Part 22

97-105. [This memorial, with like protests from the cities of Toledo, Ezija, and Murcia, was sent to the fiscal, who on March 16, 1724, handed in his opinion on the question at issue--that is, whether the decree of 1720 should be changed or enforced. He lays down three propositions: First, that the trade in Chinese stuffs should not be prohibited to the citizens of Filipinas, since it is necessary to their maintenance, those islands having no profitable mines or commercial products; moreover, the introduction and propagation of the Catholic faith therein is an obligation of justice as well as of religious zeal, and was so recognized by Felipe II, when he refused to abandon Filipinas; and to fulfil this obligation the Spanish colony there should be sustained. For this purpose the trade with Nueva España had been granted to Manila, to such extent as should be necessary for its preservation, that is, to the amount of 250,000 pesos, and 500,000 in returns; and in the permission given to Manila to trade with China there had been, and should be, no restriction as to the woven silks of that country. Second, this trade ought, nevertheless, to be strictly confined to the amount of their permission, and all frauds to be prevented; for the complaints of Spanish producers and merchants had been caused by the frauds and abuses in the Manila trade, rather than by the mere fact of its including Chinese goods; the fiscal even suggests that they have an official representative at Acapulco to aid in the unlading and inspection of the Manila galleon, and report thereon to the viceroy, which would aid in preventing frauds and enable the Spanish merchants to discuss the question more intelligently. Third, that in case the trade in Chinese silks be prohibited to Manila, that in spices should be absolutely prohibited to the Spanish merchants and given exclusively to those of Filipinas; while the American trade in silks should be free to the Spaniards.]

106-111. [The Council considered this question on April 6, and decided that the decree of 1720 should be changed; they recommended that the Filipinas trade be continued as before the decree, and employing but one large galleon; that the decree of 1702 should be enforced, save that the goods should be valued not by actual inspection of the bales but by invoices presented by the shippers, with their sworn statements that the goods were their own; nor should any indult, payment of double duties, or other form of composition be tolerated; and that the royal officials at Manila, Cavite, Acapulco, and Mexico should be held responsible for the fulfilment of these regulations, under severe penalties. This proceeding was approved by the king, who issued despatches in accordance therewith (June 17, 1724) to the viceroy of Nueva España and other officials concerned therein; and on August 8 the merchants of Cadiz were invited to nominate a deputy to watch the Acapulco commerce.]

PERIOD VIII

Relates the plan presented by the deputies of Philipinas for regulating the commerce of that country, in the year 1724; and its results, up to that of 1730.

112-113. [On September 28, 1724, the deputies from Philipinas presented to the Council another printed memorial, in which they proposed a plan for preventing the abuses of the Manila-Acapulco trade. This document contains ninety-four paragraphs; it enumerates the provisions of the decree of 1720, the objections made thereto at Manila, the difficulties of navigation on the Pacific, and the reasons why one large galleon is better for that commerce than two small ones; describes the frauds and injustice practiced in the lading of the galleon, for which the responsibility rests mainly on the governors of the islands, who use their great power for their own personal advantage, regardless of the rights of the citizens; and opposes the requirements that each shipper must swear that the goods he sends are his own, that no one to whom space is allotted may sell or transfer it to another person, that the valuations of goods must be made by samples, and some other restrictions which seriously embarrass the citizens who have but little wealth to invest. It is represented that the seamen are allowed to carry each 30 pesos' worth of goods as a private investment, in order to encourage Spaniards to enter the marine service; but this ought to be increased to 300 pesos (the allowance made to the men on the fleets that go to the Indias), for more Spaniards are needed on the Acapulco trade-route--hardly one-third of the men on a galleon being of Spanish birth, the rest being Indians and on the rivera of Cavite. The citizens of Manila ought to be allowed to carry back all the produce of their shipments, since but few of the products of Nueva España are adapted to their needs in the altogether different climate and other conditions of the islands. They also ask that they be allowed to compound the payment of dues at 100,000 pesos each voyage, or less pro rata if the amount of goods shipped fall below the 300,000 pesos allowed for the trade. The transgressions of law connected with the Acapulco commerce have been mainly committed by high officials, but have not been so great, or so injurious to Spanish trade, as Sevilla and Cadiz represent; the deputies assert that "these abuses cannot be checked, or most of them even ascertained, so long as the terms of the concession are in pesos," and that it ought to prescribe a definite number of piezas, of specified measures and weight. They therefore propose a new ordinance for regulating the traffic, which embodies the above suggestions and requests, with some additional points. They ask for a permission of 4,000 piezas, of which 500 shall be half-chests filled with silks and very fine cotton goods, "which do not admit the use of the press;" the size and weight of the piezas is fully described. They ask permission to ship pepper and storax besides the amount of the permission, without restriction of quantity. The galleon for carrying these goods should be of dimensions here specified--the keel sixty codos [or cubits] long, the breadth of the vessel twenty codos, and the inside depth of the hold ten codos--and its crew should contain 250 men, besides the officers. The governor should not be allowed to act on the committee for distributing the allotments of lading-space; in his place is proposed the archbishop, the other members to represent the Audiencia, the municipality, and the merchants. The amount of merchandise which may be sent by the governor and all other royal officials ought to be limited to one hundred piezas, and this should go outside of the permitted amount. A share in the lading is asked for the ecclesiastical cabildo of Manila, on account of their poverty and their high dignity and character; also for the officers on the galleons, and for the widows of merchants and military officers. An allotment of space should be made transferable; and permission should be given to send some packages of goods intended as gifts to friends, affidavit being made that these are not intended for sale. The governor and officials of the port of Acapulco should not be allowed to exercise any authority or pressure over the Manila traders, beyond the proper inspection of the vessels and lading and the collection of duties; and the traders should be allowed to sell their goods as they please, either in or out of the fair there, or transport them to Mexico, if they prefer. They should not be expected to pay alcabala on the first sale at Acapulco, or any extraordinary imposts. The memorial specifies the provisions to be made for the lading and inspection of goods at both Manila and Acapulco, the functions of certain officials, the penalties for transgression of the regulations, and the customs duties to be paid on each kind of goods; and offers certain payments to be made by the Manila merchants, which will add much to the royal revenues. It states the present number of "citizens and traders" in Manila as 868.]

114-121. [The above document was handed to the fiscal, who advised the Council not to make the concessions therein asked, as they would destroy the entire system on which that commerce had thus far been conducted, and abrogate the provisions of the decree but recently granted for the benefit of Manila, which gave that city sufficient advantage. On January 12, 1725, the Council requested one of the ministers, Don Antonio de la Pedrosa, to examine the scheme proposed by Manila, and render an opinion thereon. He was willing to grant a number of the concessions requested, but would insist that the total of the permitted trade be restricted to 300,000 pesos, and the returns to 600,000 pesos, as before; and he proposed even harsher penalties for the transgression of the laws governing the trade. The Manila deputies, on learning of the opinions of the aforesaid royal officials, desisted from their efforts to obtain further concessions from the Council, but appealed to the king, who sent to the Council a decree (dated July 22, 1726) permitting the scheme of Manila to be tested (although with some restrictions), for two years.]

122-127. [The deputies of Manila were not satisfied that this concession should be limited to a term of two years, and again petitioned the king, asking that the trial be made for two or three five-year terms, on account of the many difficulties which that commerce must encounter. The king consented (October 21, 1726) to extend the term to five years, and a despatch of September 15 prescribes the conditions and regulations under which the trial of the new plan should be made--for a term of two years, extended to five by another decree of October 31. The annual galleon shall carry no more than 4,000 piezas, 500 of these being half-chests [medios caxones] containing the silken fabrics and the finer ones of cotton; the rest shall be half-bales [medios fardillos] bags [churlas] of cinnamon, cases of porcelain, and cakes of wax. The size or weight respectively of these packages is prescribed: the half-chests and half-bales shall be each 1 1/4 vara long, 2/3 vara wide, and 1/3 vara deep, [92] an allowance of two dedos on each measure being made for the outside cover or packing of the half-chest and for the compression used on the half-bale. The bag of cinnamon shall weigh 150 libras gross (that is, including all packing and covers), but at Acapulco it may be allowed four or five libras more of weight, the difference between the weight of Manila and that of Nueva España. The case [balsa] of porcelain must be one vara high and 2 1/4 varas in circumference at the mouth, no allowance being made. The cakes of wax must weigh twelve arrobas at Manila, four or five libras being allowed at Acapulco for the difference in standards of weight. Besides the 4,000 piezas, unlimited pepper and storax may be shipped; and Chinese cabinets and screens [biombos] may go in larger boxes than the regulation size, provided that the capacity of these be figured in terms of piezas. Passengers on the galleons are allowed each two chests containing their personal property, without any articles of merchandise. The dimensions and crew of the galleon shall be as stated by the Manila deputies. The committee for allotting lading-space shall be as suggested by them, save that the governor shall be included therein. Space is allowed to the extent of 100 piezas to the governor and other royal officials for their personal shipments, but these must come out of the 4,000 piezas. A limited amount of space is allotted to the ecclesiastical cabildo and to the officers on the galleons; also to the widows of traders and military officers. Allotments of space may be transferred to other persons who are approved by the committee. Due provision is made for the valuation, registration, and lading of goods at Manila, and the inspection and sale at Acapulco; for the allowance of small quantities of merchandise to the Spanish seamen and artillerists; for the shipment of the returns from the investments, whether in money or goods; and for penalties against transgressors. The Manila merchants are to pay alcabala on any sales outside of Acapulco; 25,000 pesos annually on each galleon which shall arrive at Acapulco (afterward changed to 20,000 pesos a year during the five years' term), as a contribution to the royal service; duties of five per cent at Acapulco "for the embarkation of the entire product from the aforesaid 4,000 piezas, and the pepper and storax, which is the same that the traders of España pay at Cadiz;" and the following specific duties: for each half-chest, 45 pesos; each half-bale, 30 pesos; each bag of cinnamon, 25 pesos; each cake of wax, 18 pesos; each case of porcelain, 12 pesos; each chest of cabinets or screens, 18 pesos for each of the piezas to which the chest is equivalent; and each arroba of pepper or storax, 12 silver reals.]

(To be concluded.)

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA

The documents contained in this volume are obtained from the following sources:

1. Jesuit missions.--From Murillo Velarde's Historia de Philipinas (Manila, 1749); from a copy in possession of Edward E. Ayer.

2. Condition of the islands, 1701.--From Ventura del Arco MSS. (Ayer library), v, pp. 201-230.

3. Events of 1701-15.--From Concepción's Historia de Philipinas, viii, pp. 299-391; from a copy in possession of the Editors.

4. Government of Bustamante.--The first part is from Concepción, ut supra, ix, pp. 183-424; the letters of Otazo and Cuesta are from Ventura del Arco MSS., iv, pp. 249-295.

5. Letter from Santistevan.--From a MS., probably the original, in possession of Edward E. Ayer.

6. Commerce of the Philippines.--From the Extracto historial (Madrid, 1736) of Antonio Alvarez de Abreu; from a copy in possession of Edward E. Ayer.

NOTES

[1] From Murillo Velarde's account of his order in the Philippines we extract such matter as describes their missions, their general labors in Manila for both Spaniards and natives, their methods of work, and some occurrences of special importance to them as an order. The "edifying instances," and biographies of the Jesuit fathers, and other devotional reading it is necessary to omit here, as our limited space forbids its presentation.

[2] The papal concession for this jubilee of fifteen days had come that summer, and had been announced on November 18, just before the appearance of the comets.

[3] The word Moreno is used by the earlier writers rather confusedly, and applied to more than one race, whether pure or mixed; but in later times it apparently refers chiefly to the swarthy-complexioned people from the Malabar coast and to their descendants.

[4] The Tagálog word for "bridge."

[5] Spanish, sermones de tabla. The tabla is the list kept in the church sacristy which designates on what days certain functions are to be held; it is the tabella of the Italian sacristies, the church calendar of ours. Cathedrals and even lower grade churches (as collegiates, nunneries, hospitals, etc.) had their sermons (d'occasion, as the French say) on certain set days as marked in their local calendars, or tablas; these were always very grand, and delivered by renowned preachers and orators; many of these I have heard.

The phrase "endowed feast" (fiesta dotada) is used also in Italian and French. It was a custom, which I presume still holds, in all those countries (as I often saw in Italy), that a municipality, society, confraternity, or indeed any body of persons, had its feasts on set days in the year--for instance, feasts of their patron saints, or of thanksgiving, etc. Fairs also were endowed; that is, bequests (perhaps centuries old) provided that on set days the people were to have a fiesta, with music, fireworks, games, sermons, etc., with an alms for the poor--all paid for, as also would be the premiums for the fairs. These were occurrences always of great festivity and merriment; and in Italy, at least in the part where I lived, the smallest towns and hamlets had their fiestas dotadas.--Rev. T. C. Middleton, O.S.A.

[6] The Exercitia spiritualia of Inigo de Loyola, founder of the Jesuit order; it has long been a text-book therein, and a manual of devotion for persons under direction of the Jesuits. See account of the examination of conscience prescribed in it, in Jesuit Relations (Cleveland reissue), lxviii, p. 326.

"In Europe it is customary for persons at particular seasons to retire for a time from the world, to give themselves up entirely to prayer and meditation. Some part of the season of Lent is generally selected for this purpose; and many, for the sake of more entire seclusion, take up their residence during this time in some religious house. This is called 'going into retreat.'"--Kip's Jesuits in America, p. 302.

[7] That is, "headland of Bondoc" (or Bondog); a mountain 1,250 feet high, at the southern end of the peninsula of Tayabas, Luzón. (U. S. Gazetteer of Philippines, p. 397.)

[8] Marinduque is an island off the coast of Tayabas province, Luzón; it is round in shape, about twenty-three miles in diameter, and has a population (Tagálog) of about 48,000. It has some good harbors; and it produces abundance of rice, cocoanuts, and abacá. (U. S. Gazetteer of Philippines, pp. 643-647.)

[9] Theriacs were held in great estimation during the middle ages. They were composed of opium flavored with nutmeg, cardamom, cinnamon, and mace--or merely with saffron and ambergris.

[10] Aornis (or Aornos), a lofty rock in India, taken by Alexander the Great; thus named, as being so high as to be inaccessible even to birds.

[11] That is, as alternate or substitute for Encinas, in case of the latter's disability or death.

[12] Interesting information about Lake Lanao is given in the following letter from the Jesuit Juan Heras to his superior, dated at Tagoloan, October 6, 1890; it is printed in Cartas de los PP. de la Compañía de Jesús, cuad. ix (Manila, 1891), pp. 254, 255.

"Desiring to furnish to your Reverence as accurate information as possible regarding the lake of Malanao, we sent again for some men who lived there many years as slaves. They are an intelligent family. The father is a Tagálog, captured when he was a mere youth; he was carried to the Lake, and later married a girl, also a Tagálog who had been enslaved. They had three children, and when one of these was ten years old and another one somewhat older, they made their escape, in the year 74. The father and mother lived at the Lake more than twenty years; they settled in Jasaán, and lived there very happily after their children had been baptised. The father has traveled entirely around the lake by the highroad, and the second son had gone half-way round, from the northeastern end to Ganasi. The information, then, which they had given us--precisely the same both tunes, for they had been questioned previously, last March--is as follows:

"The length of the lake from north to south--or from the mouth of the Agus River (which empties near Iligan), to Ganasi, the point of departure for Lalabúan, which is on Illana Bay--is 24 hours of straight sailing, with steady rowing and the wind astern. The breadth from east to west is half the length. It has many promontories, which form large curves [in the coast]; and the shore is steep and rocky at Lúgud and Tugua, at which points vessels cannot find anchor. The lake contains four islets. A good highroad runs around the lake, which is interrupted only near Taraca, by the extensive mud flats which form the rice-lands (or basacanes). Taraca is the principal town, and the sultan lives there. The places which are noted as villages [i.e., on an accompanying map?] are not really such, but are the jurisdictions of the dattos. The settlement is one continuous street, with houses on both sides of the highroad almost all the way round the lake.

"The population is a large one, as several married couples live in the same house, and there are many dwellings. The people who have the reputation of being the bravest are those of Unayan, Bundayan, Ganasi, and Marántao. From Ganasi the highroad goes toward Lalabúan; it has no steep ascents or descents, nor does it cross large rivers; and by following this road Lalabúan is reached in one day. Half-way on this journey is the village of Limudigan, the sultan of Poalas, the richest of all those in the Lake region. Our informants state that the cannon are kept in Ganasi, in a large shed, to a considerable number. The places where the people have most guns are Maraui and Marántao; the number of firearms cannot be exactly stated, although these men say three are many of them. From Maraui one can go to Ganasi in three days, by taking the road to the right, and in four days by going to the left; it therefore takes seven days to make the trip around the lake--but the circuit of the lake is probably somewhat exaggerated. It is said that those people have many mosques. Maraui is on the Agus River, quite near the lake; these men say that there are many horses there. As to the exactness of these data, it is evident that we cannot be altogether certain; but it is certain that each of our informants has confirmed the other's statements."

In the same volume of Cartas is a valuable appendix by Father Pablo Pastells, in which he sets forth the importance of the plan formed by General Valeriano Weyler (governor of the islands during 1889-91) for completing the subjugation of Mindanao to the Spanish crown, and presents a brief historical sketch of the Spanish conquests in that island, and an account of conditions therein and of the natural resources of the country. He argues that the forcible expulsion of all its Mahometan tribes would be impossible, and that the proper way to hispanicize Mindanao must be the slow one--but sure, if the results of the labors of Jesuit missionaries among the Moros be considered--of education, the introduction of civilized modes of life (especially by the cultivation of the soil), a political organization like that already in vogue among the Tagálogs and other christianized peoples, the influence of the Christian religion in displacing their superstitious and false beliefs, governmental protection to the peaceable natives, and the promotion of migration of Filipinos from the northern islands to Mindanao, thus gradually colonizing the latter with industrious, civilized, and Christian inhabitants. Statistics are added to Father Pastells's memorial, showing that the (Jesuit) missions of Mindanao contain (in 1892) a total Christian population of 191,493 souls; this number he compares with the list given by Murillo Velarde (1748; including all the missions of the Jesuits in Filipinas), which foots up to 209,527 souls. At the end of the Cartas is a map (dated March 19, 1892) of the "second and fifth districts"--i.e., those of Cagayán de Misamis and Cottabato--on a scale of ten kilometers to an inch; it contains the latest geographic data up to 1892, and is especially full in the Lanao region and the course of the Pulangi River or Rio Grande, the headwaters of that great river almost interlocking with those of the Cagayán and another large stream which empties into Macajalar Bay. The map also shows the native tribes that occupy the region which it depicts.

[13] Gabe or gabi is the native name (Tagal, Visayan, and Pampango) for the roots of Caladium esculentum (also known as Colocasia antiquorum), which are used considerably as food. This plant is frequently cultivated in the United States for its foliage, and is popularly called "elephant's ears," from the shape of the leaves.