Part 34

“My Noble Lord,--It is with the greatest pleasure I write to inform your lordship of my innocence of the charge wherein I am shortly about to suffer death. My Lord, permit me to inform your lordship, from the personal knowledge I have of your lordship’s family, it is impossible I could be guilty of the slightest intention to harm your lordship in any way. My lord, I have had the honour of working at your lordship’s seat, in Sandon-hall, Staffordshire, wherein I worked for Mr. Bullock, of Rugeley, and would at any time rather lose my life in your defence than to be an accomplice to harm you, or any other man, be his condition ever so poor, much more so many illustrious persons, and among them one I had so great a respect for, from personal knowledge, as your lordship. I declare now to your lordship, as I hope to be saved, that Edwards was the man who gave me the money to redeem the blunderbuss, which Adams carried away to Cato-street; I gave it to him not knowing of any plot: and, as I related to the Privy-Council, Mr. Goldworthy met me in John-street, Portland-road; he gave me a sword to take to Cato-street, and a bundle, which contained belts. When I found I was entrapped, I naturally attempted to escape, but never fired. I never had any pistols in my possession; and, in truth my lord, Mr. Edwards must know that I am not that man of colour that was in their party, if he will do me the justice to say so.”

JOHN THOMAS BRUNT

Was born in Union-street, Oxford-street, London. His father was a tailor: he apprenticed his only son John Thomas, at the age of fourteen years, to Mr. Brookes, a lady’s shoemaker, in Union-street. He served Mr. Brookes till he was eighteen years of age, when, his father dying, his mother purchased the remainder of his time, and his indentures were given up to her, and he supported his mother for some years by his labour.

At the age of twenty-one years he articled himself to learn the boot-closing; and, in a short time became an excellent workman: A prize-boot in the shop of a tradesman in the Strand was made by him. When he was twenty-three years of age he married a respectable young woman, named Welch. On the 1st of May, 1806, she brought him a boy, who is now living with his mother. He was fourteen years of age on the day his unfortunate father suffered the sentence of the law. Brunt was thirty-eight years of age.

The following lines were written by Brunt in the Tower, upon the Secretary of State sending a letter in answer to one written by the Major, that the alleged traitors were not to be allowed knives or forks, and only to be allowed to walk on the leads an hour each day:

The Home Department’s _Secretaire_, His orders they would make you stare; An hour a day allowed to walk, But mind you neither wink nor talk! For these are gifts of human reason, And you are adepts in high treason: No bigger rogues on earth there be on, For so says Edwards the _espione_! Let them eat and drink and sleep, But knives and forks pray from them keep, As they’ll commit assassination-- The rogues would overturn the nation!

At the bottom of the above lines were written the following couplets:

In modes of faith let graceless zealots fight, He can’t be wrong whose life is in the right. Life’s but a jest, and all things show it, I thought so once, but now I know it!

J. T. BRUNT, _Tower of London_.

The following verses were written by Brunt, in Newgate, on the Sunday evening, after taking leave of his wife; they were inclosed in an envelope, which was addressed to his wife; it contained also a shilling, the last money he possessed, and he requested his wife to keep the shilling for his sake as long as she lived:

Tho’ in a cell I’m close confin’d, No fears alarm the noble mind; Tho’ death itself appears in view, Daunts not the soul sincerely true! Let Sidmouth and his base colleagues Cajole and plot their dark intrigues; Still each Briton’s last words shall be, Oh! give me death or liberty!

J. T. BRUNT, _Newgate, April 30, 1820_.

_Proceedings relative to_ GEORGE EDWARDS, _the Spy_.

On Tuesday, the 2d May, Mr. Alderman Wood rose in his place in the House of Commons, and said, that “he had a question to bring under the consideration of the house, which he considered as one of the greatest importance, and particularly to the house itself. He might be wrong in the course which he had proposed to himself to pursue; but, if he were, the Speaker would, no doubt, instruct him what was the proper mode of bringing the matter forward. He had come to the determination of treating it as a breach of privilege; and would here very briefly state what were the facts.

“Seven persons had applied to him, in his official capacity of magistrate, for a warrant to take up a man, stated to be then resident in Fleet-street, whose name was said to be George Edwards. He immediately went into a private examination of those individuals, with the assistance of Sir W. Domville. Four of the parties deposed to some very material facts, some of which, affecting the safety of that house, he should now mention; but others, which were detailed at great length, were of too horrible a description for him to repeat.

“They involved a plot, not merely to effect the destruction of that house, and the honourable members within it, but of one of the highest personages in this kingdom, and of his majesty’s ministers also. He would, however, confine himself to the facts of the case as they regarded that house. He would read the words of the deposition.

“Some time in that year deponent saw a man, of the name of Edwards, going from one public-house to another, inviting persons to unite with him in the execution of the plots against the government, which he intended to bring forward. It then went on to state, that one of his great plots was this:--He said, ‘that he could bring into the House of Commons six or eight men very readily, and that it was not necessary that they should come in _clean_.’ By that expression he meant, that they might easily enter the House with something under their arms; for they could so come into the lobby and other parts of the House with books; no objection would be offered to their passing in with books under their arms.

“These books were to have been filled with gun-barrels, cut down to the length of four inches only, which were to be filled with gunpowder, and plugged up at both ends; and these implements being thrown down in the middle of the House, upon some occasion of a full attendance, when it would be in a very crowded state, would explode with great violence, and cause much destruction. The deposition went on to shew, that Edwards on one occasion said, ‘Thistlewood is the boy for us; he’s the one to do our work: he will very soon be out of Horsham-gaol.’ Now the evidence next showed, that, two days after, Thistlewood did come out of Horsham-gaol, and he was introduced to this Edwards at the house of Preston, the cobbler; and that which was the strongest confirmation of the whole statement, and proved it beyond all doubt, was, that Edwards did get those very books made for the purpose; and that he procured the gun-barrels, and had them cut up.

“At that time, too, he had not money enough to buy a pot of beer. All at once, however, he got supplied with cash, and was enabled to purchase several other weapons of defence, and arms, which the deponents spoke of.

“Now, this was the general substance of the depositions as they regarded that house; as to the other parts, which related to the intended taking off of certain individuals, he had hardly satisfied himself what might be the best mode of proceeding; or whether, from the nature of the case, he might be justified in asking the House to indulge him with a committee of secrecy, in which case it would not be necessary for him to proceed with his present observations. The other details, however, which he did not at present feel it his duty to bring before the House, were of a most terrible description, and unfolded plots of the most dreadful character.

“The persons who had made the depositions were respectable persons, and not at all implicated in the late legal proceedings, as having been evidence for the crown or for the prisoners. He had had several other persons with him that same morning, who were all ready to swear that they knew Edwards to have been engaged in these plots from time to time. He had been asked by several individuals, how he intended to proceed in this case; and he could now declare, that his mind was made up to call that person (Edwards) before the bar of the house. Whether, however, he should ask for a committee of secrecy, or proceed in any other way, he was ready to bring this important business before them, and he thought that he discharged his duty in so doing. He had not thought it proper to swear those deponents to the truth of their allegations, because all the acts charged against Edwards were stated to have occurred either in the county of Middlesex or the city of Westminster. As he never interfered in such a case, he told the parties that they must go before a magistrate, either of Westminster or of the county; or else that they must apply for a warrant to Lord Sidmouth. He directed them to go to his Lordship; and promised that, upon procuring the warrant, he would get it immediately backed, so as to make it operative within the city of London.

“He thought the thing a matter of such importance that he took the depositions in charge himself; and ordered the witnesses to attend him at Lord Sidmouth’s immediately; but it so happened that his Lordship had left the place a few minutes before his arrival. He left the depositions with a person whom he had now in his eye, and had received an answer; but he did not think proper now to give it.

“The existence of such a man as this Edwards it was almost impossible to conceive. It was difficult to imagine a man, going about with all this boldness from public-house to public-house--nay, even from one private house to another, framing and discoursing of all these plots. For his own part, however, when he looked at all the facts, he thought it clear that Edwards had become connected with the conspirators at a very early period; and he pledged himself, that, if the house should adopt any question upon the subject, he would bring forward such evidence as must convict the man. It was only to be apprehended that he was not, perhaps, in the country, which he might have quitted by this time; otherwise, no doubt, there were honourable gentlemen who were in possession of him, so that he might be produced. He, therefore, felt it his duty, under all the circumstances, before he sat down, to move, ‘That George Edwards be immediately brought to the bar of this house.’”

Mr. BATHURST objected to the motion, on the ground that an individual charged with such high crimes as those imputed to Edwards, was an improper person to be brought to the bar of the House of Commons, on the charge of a breach of privilege; but stated that there was no doubt, if the question was brought before the House in a proper shape it would be entertained.

Mr. Alderman WOOD in reply said, “that he certainly set out with intimating that he saw great difficulties in this question, but was, indeed, quite happy to hear it observed, that if the business were brought before the House properly, the House would properly entertain it. He thought it right to state, that he had applied to another quarter, to get the individual in question prosecuted, but in that application he had been disappointed.

“When he first read over the depositions, which were of a nature, he was sure, to make every man shudder with horror, he thought that not a moment was to be lost in taking Edwards up, if he could be found; and, he took it for granted that he could be found; for he was known to have been in the possession of certain persons for a long time. His plots were truly diabolical; and from the evidence it could be proved, beyond contradiction or dispute, ‘that Edwards was the sole plotter and founder of the whole Cato-street plot.’ At present knowing of no other way than the motion he had suggested by which the man might be brought to justice, he should leave the matter in the hands of the House.”

A short debate on the question then ensued, but it appearing that the charge could not regularly be entertained by the House as a breach of privilege, Mr. Alderman Wood was induced to withdraw the motion for the present.

On the 9th of May the worthy Alderman, having newly-modelled his motion, so as to move for a committee of secrecy to examine the depositions in his possession, again called the attention of the House to the subject. He commenced by stating that “in bringing forward the motion, he had no object in view but the furtherance of justice, no end to attain but the elucidation of certain extraordinary facts. He had not willingly embarked in this business, which he wished to have been taken up by his Majesty’s ministers. He had done all he could to induce the Secretary of State for the Home Department[4] to bring to trial and to punishment the individual whose name was so intimately connected with the late conspiracy. He had done so as a magistrate.

“In consequence of information which he had received, he deemed it necessary to lay before the Secretary of State all the documents he could collect on the subject of Edward’s proceedings; and he produced a number of persons who were ready to swear to the matters contained in their depositions. He farther added, in his correspondence with the Secretary of State, that he was then enabled to bring forward a considerable body of evidence in support of what had previously been alleged. He had attentively looked over a vast number of depositions, which appeared to him to be of great importance. He had brought down about thirty of them; and he craved the indulgence of the house while he read over the whole of this evidence, preparatory to his moving for a secret committee. His only wish was that a secret committee should be appointed; and if the House at once agreed to it, he should be quite contented with that result.

“If he could show that Edwards was the person who directed that plot--if he could show that he was going about for two years endeavouring to effect it--if he could prove that it was Edwards who purchased the swords and the arms of all kinds--if he could prove, by good evidence, that it was he who made the instruments of destruction which were produced on the trial, and others which might now be produced--he thought it would be quite impossible for the House to refuse his motion. He could substantiate all this by evidence--by the evidence of persons whose characters could not be impeached. He could bring forward witnesses, who had lived four, five, and six years with their employers, from whom they had received the best of characters. They stated, that Edwards had called on them at different times, and had endeavoured to seduce them: that he had drawn them into public-houses--that he had made purchases of arms--and that he had sent arms to their houses, they not knowing from whom those arms came, until subsequent evidence made them acquainted with the fact.

“He had traced this man during a period of five years, although his motion was confined to two. Some years ago he was living at Windsor, and some favour was shown to him by persons about the Castle. He was employed as a modeller in plaster-of-Paris[5]. Sometimes he was in deep adversity, at other times his circumstances were better. At one period he was walking about the streets selling his busts, without shoes or stockings; and all at once he became comparatively rich. To account for this, he stated that he was the relation of a German count, from whom he had received some money; in obtaining which, he said, he was assisted by Lord Castlereagh. This circumstance was sufficient to excite suspicion in any rational mind.

“He would also prove that Edwards had been long connected with the police-officers. This was a point which certainly must be considered as very important. He pledged himself to show that Edwards was in connexion with a police-officer who was the intimate friend of Castles, and by whom Castles was employed to entice individuals to assist in the liberation of French officers, those individuals being immediately afterwards seized, for the purpose of procuring the reward. If he traced deeds of this description to Edwards, he contended that the committee ought to be granted. All this, doubtless, would be denied; but he was prepared to prove it, and was determined to do his duty. He had sought out the history of this man, as, on a former occasion, he investigated and exposed the conduct of three individuals who stood in a similar situation, and who, for the purpose of receiving the reward, were inciting men to the commission of crimes.

“When, at last, he brought the villany of this atrocious traitor (he could not denominate him a man) before the House--when he traced him, forming his plots--meeting individuals at an appointed place, for the purpose of carrying his schemes into execution--telling them, if they were surprised, to proceed to Lord Harrowby’s--employing himself in making those arms which were produced on the trial--and, above all, when he proved that Edwards had brought Thistlewood to the lodging at Davis’s house--that he had hired that lodging for him--that he did not cause his apprehension the night of the discovery, but that he caused his arrest the next morning, having waited until the _Gazette_, offering a reward of 1,000_l._, was published;--when he proved all this, could they refuse a full and fair enquiry? He could incontestibly show, that Edwards told the persons engaged in the conspiracy, in case they were disturbed, to follow him to Grosvenor-square; that he accompanied a part of them on their way towards Cato-street to Holborn; that he quarrelled with one of the persons who declined going further; that when the discovery was made, he informed Mrs. Thistlewood where her husband was; that he went the next morning to Harris’s, and desired him to keep Thistlewood all day, and that he would be removed at night; and finally, that he brought the officers to seize him.

“He could further show that Edwards had taken lodgings, under the assumed name of Walls, in Pimlico. He referred the owner of the house to a porter, at Buckingham-gate, for his character, who told him, ‘This is Mr. Walls, of Windsor.’ He remained at these lodgings for a considerable time with a police-officer.

“He would now proceed to the depositions:

“A person named Pickard[6], a weaver, working for his father, deposed that he had casually met with Edwards at a public-house. Edwards called him by name, though he did not recollect having seen him before. Edwards told him “It was time the b--y thieves _was_ destroyed. A number of persons, say six (he continued), might get admission into the gallery of the House of Commons, provided with tin cases, painted to represent books, and filled with pistol-barrels. One of these, provided with hemp, as a fuse, might be thrown into the House, when the members were engaged in debate.” Deponent farther said, that Edwards gave him a small steel instrument, to fix to a walking-stick. He also stated that Edwards was constantly going after him.

“Another individual, William Coudry, stated, that he attended several meetings when Edwards was present, and was informed by him, on one occasion, that a cabinet dinner was to be given at Lord Westmoreland’s, at which Lord Castlereagh would be present. Edwards said, ‘the b----y Irish butcher must be made away with.’ Coudry stated also that he had often seen Edwards afterwards preparing destructive instruments.

“A person named Seymour stated, that he knew Edwards four or five years, having met him some time ago, and he proposed that deponent should go to a meeting in Smithfield. He replied to Edwards, that he would not go, for that he was not inclined to join in those bad pranks. Edwards afterwards told this man that the meeting had not turned out to their expectation. This was a man of considerable respectability. Another man had seen Edwards at a coffee-house, in June, and was told by him that the only means was, to destroy his majesty’s ministers, by throwing hand-grenades into their carriages. Another individual was called on by Edwards on the 19th of August, three days after the dispersion of the meeting. Edwards stated to him, that Manchester was on fire, that the New Bailey was taken, and that Hunt was killed, and added, ‘Come out immediately, all are ready; we have nothing to do but rallying our forces.’ Edwards came again at eight in the evening, and said something so wicked, that the man would have nothing more to do with him.

“Edwards called on another man at his mechanical business, and asked if the men were all reformers. After coming several times he saw a sword hung up in the place, and said he would be very much obliged to him for it. The individual gave it. Edwards said, ‘you have more?’ He replied that he had not. Edwards said such swords were very cheap, and they could get them as cheap as the government. The man gave him no more, but soon afterwards a bundle was brought to him containing twenty-four swords and some pikes, and Edwards carried away a number of them under his coat, and sent for others. He said to this individual, ‘Pray come and see what we are about.’ He went, and saw Edwards in a flannel jacket, surrounded with combustibles; he saw him making cartridges and hand-grenades, and arranging all the implements of destruction. The man, who had formerly been at sea, would stay no longer.

“A man of the name of Chambers[7] was visited by Edwards, and was desired to permit him to leave there some arms. Edwards said that all was ready. He offered money to two Irishmen who came in, and brought them to a public-house, where he treated them with some drink. Mary Barker, daughter of one of the unfortunate men, stated that the hand-grenades and other things found in her father’s (Tidd’s) house, were entirely brought in the night before by Edwards.[8]