Part 23
[14] A bay or inlet at the southwest angle of Iligan Bay, extending 12 miles southwest, its inmost point lying but 13 miles from the northern extremity of Illana Bay, which is on the south side of Mindanao. The fort here mentioned must have been at the mouth of Lintogut River.
[15] Spanish, tierra de S. Pablo; but no information is available for its identification.
[16] One of the very rare allusions to this mode of conducting commerce, as used among the Moros, which--although common enough in all parts of the world from very early times, and practiced by most peoples who have risen beyond the savage condition--seems to have been even to the present time undeveloped among the Moros, partly on account of their fierce natures and the feuds among them, partly because of their habits of piracy, plunder, and bloodshed. Of especial interest in this connection is the account published in the New York Outlook, December 23, 1905, of the "Moro Exchange" established at Zamboanga, Mindanao (July, 1904), by Captain John P. Finley, governor of Zamboanga district. Intended from the outset to replace slavery and piracy by honest labor, it has gradually gained the respect and coöperation of the Moro chiefs; and by taking advantage of their talent for trade is exerting a wide and strong influence in the development of industry and peaceful relations among them. This exchange even in its first year had a volume of business amounting to $128,000; and now its daily transactions run from 500 to 800 pesos, while in the Zamboanga district it has fourteen branches.
[17] Spanish, al reir del alba, literally, "at the smile of the dawn."
[18] Limbo (from Latin, limbus): in scholastic theology, a region bordering on hell, where souls were detained for a time; hence, applied to any place of restraint or confinement.
[19] The lists of Augustinian friars in the Philippines record the names of some thirty members of that order who became insane or demented; and probably similar lists could be given by the other orders. Perez's Catálogo (Manila, 1901), and Gaspar Cano's Catálogo (Manila, 1864) present biographical information regarding all the members of the order who labored in the islands from 1565 down to their respective dates of publication; Pérez enumerates 2,467 for the term of 336 years from 1565 to 1901, and of these 1,992 belong to Cano's period, ending in 1864. Cano names thirty friars (two of them being lay brothers) who died in a demented condition; the first of these was Fray Francisco de Canga Rodriguez (1616), who was 55 years professed. Pérez mentions but twenty-seven of Cano's list, but adds four others for the years following Cano's record (1865-1901), a total of thirty-one names. Both these compilers record the facts of dementia among the friars in varied phrases; and Cano speaks (p. 20) of "the many things which there are in Filipinas to cause the loss of one's mind." Zúñiga, in his Estadismo, refers to the liability of the missionaries in the islands to suffer mental alienation from homesickness, solitude, and lack of congenial companions, especially in districts where the natives were of low intellectual calibre. When I was a student in Rome, Pope Pius IX had a college (the Pio Latino) opened for Spanish Americans (from Mexico and South America); this was about 1860. The Italians said that the young students from those countries seemed to be especially given to excessive homesickness (nostalgia).--Rev. T. C. Middleton, O.S.A.
[20] That is, "Go ye into the whole world, and preach the gospel to every creature" (Mark xvi, v. 15).
[21] Thus characterized, because this long account of the hardships and dangers of missionary life is inserted in the midst of a sketch of Father Francisco Paliola, martyred in Mindanao in 1648.
[22] "And the earth was corrupted before God, and was filled with iniquity" (Genesis 6, v. 11).
[23] The Jesuit Diego Luis de San Vitores had just arrived (July, 1662) in Luzón with fourteen companions, in a patache, sent from Acapulco by Conde de Baños, viceroy of Mexico.
[24] "Through evil report and good report" (II Corinthians vi, v. 8).
[25] Tagálog words, meaning young men and girls of marriageable age. Barbateca does not appear in the standard lexicons.
[26] See note on the masses, in VOL. XXXIX, p. 246, note 148.
[27] "Saying: 'Holy, holy, holy, Lord God Almighty, who wast, who art, and who art to come.'"
[28] After citing numerous examples from the customs of various nations, Herbert Spencer concludes--Ceremonial Institutions (New York, 1880), pp. 128-131: "It seems that removal of the hat among European peoples, often reduced among ourselves to touching the hat, is a remnant of that process of unclothing himself by which, in early times, the captive expressed the yielding up of all that he had."
[29] The provincial of the Society of Jesus in the Filipinas Islands, in a report to the king dated June 20, 1731, declares that the Society reckoned 173,938 souls in the 88 principal villages and some visitas which they were administering. This number, compared with the estimate for the preceding period of six years, showed an increase of 11,886 Christians; by this may be seen the increase which the population is steadily gaining--except that of the Marianas Islands, which has decreased. (Ventura del Arco MSS., iv, p. 307.)
[30] Spanish, azicate; "a long-necked Moorish spur with a rowel at the end of it" (Appleton's Velázquez's Dictionary). The Latin quotation means, "He who spares the rod hates his son."
[31] Spanish, lolios y zizañas. Lolio is an old form of joyo; and both joyo and zizaña (modern, cizaña) refer, according to Appleton's Velázquez's Dictionary, to the common darnel, or Lolium temulentum.
[32] Spanish, la inata del Pays, la conatural al sexo, y la congenita entrañada en la Nacion.
[33] That is, to Zabalburu, just one month after his entrance into office.
[34] Polo: a personal service of forty days in the year.
[35] This was Francisco Gueruela; see summary of his report on this visitation, in VOL. XLII, p. 120.
[36] "Except the master-of-camp Endaya, who charged him nothing for the house in which he lived, and spent more than twenty thousand pesos in maintaining him and all his retinue. Endaya made all these demonstrations because he had taken refuge in a church, and the patriarch [i.e., Tournon] condoned all his offences and enabled him to leave his asylum--without any one saying anything to him; nor did the judges dare to lay hands on a man whom the legate a latere had pardoned." Other favors and honors were conferred on Endaya by Tournon. (Zúñiga, Hist. de Philipinas, pp. 412-413.)
[37] Archbishop Camacho was appointed in 1703 bishop of Guadalajara; and early in July, 1706, he went to take possession of that see (which he retained until his death in 1712), abandoning his diocese of Manila. He left as ruler of that see Don Francisco Rayo (who was not a member of the cabildo), despite the protests of the chapter-members. On August 19 the cabildo declared the see vacant, and chose as its provisor the archdeacon Doctor José Altamirano y Cervantes. At first his title was contested by Rayo; but the latter was finally induced to give up his pretensions, and by August 28 "the cabildo remained in peaceable possession of its government and vacant see." (Ventura del Arco MSS., iv, pp. 247, 248. In the same volume, pp. 135-206, is a detailed account of Camacho's controversy with the orders and the papal delegate, with a royal decree on that subject, dated May 20, 1700.)
[38] "As soon as he took possession of his archbishopric, he began to busy himself with the building of the seminary of San Phelipe; and the first error that he committed was, to place the arms of the cabildo on the front of the edifice together with the arms of the king, which he placed on one of the stories. He also drew up the instructions for this collegiate seminary; and when he came to the admission of students he did not remember the [rights of the] royal patronage, and arranged for their admission without mentioning the vice-patron. The king's fiscal, who saw therein one of his Majesty's prerogatives wounded, strongly opposed the exercise of the archbishop's claims, and from this ensued some mortifications to his illustrious Lordship; but the college was completed, and the seminarists were appointed, as the king commanded." (Zúñiga, Hist. de Philipinas, pp. 417, 418.)
[39] "Because of the controversies which Señor Camacho had had with the regulars about subjecting them to the visitation, the pope issued a brief, in which that subjection was decreed; it came endorsed by the [Spanish] Council, and it seemed as if, in virtue of a decision so clear and explicit, no reply was left for the religious save that of the submission which Señor Cuesta desired; but their ingenuity found a mode of escape from this strait. They replied that this brief was a declaration of the rights of the archbishop, which they did not deny; and that their only proposition was, that it was not expedient to execute this decree in these islands (in regard to which his Holiness ought to have given a hearing to the religious orders). They asserted that it was, so far as concerned the point at issue, obtained surreptitiously; for it was staled therein that there were entire orders who were willing to come to these islands in the position of subordinates to the bishops--which was false, because the only authentic thing about it was, that the vicar-general of the Recollects had promised a hundred religious who should minister in Philipinas as subject to the visitation and the [royal] patronage; but when this was known to the general of the calced Augustinians, he had censured this proposal and compelled its withdrawal. The orders therefore petitioned that the execution of the papal brief be suspended, until appeal could be taken to his Majesty. Señor Cuesta, who was a very peaceable man, and averse to disputes, agreed to this, and sent a report to the king. The representations of the regulars were considered in the Council of the Indias, and it was decreed that the regulars must submit; but his Majesty, being informed by a member of his Council of the injurious results which might follow from this visitation, approved the proceedings of Señor Cuesta, and ordered him not to annoy the religious in this matter until further orders." (Zúñiga, Hist. de Philipinas, pp. 418, 419.)
[40] "He sent away most of the Chinese, and retained only those whom he deemed necessary for the mechanical offices and the service of the public; in this matter his reputation suffered somewhat, for it was reported that he had a share of the proceeds from the licenses of those Chinamen who remained in the country. However that may be, his decision was a very sagacious one, and advantageous to this country; for the Sangleys who come to Manila are more slothful than the Indians themselves. They remain here [pretending] to cultivate the land, and on account of this pretext licenses are given to them; but there is not one in each thousand of the Chinese who applies himself to this labor. The rest of them are all devoted to trade, a mode of life well suited to their idle dispositions and to the [social] system of their nation--where it is a received idea that he who is most deceitful is most clever. The Sangleys adulterate everything--coins, measures, sugar, wax, and whatever they can thus handle without the fraud being known. Every one of them is a monopolist; they all secrete their wares, even those of prime necessity, and sell them at the price that they choose to ask. The oddest thing is, that by dint of presents they are able to gain protectors, who defend them; and even if sometimes a fine is imposed on them, on that very day they plunder [people] in their trading, in order to pay for their losses. In this way they become rich in a short time, and send much money to their relatives in China, or else go back with it to their own country, defrauding the Philipinas Islands of this silver." (Zúñiga, Hist. de Philipinas, pp. 422, 423.)
[41] Zúñiga says (Hist. de Philipinas, pp. 443-445) that the Moros of Joló and Mindanao, although their rulers were nominally at peace with the Spaniards, had frequently ravaged the islands, the sultans pretending that they could not restrain their subjects; Bustamante accordingly decided to rebuild the fortress at Zamboanga, but when he laid this plan before the junta of treasury officials they refused it by a vote of ten against seven--on the ground that the fort was of no service against the Moros, and would cause extraordinary expense. "As a matter of fact, the entire situado of that military post amounts, in supplies and money, to about 25,000 pesos, which only serves to enrich the governor, who is sent from Manila every three years. Against the majority of votes in the junta the governor gave orders to reëstablish the post, exasperating people's minds, and giving occasion to the malcontents to exaggerate his despotism. The Recollect fathers, who had returned to the province of Calamianes because the secular priests--whom the bishop of Zebú had stationed there when the Recollects abandoned it--could not maintain themselves there on account of the Moros, erected with the money of their province some little forts, hardly deserving that name, which did not shelter many places in those islands from the pirates; and they requested the governor to establish a post in the island of Paragua, at Labo, hoping that thus they would be freed from those annoying enemies. The governor consented to this, and established a post [there] at much less cost than that of Zamboanga, but equally useless."
[42] The Jesuit Delgado says of this (Hist. de Filipinas, p. 205): "I was at that time in Manila, and saw the bodies of those unfortunate men, dragged along, stripped of their garments, and covered with some old rags; and I was obliged, in order that I might enter the anteroom of the palace, to step over the body of the governor, which was lying across the threshold of the door." The editor of Delgado reproduces in a footnote Otazo's letter (q.v. in this volume, post), with the following remark: "Don José Montero y Vidal, in his Historia de la piratería, t. 1, p. 254, asserts that Don Fernando de Bustamante was assassinated in a tumult at the head of which the Jesuits placed themselves. The following document will show that gentleman the falsity of his assertion."
[43] Archbishop Cuesta surrendered the government of the islands to Bustamante's successor, the Marqués de Torre Campo, who took possession of it on August 6, 1721. The home government censured Cuesta for too little strictness in investigating Bustamante's murder, and transferred him to the bishopric of Mechoacan, Mexico. He arrived at Acapulco January 11, 1724, took charge of his see on April 18, and died on May 30 following.
[44] "The long residencia of the persecuted auditor Torralba--imprisoned sometimes in Cavite and sometimes in Manila, and always loaded with taunts and annoyances--was settled by the Council of Indias, who condemned him to pay a fine of 100,000 pesos, besides the 20,000 previously imposed, with perpetual deprivation of office and exile from Madrid, and Filipinas. He was reduced to such want that he had to beg alms to support himself; and when he died, in 1736, he was buried as a pauper in [the church of] San Juan de Dios." (Montero y Vidal, Hist. de Filipinas, i, p. 436.)
[45] According to Zúñiga (Hist. de Philipinas, p. 443), the hatred of the citizens arose from the fact that Bustamante's harsh collection of the debts due to the royal treasury, many of those who owed the king having died, or being in great poverty, obliged the bondsmen to pay those debts; this was so resented by them that the citizens of Manila began to hate the governor.
[46] In the Ventura del Arco MSS. (Ayer library), iv, pp. 433-435, is a letter, apparently by one of the Jesuits, describing this attack; it differs from that of Concepción in some points. The attack was made by Malanaos, from La Sabanilla, under the chief Balasi; and warning of it was sent to the governor, Sebastian de Amorena, five days beforehand, by Prince Radiamura, brother of the sultan of Mindanao. The attack was made by the "king" of Joló and Buhayen, with 104 joangas, and a force of 3,000 men by land and sea. In the fort were not more than 200 men--Pampangos, creoles (probably "Morenos," that is, Malabars, etc.), and a few Spaniards; but they fought so bravely that the enemy could accomplish nothing in a siege of three months. Finally Radiamura sent a force of 1,090 men to aid the Spaniards, and at this the enemy raised the siege and went back to their homes. The above document is preceded by an account (pp. 409-432) of affairs at Zamboanga from its rebuilding to 1721, also from a Jesuit hand. The writer says that 3,000 men were sent for this enterprise, who built a town in a few months, although under the greatest difficulties, the former buildings being destroyed, and the site overgrown with shrubs and trees. By that time Bustamante seemed to have forgotten the undertaking, and they were neglected and left without aid. Of the soldiers, "some had but small wages, and most of them none; and the workmen were almost all obliged to serve at their own expense." Desertions ensued, so that "at the end of six months, hardly 300 men remained; and of these no small number died and many of them were sick, overcome by labor, or hunger, or the unusual difficulty of working the hard soil." So great were their miseries that they talked of abandoning the fort and returning to Manila; but in the following February several Jesuits arrived at Zamboanga and brought tidings that a new governor (Amorena) was to come with reënforcements, and supplies of money and food. This was accomplished in June, when 200 soldiers arrived from Manila; while in May the Jesuit José de Zisa had brought from Cebú supplies of money and food, with 200 Boholans--who, however, "are very much afraid of the Moros." Governor Cuesta sent orders for the old soldiers at Zamboanga to return to Manila, and for the Boholans to go back to their own villages; thus the garrison was left in poor condition to withstand an enemy, which probably emboldened the Moros to attack the fort in the following December, as is told above. The writer here mentioned states that the Jesuits had succeeded in making a surprising number of conversions, almost 600 persons being baptized in the Zamboanga district.
[47] Spanish, Instituta, i.e., the compendium of Roman civil law compiled by the emperor Justinian. The mention of "the university" in this sentence is presumably of San José, the Jesuit institution.
[48] Thus in Ventura del Arco; but the indicative form in the second clause seems hardly satisfactory. One would rather expect a subjunctive with ut, making it read, "Who are they, that we may praise them?"
[49] Cuesta here alludes to the decree ordering the surrender of the records, and to its encroachment on the ecclesiastical immunity.
[50] In text, malos fundamentos; but malos seems improbable, as applied to the archbishop's own measures. It may be regarded as probably a copyist's error for solos.
[51] Miguel Molinos was a Spanish theologian, born at Zaragoza in 1627. He was one of the mystical thinkers, and attracted a considerable following, not only in Spain but in Rome, where finally he settled. He there published a book entitled Guia de la piedad, in which was taught the doctrine called "quietist;" this was condemned by Innocent XI, who caused him to be placed in the dungeons of the Inquisition, where he died (1696). An interesting account of him is given in the historical romance by J. H. Shorthouse, John Inglesant.
[52] When Archbishop Camacho attempted to enforce the episcopal right of visitation of the regular curas, the superiors of the orders replied to him "first verbally and afterward in a written statement, which was composed by the Jesuit Father Avina, who had been an auditor of the royal Audiencia of Manila." (Zúñiga's Historia, p. 398.)
[53] Spanish, economica potestad; but the word economica is here applied in an unusual sense, which is not made apparent by the definitions in the lexicons. It is possible that, as used here, it is derived from ecónomo, "he who is appointed to administer and collect the incomes of ecclesiastical posts that are vacant, or are held in trust" (Barcia)--the governor, as possessing this power, endeavoring to force a vacancy in the offices of archbishop and others, that he might use that power. Or, economica may mean "reserve," applied to powers placed in the governor's hands in reserve, only to be used in emergencies.
[54] "Never has there been seen a tumult [of the people] in which ambition was less dominant; all were content with their own offices, and at seeing themselves free from unjust and violent imprisonments. Only the archbishop, who had risen to the post of governor, was disturbed and uneasy; but his mind was somewhat calmed when he received a royal decree in which his Majesty commissioned the archbishop to restore the royal Audiencia to the same footing which it had before, and to set free Señor Velasco; and, in case he should be hindered by the governor, to suspend the latter from his office and himself assume the government in person--which was almost the same as what had just been accomplished, so far as this uprising concerned him." (Zúñiga, Hist. de Philipinas, p. 463.)
[55] Spanish, lo que se llevó la trampa; literally, "what the trap carried away with it;" a variant of the phrase llevarselo el demonio. It is translated above in accordance with the definition in Caballero's Diccionario de modismos (2nd edition, Madrid, 1905), p. 744.
"Fairs" [ferias] here alludes to the annual sale or fair at Acapulco which took place at the arrival of the galleon from Manila; in this case the goods from Filipinas evidently were sold at a loss.
[56] Apparently referring to Juan Ventura de Maturana, who was royal secretary in the Council of the Indias in 1734-35.
[57] This was Doctor Carlos Bermudez Gonzalez de Castro, a secular priest, a native of Puebla, Mexico, and a prominent ecclesiastic at Nueva España. He arrived at Manila on June 29, 1728; displayed great zeal in his office, kindness to the Indians, and piety and charity in his personal character; and died on November 13, 1729, being nearly seventy-two years old. (Concepción, Hist. de Philipinas, x, pp. 167-170, 182-184.)
[58] This house must have been, since it was under the control of this provincial, the beaterio of Santa Catalina, founded under Dominican auspices. Its first prioress was Sor Francisca del Espiritu Santo, who died on August 24, 1711, at the age of sixty-three years.
[59] In the text, a cuya accion tuvieron todos aqui; but evidently some word is omitted after tuvieron--probably mal, as such a proposal could not be generally approved.
[60] A sort of coach, with four seats: it was closed with doors; and the body was supported by heavy straps, and placed between two wooden shafts (Dominguez).
[61] Espolios: property left by a prelate at his death.
[62] Spanish, decima; possibly meaning a tenth part due to the crown.
[63] Boleta: referring to the assignments of lading-space in the Acapulco galleon; each ticket giving its owner the right to ship one pieza of goods. See VOL. I, p. 63.