyone who visits it will realize the pettiness of man's strife which, for a moment, disturbs its awe-inspiring stillness, and gentle, peaceful slumber.

* * * * *

The history of the tribe that lived about these forests, and especially its relationship to the royal house of Zululand, are naturally matters of greater interest. Called by some amaCube, by others amaNcube, the tribe is a Lala one,[173] closely related to that of Butelezi, to which Mnyamana, son of Ngqengelele, belonged. Mnyamana was Cetshwayo's prime minister, whilst Ngqengelele was the great Tshaka's guardian, adviser and friend. Mnyamana, subsequently to the Zulu War, became unequivocably loyal to the British Government, and, on more than one occasion, publicly dissociated himself from the acts of Cetshwayo, as well as of his successor Dinuzulu. This detachment was maintained during the Rebellion by his son Tshanibezwe, a fact which had no small influence in restraining and even checkmating Dinuzulu. The history of these sister tribes during the last thirty years is remarkable in that, whilst the Butelezi was unquestionably loyal to the Imperial Government, the amaCube was persistently sullen and disloyal. In other words, Butelezi threw in its lot once and for all with its acknowledged conquerors, in opposition to the rebellious tactics followed by Cetshwayo and Dinuzulu, whilst the amaCube declared as resolutely in favour of the royal house, though embarked on a mad career after palpably impossible goals.

The year in which Sigananda's ancestors first came to settle in the neighbourhood of the forests is wrapped in obscurity. Natives have no good means of fixing time, especially in regard to events more than a century old. One of the best methods, indeed about the only one, is to ascertain the Chief's genealogical tree, the whereabouts of former Chief's graves, etc., and, from these and related facts, draw such inferences as appear reasonable. In the case of Sigananda, the known positions at Nkandhla of the graves of six of his ancestors, enable us to conclude with tolerable certainty that the first Chief died about 250 years ago.

Tradition seems to carry the arrival of the people still further back. It is safe to say it is one of the oldest tribes in Zululand and was already long _in situ_ when the migration of the great Xosa family to Cape Colony took place in the seventeenth century.

Although Tshaka attacked and defeated many tribes, he was unable to conquer that over which Mvakela, grandfather of Sigananda, presided. Later, however, he succeeded in putting Mvakela to death. This man took refuge in the Manzipambana section of the forests. It proved so detrimental to his health that he was obliged to leave and expose himself, thus affording the enemy an opportunity of which advantage was swiftly taken.

It so happened that Mvakela had married a sister of Nandi, Tshaka's mother. Mvakela's son, Zokufa (father of Sigananda), was thus Tshaka's first cousin. This connection with the royal house of Zululand plays a most important part in regard to the Rebellion. It shows the character of the blood relationship between Dinuzulu and Sigananda.

Zokufa was allowed to become Chief. The tribe continued, as in former ages, to practice the art of iron-smelting, and the manufacture of hoes, axes, knives and assegais of every shape and size. Owing to special aptitude in these respects, the people were largely patronized by the King who, from time to time, called for supplies of the articles manufactured. The national army depended to no small extent on the assegais made by the tribe, which came to fill much the same kind of place in the body politic that Woolwich arsenal does in England. Large quantities of the domestic articles referred to were, moreover, bartered to the general public far and near. When the white man arrived in 1824, and, in the years that followed, introduced hoes, axes and knives, the demand for more serviceable wares soon caused this once famous handicraft to die out. But, although the Zulus were content to use European hoes (which were lighter and cheaper), and axes and knives (which were harder and sharper), they never lost faith in their own smiths for the making of assegais and other implements of war. To this day the assegai forged in Birmingham has been unable to supersede that of the ordinary Native blacksmith who, in these days, is not above using European pig-iron, instead of smelting his own with those quaint old bellows of his from the ironstone so frequently to be met with. Sigananda himself was an excellent smith, his reputation for barbed, large stabbing, as well as throwing, assegais being by no means confined to members of his own tribe.

In Cetshwayo's day, we find Zokufa holding the position of induna at that Prince's Mlambongwenya kraal. It was there that the famous Usutu party was first created by Cetshwayo. The Usutu became his personal adherents in opposition to the Izigqoza of the rival claimant to the throne, Mbuyazi. The party was made up of men from many tribes, and not recruited merely from the Zulu one, of which its leader was a member. Zokufa, and after him Sigananda, together with the amaCube tribe, belonged to the Usutu faction. Sigananda accordingly fought on the Usutu side during the great Ndondakusuka (Tugela) battle on the 2nd December, 1856.

Shortly after, owing to disturbances in the tribe, Sigananda fled to Natal. He took refuge in the tribe of Mancinza, father of Bambata. He became a policeman at the Magistrate's office, Greytown, but, about 1871, was invited by Cetshwayo to live in Zululand, when, after fourteen or fifteen years' absence, he became Chief over the tribe.

During the Zulu War, Sigananda naturally fought for his King. Cetshwayo's restoration to Zululand occurred in January, 1883, and, as has been seen, was the signal for violent conflict between his and Zibebu's forces. Cetshwayo was obliged to find a place of refuge. He fled to the Nkandhla forests, where he was harboured in one of the amaCube kraals immediately overlooking the Mome waterfall. A small kraal, known by the name of Enhlweni, was constructed for the ex-King's use on the eastern side of the waterfall, and only three hundred yards from it, whilst a covered path was specially made through the forest that stood between the two kraals. The Government succeeded, through the influence of Mr. Henry F. Fynn (son of the earliest pioneer of Natal), in inducing Cetshwayo to leave his place of hiding and reside at Eshowe, and there he died in 1884.

Owing to the unsettled state of the country, it was decided by the heads of the nation that Cetshwayo should not be buried on the banks of the White Umfolozi, where it had for generations been the practice to inter the kings. The district in the occupation of the amaCube was the one selected, whereupon he was conveyed there in an ox-waggon and 'planted,'[174] near the Nkunzana stream, on a small exposed ridge about three miles to the east of Mome gorge. A relative of Sigananda was appointed keeper of the grave, a post of much responsibility and honour. One of his kraals was erected on a knoll some 500 yards from his charge.[175]

In the battle of Kotongweni in 1884 between the Usutus, on the one side, and the Government forces, Basutos and other Natives loyal to the Government, on the other, Sigananda threw in his lot with the former. Finally, in 1888, when Dinuzulu once more waged war against Zibebu, Sigananda was called on by the Government to furnish a levy. He refused, subsequently reviling a few more loyally disposed members of his tribe for breaking away and assisting the authorities.

Such, in brief, was the history of the man and tribe with which the Colony had now to deal. In 1905, the tribe was wholly within the Nkandhla magisterial district; it consisted of 462 kraals, with an approximate total population of 4,300, or about 700 men capable of bearing arms.

Another factor in the situation was the Chief's great age. There has been some uncertainty in regard to the point, some maintaining he was as much as 105, but, when it is borne in mind that he was a member of the Imkulu-tshane regiment, the cadets of which were recruited about 1830, and that these were about seventeen or eighteen years old when recruited, his age could not have been more than ninety-five at the time of the Rebellion, if quite so much.

* * * * *

It has already been shown that the Magistrate and the Commissioner at Empandhleni placed themselves in immediate communication with Sigananda, who, however, hypnotized by the prospect of co-operating with his old King's son, deliberately ignored all the orders received by him.

When the Commissioner became convinced (as he did on 16th April) that Sigananda had thrown in his lot with Bambata and was in open rebellion, in conjunction with sections of adjoining tribes, he represented the situation as very serious, and urged the immediate concentration within Natal of a large Imperial force, partly to compensate for the imminent withdrawal of local troops to cope with the Rebellion in Zululand, and

## partly to counteract a rumour that was circulating to the effect that

the Imperial Government, disapproving of what had taken place, would not assist the colonial forces. Mansel advised the taking of similar

## action. The Ministry, however, deemed it expedient to deal with the

situation as far as possible from Natal resources alone and, if it proved beyond the Colony's capabilities, to appeal for assistance to other portions of South Africa. "Fears having been expressed," says the Governor, "that if the Active Militia as a whole left for Zululand, the Natal tribes, who were still in a state of unrest, might possibly rise, and that the Reserve Militia were insufficiently organized to deal with them, it was determined to raise immediately a Special Service Contingent of mounted men under the command of Lieut.-Col. J.R. Royston, C.M.G., D.S.O.[176] ... Detachments of Infantry were sent to garrison Gingindhlovu and Eshowe, in order to keep open lines of communication viâ Fort Yolland."[177] At the same time, a reward of £500 was offered for the capture, dead or alive, of Bambata, and £20 in respect of each of his followers. This reward, intended to stimulate Natives whose loyalty was not assured, was, however, withdrawn before the end of April, on account of the considerable number of Europeans then being put in the field.

In raising the Special Service Contingent, known as "Royston's Horse," Royston was debarred from recruiting members of the Active Militia force. After advertizing in the local press, numerous applications were received from all parts of Natal and the rest of South Africa, with the result that the corps reached its full complement (550) within ten days, hundreds of applications having had to be refused. The great majority of the men came from Johannesburg, Durban and parts of the Cape Colony. Much difficulty was experienced in selecting officers, as also in obtaining clothing, boots, saddles, etc., as the Militia Department had very little in stock, except arms and ammunition. The corps being a mounted one, it became necessary for Royston to use the powers given him under martial law to commandeer horses where the owners refused to sell.

Dinuzulu's attitude, ever since the outbreak at Byrnetown, and, indeed, for months before, had, as has already been related, been regarded by many with suspicion. Such, however, was not the view of Mr., now Sir Charles, Saunders, who emphasized in one despatch after another his implicit belief in the Chief's loyalty and complete detachment from the rebellious proceedings at Nkandhla. The opinion of such an officer naturally carried great weight throughout Natal and Zululand, as it was commonly known he was not only an exceptionally competent Zulu linguist, with a life-long acquaintance with the Natives, their habits and customs, but had held important official positions in Zululand ever since the beginning of 1888, and these, especially during the preceding ten years, had brought him into frequent personal contact with Dinuzulu. Many were swayed by this testimony, fortified as it was by the fact that Mr. Saunders had just been on a visit of a day and two nights to Usutu kraal, having left there on 7th April, after communicating to Dinuzulu and his indunas the news of the disaster at Mpanza.

The Government, on the 17th, decided on the course reflected in the following telegram to the Commissioner: "Absolutely necessary that Dinuzulu should take some action to show his loyalty, of which you say you are assured. All information goes to show that Natives believe he is concerned in movement, and he must be made to show his hand." Dinuzulu was communicated with accordingly. The same afternoon, the Government asked if the Commissioner thought it advisable to order Dinuzulu and Mciteki[178] to come to Pietermaritzburg to assist in advising as to affairs in Zululand, and whether some other powerful Chief might be told to come as well. The Commissioner replied it would be fatal at that juncture to order Dinuzulu or the others to Pietermaritzburg. "Situation is most delicate and critical at present and requires the presence of any loyal Chiefs we can depend on amongst their own people."

Almost simultaneously with the announcement of Sigananda having joined Bambata, the following message was sent to Mr. Saunders by Dinuzulu on the 18th, in reply to that from the Government of the preceding day: "I am not surprised that the Natal Government should have doubt as to my loyalty in face of repeated and constant accusations to the contrary effect which have been levelled against me throughout South Africa. I can only say I am perfectly loyal and am most anxious to give proof of this in any way the Government may wish. I have assured you of my loyalty by words and actions repeatedly, but apparently this is doubted, and I now ask that Government suggest means by which my loyalty can be proved absolutely, and finally dispel the slurs which have been cast upon me, and which I keenly resent. I am perfectly ready to turn out the whole of my people, and send them to Nkandhla at once to operate in any manner you may think fit, either in entering the forest and capturing this dog Bambata, who has been allowed to enter Zululand and disturb the peace which we enjoyed long after Natal Natives had openly shown disloyalty. As you know, I am physically incapable of leading my people in person, being unable to move with freedom from my bed, but the _impi_ would go down in charge of my chief induna, Mankulumana, and I myself am prepared to be conveyed to Nongoma and remain there alone with the Magistrate, whilst my people are operating in any way they may be required as a proof of my good faith in this matter. If Government say they wish me to go to Nkandhla, I will find means to reach there, notwithstanding the state of my health. If this assurance is not sufficient, I am sure that Government will indicate what is necessary for further proof of loyalty to our King."

When this message was received it was communicated to the press and, being naturally given great prominence, had a reassuring effect far and wide; so much so, that the end of the Rebellion appeared to many to be in sight. Little did anyone suppose at the time that this communication, to all appearance brimming over with the deepest loyalty and affection, had issued from one who was actually committing high treason at the moment he sent it.

The Government, most fortunately dissuaded by Mr. Saunders, decided not to accept the offer of a levy. Such, by the way, could not have exceeded 500 or 600 men. To have accepted, however, as was pointed out at the time, would not only have attracted to it thousands of Zulus from every part of the country, as well as from beyond its borders, but the very movements of such concourse as would have assembled would have caused a recrudescence of the alarming rumours and unrest of which the Colony had already had a surfeit, the net result of which would have been to greatly augment Bambata's forces, if Dinuzulu and 'his army' did not themselves join _en bloc_. The Commissioner was opposed to Dinuzulu being so called on, not because he doubted the Chief's loyalty, but, as he wired on the 19th, because "the country is in such a nervous state that if his people once commence to arm, people would flock to join him from all parts. This would not only cause a general panic, but would be made the greatest capital of by Bambata as absolute proof that Dinuzulu was arming to join him." At this time, moreover, Dinuzulu was in a somewhat poor state of health, "being enormously stout and suffering apparently from some dropsical and cutaneous disorder, which completely incapacitated him for any physical exertion."

That the Government was not satisfied with Dinuzulu's passive and neutral attitude is seen from the fact that, on the 16th prox., the Commissioner was asked if he was still of opinion it was inadvisable to employ that Chief's men. In reply, Mr. Saunders adhered to the view already expressed.

Instead of requiring Dinuzulu to go to the magistracy as suggested by himself, it was arranged Mankulumana should proceed to Sigananda to ascertain what was his attitude towards the Government, as well as to inquire pointedly by whose authority the rebels were being massed at Nkandhla. He was, moreover, to deny that Dinuzulu was in any way an instigator of what had occurred at Mpanza. Mankulumana, as has been seen, reached Empandhleni on the 23rd, and, after ascertaining from Mr. Saunders what message he was to deliver, moved on to see Sigananda at Nkandhla forests. He returned on the 26th to report he had been received by the rebels in a hostile spirit, being precluded by their leaders from meeting the Chief, and that he had made it as generally known as possible that Dinuzulu was not associated with Bambata.

The Magistrate of Eshowe proceeded on the 20th to the neighbourhood of Fort Yolland, where he met three important Chiefs of that part with their followers. These begged the Government to send a force to protect them against raids that were being made by Bambata and Sigananda's _impis_. The Chiefs were told a force was coming and directed, in the meantime, to arm and defend themselves.

On the night of the 23rd, intelligence was received that Bambata was in the vicinity of Ntingwe; Mansel thereupon made a night march with the Police and Z.M.R. over the worst imaginable country, so steep as to be dangerous for man and beast. The sortie, however, proved unsuccessful.

The convoy of waggons, escorted by the Natal Carbineers, under Mackay, consisting of the Left Wing, three squadrons of the Right Wing, and a section of B Battery, N.F.A.--400 all told, arrived at Empandhleni at mid-day on the 25th, having left Dundee on the 20th. They had travelled viâ Vant's Drift, Nqutu, Nondweni and Babanango.[179]

By this time, the Government had resolved to adopt measures for driving the Nkandhla district from various directions, hence Mackay, on temporarily occupying Empandhleni, received instructions to desist from doing any more than seize stock and burn kraals belonging to rebels within the immediate vicinity of the magistracy; he was warned not to attempt to draw the enemy prior to the general converging movement shortly to take place. Attention was accordingly confined by him to the district lying within a radius of six or seven miles of the magistracy. This ground was completely cleared of rebels, stock, etc.

Mansel, on being relieved by Mackay, was to have left with the Police and Zululand Native Police for Fort Yolland on the 26th, but owing to dense mists, was unable to do so until 10 a.m. on the 28th; he reached his destination by a somewhat circuitous route at 11 a.m. on the following morning. He had passed along the northern and north eastern edges of the forest, where numbers of rebels were seen; these, however, refrained from coming to close quarters.

Vanderplank, too, left for Ntingwe--an important strategical position, six miles north of Macala--at 11 a.m. on the 28th, reaching camping ground near there on the following day.

On the 28th, Mackay moved out in the direction of Nomangci, with a couple of squadrons. He came in touch with about twenty-eight of the enemy, when a few shots were exchanged.

On the morning of the 1st May, a small patrol, including Native scouts, from Ntingwe, was fired on near Mfongozi. The fire was returned, when the enemy decamped, leaving four horses and two foals, which were captured. During the night, E. Titlestad's store at Ntingwe was looted by the rebels.

Four squadrons of Mackay's force demonstrated again, on the 2nd May, in the direction of Nomangci, when about a dozen kraals were burnt, including one of Sigananda's, known as oPindweni. About 100 cattle, also goats, sheep and a few horses, were seized. The burning of the kraals was necessary, as it was ascertained the rebels slept and obtained food at them of a night. Shortly after noon the same day, a squadron under Capt. Park Gray went to reconnoitre on Ndindindi ridge, overlooking Insuze valley. No sooner did he reach the summit than he, and the few men with him at the moment, were suddenly charged by a company of rebels, up till then concealed behind rocks. Knobsticks and assegais were flung amidst wild war-cries. The Carbineers met the charge and killed two or three before being obliged to fall back on the rest of the squadron. As they fell back, the two 15-pounders N.F.A. opened fire at about 1,500 yards and succeeded in dropping a shell in the enemy's midst. Sigananda afterwards had the insolence to say his men were out looking for Bambata in obedience to the Commissioner's orders, and to contend that the Government was the first to begin hostilities in so far as he and his tribe were concerned. As a matter of fact, Gray had seen nothing whatever of the Natives before going on to the ridge, nor, when he got there, did they afford him an opportunity of explaining how they came to be under arms four or five miles from where it was commonly known Bambata then was.[180]

On the 3rd, four squadrons made a reconnaissance in the direction of a deep gorge near the Insuze. Some fifty cattle were being driven into it as the troops approached, but it was decided not to attempt seizure. Kraals in the neighbourhood, reputed to belong to rebels, were destroyed and some sixty cattle, with goats and sheep, captured.

On the same day, strips of white calico, two and a half inches wide, and similar pieces of Turkey red, were issued to Native loyalists, who had come in to assist as directed, to enable them to be immediately distinguished in the field from rebels. These bandages were bound round the left arm above the elbow, each colour showing plainly. The device was later on copied by every force employing Native levies. Subsequently this useful badge was worn also round the head, it being feared that, especially when driving a bush or forest, it could not be readily enough seen when bound round the arm.

The Northern District Mounted Rifles (Major J. Abraham) joined the Z.M.R. near Ntingwe during the day.

Further reconnaissances in force were made by Mackay on the 4th and 5th May, with the object of ascertaining the enemy's strength, without, however, engaging him. On the latter date, as the column was returning to Empandhleni from Nomangci, a few rebels fired on the rear-guard from a distance of about 900 yards. As it was getting late, they were not engaged, particularly as it was impossible to see them as they were behind stones. On one exposing himself full-length, however, and challenging the troops to "come on," he was fired at, when he promptly decamped. It was ascertained during the reconnaissance that a stone wall, about three feet high, had been erected that day across the main road to the forest, with the object, as afterwards transpired, of impeding any advance to, or retreat from, Mansel at Fort Yolland.

Intelligence was received on the 3rd of the death of Mr. Herbert Munro Stainbank, Magistrate of Mahlabatini district,[181] who had been foully murdered the same evening in Chief Ngobozana's ward, on the right bank of the White Umfolozi river, and beside the public road. He had left the magistracy on the 2nd with his wife and child (in arms), a lady companion and two European police, in a mule trolley to collect taxes from Ngobozana's tribe. His party also included nine Native men and two Native servant girls. "The camp was pitched on the south bank of the White Umfolozi, about 200 yards from the drift to the east of the main road leading to Melmoth."[182] Mr. Stainbank had selected the site so as to be near the telephone, and so in touch with the Commissioner at Empandhleni. "On the 3rd instant, Ngobozana's tribe assembled and paid hut and dog tax, but it does not appear to have been a successful collection from a financial point of view, as only £184 18s. was collected in hut tax, whereas the tribe are responsible for about £270. The collection ended at about 2 p.m. and the Natives dispersed. Ngobozana is said to have presented Mr. Stainbank with two sheep for slaughter, but he declined to accept them, saying that Ngobozana could afford more than that.... Ngobozana took back the sheep and said he would bring a beast next day.... About 7 p.m. that evening, Mr. Stainbank spoke on the telephone, then returned to his evening meal, and, at about 7.50 p.m., he went to the telephone, accompanied by Tprs. Sells and Martin.... He had a lantern and, after connecting his telephone instrument, he got into a squatting position, Tpr. Sells seating himself about two yards away leaning against the telephone pole, and Tpr. Martin squatting close by Mr. Stainbank's left side; about 7.55 p.m. Mr. Stainbank rang the telephone bell, and was waiting for a reply, with the receiver to his ear, when suddenly a shot was fired, and Mr. Stainbank exclaimed, 'My God, I am shot!' and fell over on his left side, then a second shot was fired, striking Tpr. Sells, and shortly after a third shot was fired, also striking Sells."[183] Sells and Martin, as well as the rest of the party, escaped, but Stainbank died on the journey back from hæmorrhage and shock. The camp was left standing, including the safe, also two guns and ammunition. On returning the following day, the money and camp were found intact.

Chief Nqodi, living in the vicinity, was directed to turn his men out and protect the magistracy.

Mr. J.Y. Gibson, one of the senior Magistrates of the Colony, with a considerable experience of Zululand affairs, was now appointed at Mahlabatini. He assumed duty on the 13th. Much trouble was taken by him to discover the murderers.

After being informed by the Commissioner of what had happened, Dinuzulu expressed the greatest indignation and grief. He begged to be allowed to assist in bringing the criminals to justice, and asked permission to send Mankulumana at once to Mahlabatini with twenty or thirty picked men to do all he could. The offer was accepted. Several arrests were subsequently made, and the prisoners, after lengthy examination, were brought to trial, but acquitted. The occurrence was for long enveloped in mystery. We shall return to the subject when dealing with similar murders that occurred chiefly after the conclusion of the Rebellion.

Barely a week after the foregoing murder, a Native Mnqandi, of the tribe of Matshana ka Mondise, when on a visit to Usutu kraal, was found with his throat cut, though still alive, near the boundary of Dinuzulu's ward. He is generally believed to have been assaulted in this murderous manner whilst within the said ward.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 172: It was probably after this forest that Tshaka named his great kraal Dukuza, whose site was exactly where the town of Stanger now stands.]

[Footnote 173: The Natives of Zululand and Natal may be divided into three great ethnic groups: _amaLala_, _abeNguni_ and _amaNtungwa_. Of these, the _amaLala_ or _Lalas_ were probably the earliest settlers, followed by the _abeNguni_, and then the _amaNtungwa_. The last two have been in the country for at least 350 years. The _amaLala_ are now to be found chiefly in Natal proper.]

[Footnote 174: A Zulu idiom signifying burial.]

[Footnote 175: Undisturbed in any way, as required by custom, the grave was found by the troops in 1906, to be overgrown with grass and weeds. There was around it a grove, some 200 yards in length and oval in shape. Immediately round the grove was a rough fence of Kaffir-boom trees. None of the trees in the plantation were more than 25 feet high. Owing to the grass not having been burnt or cut, it was naturally infested with snakes, among which, it was believed, was that (_i.e._ spirit) of the departed monarch. As, year by year, the grass in the vicinity was burnt, it devolved on the care-taker to make a 10-foot fire-break round the grove by digging away the grass. The grave consisted of a mound, 12 feet long by 10 feet broad and 15 inches high. On top of it lay one or two broken _kambas_ (clay pots without handles), and parts of the original ox-waggon.]

[Footnote 176: This officer (Brev. Lieut.-Col. B.M.R.) had served as follows: South African War, 1878-9--Zulu Campaign. Medal with clasp. South African War, 1899-1902--Operations in Natal, 1899, including

## actions at Rietfontein and Lombard's Kop. Defence of Ladysmith,

including sortie of 7th December, 1899, and action of 6th January, 1900; operations in Natal, March to June, 1900, including action at Laing's Nek; operations in the Transvaal, east of Pretoria, July to October, 1900.

In command, West Australian Mounted Infantry--Operations in the Transvaal and Orange River Colony, 30th November, 1900, to 31st May, 1902; operations on the Zululand Frontier of Natal in September and October, 1901.

Despatches, _London Gazette_, 17th and 25th April, 1902, and 4th December, 1903. Queen's medal with four clasps. C.M.G.; D.S.O. _The Official Army List_, Wyman & Sons, London, 1911.]

[Footnote 177: Cd. 3027, 1906, p. 12.]

[Footnote 178: Son of the late loyal Chief Zibebu.]

[Footnote 179: The convoy found the Buffalo River full and experienced trouble in fording the waggons. Every precaution was taken when travelling in Zululand. A lager was formed each night with the waggons, and a light barbed-wire fence erected 50 yards therefrom. The force stood to arms at 4 a.m. every day.]

[Footnote 180: The rebels occupied a position from which every movement by Mackay's force, ever since it left the magistracy, could be plainly seen. They, moreover, had two other outlooks which were visible from the magistracy.]

[Footnote 181: This is the district whose Chiefs had, but a few days before, offered their services against Bambata and Sigananda.]

[Footnote 182: Cd. 3027, p. 67.]

[Footnote 183: Cd. 3027, p. 67.]