Chapter XVII

., "The Story of Palamedes."

The _Cypria_ now relates _the First gathering of the Greek forces at Aulis_, with the story from the _Iliad_ of the serpent and the sparrows, and the prophecy of Calchas. The ships, says the _Iliad_, "had been gathering but a day or two at Aulis," and the host was at a sacrifice, when a wonderful serpent came forth from the altar and killed eight nestlings of a sparrow, with their mother. Zeus then turned the serpent into a stone. Calchas prophesied, "we shall fight nine years _there_ (_αῢθι_, at Troy), but take the city in the tenth year."[20]

Such was Homer's opinion, the Greeks were warring in Troyland against Ilios for nine years and more. But the author of the _Cypria_ desired to fill up the nine years before the _Iliad_ opens in some way, and this is how he did it. (Italics mark possible hints from Homer.) _Learning from the Odyssey_ (xi. 519-521) _that Eurypylus, a Mysian chief, son of Telephus, came to the aid of Troy after the death of Achilles_, he makes the Achaeans land in Teuthrania, and supposing the town to be Troy, they attack it. But Telephus comes to the rescue, and is wounded by Achilles. A storm falls on the fleet, and the ships are scattered. _Achilles arrives in Scyros and weds Deidameia_. The storm that sends Achilles to marry and beget a son in Scyros was an easy explanation of _Achilles' own statement_,[21] that he had a son at Scyros.[22]

In the _Cypria_, Achilles later returns from Scyros to Argos, apparently "Pelasgic Argos," that is, Phthia, to his home. The wounded Telephus, as advised by prophecy, follows Achilles thither, and Achilles' spear, or rust from the spear, in Dictys, heals the wound it had inflicted: by "sympathetic magic," unknown to Homer. Achilles did the healing, because it was prophesied that Telephus would pilot the fleet to Troy; whereas, in Homer, Calchas directs the voyage.

The author of the _Cypria_, who is filling up his nine imaginary years of the wanderings of the Greeks, now adopts the very stupid device of mustering the scattered fleet at Aulis _for the second time_. This enables him to please an Ionian audience by introducing their favourite incident, the sacrifice of a princess: Attic traditions harp eternally on this un-Homeric horror. Agamemnon shoots a stag, and boasts himself a better shot than Artemis. The angry goddess sends a tempest unceasing, the ships cannot sail, and Calchas (who dared not do such a thing, _Iliad_, i. 78, 79) says that a daughter of Agamemnon must be sacrificed, Iphigeneia. This name was, at least in later days, a name of the homicidal Artemis of Tauris, on the north shore of the Euxine. But Tauris, as Mr. Monro justly observes, was not known to Homer. In the _Cypria_, Artemis substitutes a fawn for Iphigeneia, and carries the maid "to the Tauroi," making her immortal. "This form of the story," the form in the _Cypria_, "is necessarily later than the Greek settlements on the northern coasts of the Euxine."[23] The connection between Iphigeneia and a Tauric Artemis is thus late, un-Homeric, and Ionian. Homer (_Iliad_, ix. 145) knows no Iphigeneia, but the daughters of Agamemnon are Chrysothemis, Laodice, and Iphianassa. Even so early a poet as Stesichorus could not account for Iphigeneia as a daughter of Agamemnon. He therefore, says Pausanias, made her a foster-child of Clytaemnestra, a child of Helen by Theseus (who, in Attic myth, captured her), and Helen hands her baby over to the wife of Agamemnon. Euphorion of Chalcis, Alexander of Pleuron, and the people of Argos generally, maintained this theory, and at Argos they showed a temple of Ilithyia, founded by Helen after her safe delivery![24] Tzetzes, the father of nonsense, makes Iphigeneia the daughter of Agamemnon and Chryseis; she is sacrificed, or threatened with sacrifice, during the return from Troy.

However, the Ionian author of the _Cypria_ cannot deny himself an allusion to human sacrifice. Iphigeneia was brought to Aulis, he says, under the pretence that she was to wed Achilles. (See Euripides, _Iphigeneia in Aulis_. He may be following the _Cypria_.) She was tempted by letters forged by Odysseus, says Dictys Cretensis, who may be following the _Cypria_.

The Greeks, the storm abating, sail to Tenedos, where _Philoctetes is bitten by a snake and carried away to howl in Lemnos_. This might be taken from _Iliad_, ii. 718-725. _At Troy on landing, the Greeks lose Protesilaus,_ slain by Hector. Here again the _Iliad_ may supply the fact, not naming Hector. The author of the _Cypria_ has now, we see, filled up his empty nine years by various expedients and delays. He next tells of the embassy to ask for the return of Helen and the stolen property; the embassy he could get from _Iliad_, iii. 204-207: _a subsequent fight at the wall of Troy_ from _Iliad_, vi. 435-439, where it is described briefly by Andromache.

At what precise period the Greek commissariat took the form of three girls with fairy gifts, who produced corn, wine, and oil, is uncertain; but the incident was in the _Cypria_, on the authority of Pherecydes.[25]

The _Cypria_ says that Aphrodite contrived an interview between Helen and Achilles, Thetis was chaperon, and that Achilles restrained the Greeks, who wished to go home. _That Achilles sacked Lyrnessus and Pedasus, and sent Lykaon captive to Lemnos_, was to be read in the _Iliad_ (xx. 92, xxi. 55 ff.), where also the story of Briseis and Chryseis, given in the _Cypria_, was to be found. But not in the _Iliad_ was Palamedes, with his murder by Odysseus and Diomede, whence, in the _Cypria_, came the will of Zeus to sunder Achilles from the Achaean host.[26]

We now perceive how much of his material the Ionian author of the _Cypria_ could obtain from out Homer. We note the marks of non-Achaeanism and lateness, and of Ionian geographical knowledge, in the reference to Tauris; in the Attic Nemesis; in the per-sonifications of moral qualities; in the intended human sacrifice; in the _Märchen_; in the telling of the tale of Theseus and Ariadne; in the hero-worship; and in the introduction of the Nauplian anti--Odyssean Palamedes. The lateness of the poem declares itself also in the naming of the Peloponnesus. The use of very childish _Märchen_ is un-Homeric: Homer uses _Märchen_ to better purpose. (See "Homer and the Saga.")

* * * * *

Perhaps few who have had the patience to read through this tedious analysis of the vast and wandering metrical pseudo-chronicle, the _Cypria_, with its marks of bad taste, Ionicism, and lateness, will maintain that, in character, it is on a level with our Homer, or is in age contemporary with his society.

Weary as is the task, we must in conscience expose the similar lateness and Ionic character of the other Cyclic poems on the Trojan affairs.

The authorship of the _Aethiopis_ was attributed to Arctinus of Miletus. Tradition called him "Homer's pupil."[27] As condensed in the summary of Proclus, the _Aethiopis_ was a mere _doppelgänger_ of the _Iliad_. Taking up the tale after Hector's death, and under the shadow of Hector's prophecy of the doom of Achilles, "in the day when Paris and Phoebus Apollo slay thee in the Scaean gate,"[28] the _Aethiopis_ fills out the story.

The Amazon, Penthesilea, comes to aid Troy, and is slain by Achilles, who is stirred by pity for the beauty of his victim. For this Thersites taunts him, and he slays the wretch: so he needs purification, _in accordance with Ionian ideas_.

The _Aethiopis_ went on to mark the usual distinction between the Homeric and Ionian epic. Diomede took up the blood-feud for Thersites, and, in Homeric law, Achilles must have paid the blood-wyte, or gone into exile, or "tholed the feud." Even the Scholiast[29] knew that this was the Homeric (as it was the Icelandic) law. But the Ionian makes Achilles sail to Lesbos, to sacrifice to Apollo, Artemis, and Leto, and be purified (in pig's blood probably) by Odysseus.

Thus the Ionian makes us certain that he was of an un-Homeric state of society. He dates himself in similar fashion, when he makes Memnon (who, as in the _Odyssey_, slays Antilochus) receive after death the gift of immortality; and when he makes Thetis carry the body of Achilles (burned in the _Odyssey_) to be the worshipped hero of the isle of Leuke in the Euxine. There, when Ionian colonists reached the Euxine, Achilles became a ruling religious hero, recognised by Alcaeus (Fr. 49). "The Locrians in Italy," according to Pausanias, had a cult of Aias, whose armed ghost wounded Leonymus of Croton in battle. (In post-Homeric Greece the ghosts of heroes appeared in mortal wars, as St. James fought for Cortes against the Aztecs. Homer could conceive no such folly.) The Delphic oracle dispatched Leonymus to Leuke, where he found Achilles happily married to Helen, who sent by Leonymus a message to the poet Stesichorus, that had libelled her. Patroclus and Antilochus were with Achilles in Leukê, etc. etc.[30]

If the _Aethiopis_ is earlier than these Ionian colonies, if Leuke in fable meant "the isle of light," then the colonists identified the Euxine isle with the isle of light, and so worshipped the dead Achilles of Leuke. The Ionian trading cities, of which Miletus was chief, had begun to adopt the new religious ideas that grew up, after the Homeric age, in honour of the national heroes.[31] It is more probable that the Ionians had never dropped the rites and religions of the conquered races, and merely added Achilles to Erechtheus. They had no spite against Achilles, who had never, like Agamemnon and Diomede, been their master.

For the rest, the story of the _Aethiopis_ is conducted on the lines of the _Iliad_, as far as the events included in the poems, ending with the death of Achilles in the Scaean gate, permit imitation; and all concludes with a lament or _regret_, a funeral, and funeral games, as in the _Iliad_.

The _Little Iliad_ contains several main incidents, of which seven were, or may have been, expansions of hints in the _Odyssey_ and _Iliad_. The additions are the theft of the Palladium, a kind of fetich ignored by Homer; the magical power of the arrows of Philoctetes over the fate of Troy; the introduction of Sinon, as followed by Virgil in the _Aeneid_; and a long story about Aethra, mother of Theseus and slave of Helen in Troy, and about her grandsons, sons of Theseus, whose presence in the Achaean host is unknown to Homer. In _Iliad_, iii. 144, Helen has, in an interpolated line, an attendant, "Aethra, daughter of Pittheus." This was enough for the Ionian poets; for, as Aethra was the name of the mother of Theseus, "naturally the later poets took advantage of it in order to find a place for the Attic heroes in the main body of epic narrative."[32]

Mr. Leaf makes _Iliad_, iii. 144, "a clear case of an interpolation of a later myth," a myth introduced here to please the Athenians. Aethra and the rape of Helen by Theseus, to avenge which the brothers of Helen carried the mother of Theseus away, were depicted and described on the chest of Cypselus,[33] and painted by Polygnotus, following the _Little Iliad_ of Lesches, on the _Leschê_ at Delphi. But here Aethra was with the Homeric maids of Helen (Panthalis and Electra), but was being recognised by her un-Homeric grandson, son of Theseus, Demophon. According to the _Little Iliad_, Aethra escaped to the Greek camp: by permission of Helen, Agamemnon restores Aethra to her grandsons.[34]

Ionia could only drag fair Helen into the Athenian legend of Theseus by averring that he carried her off when she was a child, and that she was brought back to the house of Tyndareus her sire by her brothers, Castor and Polydeuces. They also seized Aethra, the mother of Theseus, who accompanied Paris and Helen to Troy, and was still in Helen's service after the ten years of the leaguer. Now as Theseus in his prime was contemporary with the youth of Nestor, and as Nestor was, say, seventy in the tenth year of the war, the mother of Theseus must have been more than a centenarian when she was the _suivante_ of Helen, in _Iliad_, Book iii. But Ionians stuck at nothing in the effort to bring themselves into touch with the great Achaean enterprise; that is, stuck at nothing except at interpolating their fables into the _Iliad_. They could perhaps insert, as in _Iliad_, iii. 144, a mention or two of Theseus, and some lines on Attic heroines in _Odyssey_, xi.

There can be no more conclusive proof that Ionians did not possess the power of adding what they pleased to the Achaean epics.

The _Ilion Persis_, or _Sack of Troy_, was a poem attributed, like the _Aethiopis_, to Arctinus of Miletus. Herein occurs the affair of the Wooden Horse, familiar to readers of the _Odyssey_ in the lay of Demodocus at the board of Alcinous.[35] Demodocus tells enough to serve Arctinus with a theme which only needs expansion. The story was given much as Virgil and Quintus Smyrnaeus render it; we have the portent of Laocoon and the serpents, which causes Aeneas and his men (not as in Virgil) to retire to Mount Ida. In the song of Demodocus, Odysseus gets most of the credit of success; the hero in _Odyssey_, xi. 504-537, gives the glory to Neoptolemus--and himself. In Arctinus, Odysseus murders the child of Hector, Astyanax (an un-Homeric cruelty); Odysseus is always degraded by the Ionians and usually by the Attic tragedians. Aias Oileus's son enrages Athene by dragging down her image while struggling with Cassandra; hence the sorrows of the Achaeans on their way home. The sons of Theseus carry to Athens their aged grandmother, Aethra. Could anything be more characteristic of the Athenians than the fact that the heroes looking out from the Horse, in a bronze group on the Acropolis, were Attic, the two apocryphal sons of Theseus, the Athenian Menestheus, and Teucer, "who expresses the Athenian claim to Salamis"?[36]

By a truly Ionian touch, Polyxena, daughter of Priam, is sacrificed at the tomb of Achilles. It seems probable that the _Iliou Persis_ really took up the story with the suicide of Aias (from this part of the poem a fragment is quoted in the scholia to _Iliad_, xi. 515),[37] and that the poem contained the whole prowess of Neoptolemus at Troy, and the affair of the bringing back of Philoctetes from Lemnos. The prominence of Aeneas expands the hint in _Iliad_, xx. 307, 308, the prophecy of Poseidon that he and his children will long rule over the Trojans. Throughout the _Iliad_, Aeneas is protected by Aphrodite, and is looked on jealously by Priam, as a Stewart might look on a Hamilton; for, failing issue of Priam, Aeneas succeeds to the Trojan crown. The whole poem, wherever Aeneas appears, is affected by the tradition that he did continue the Trojan line.

The sacrifice of Polyxena at the tomb of Achilles appears to be peculiar to Arctinus. It would be interesting to know whether or not any Ionian poem was the source of the story of Polyxena as given by Dictys Cretensis. In Dictys, Patroclus moves Achilles to be reconciled to Agamemnon: the army goes into winter quarters, and Trojans and Achaeans meet on friendly terms in the grove of Thymbraean Apollo; Achilles sees Polyxena at a sacrifice, and falls in love with her. Hector offers her as the price of his treason to the Achaeans, which annoys Achilles. At Polyxena's request he later restores the body of Hector to Priam. At a subsequent meeting in Apollo's temple, Paris stabs Achilles to death. After the capture of Troy, Odysseus advises the sacrifice of Polyxena to the ghost of Achilles, but Euripides and later writers make the ghost or voice of Achilles demand her death. In other respects, as to the fate of the Trojan ladies, Dictys follows Arctinus.

All this tale deeply affected the mediaeval tale of Troy. Meanwhile, we do not know _why_ in Arctinus, Polyxena was chosen as the _γέρας_, or honourable gift, of the dead Achilles. The idea may only have been that, while surviving leaders received each a damsel, the spirit of the great chief should not be deprived of its reward. No idea can be less Achaean, less Homeric, but it is congenial to the Ionian spirit.

The fact of the sacrifice would easily suggest, to still later writers, that in his life days Achilles loved Polyxena, and was loved by her; for Philostratus and Tzetzes aver that heart-broken by the murder of Achilles, she slew herself above his tomb.

Thus we see how, in the Ionian epics, and onwards through Stesichorus, the tragedians, the Roman poets, Dictys, and the mediaeval makers, the poetic consciousness played freely round the Homeric data, colouring them with the rainbow hues of changing beliefs and changing tastes. There is at least as wide a gulf between the tastes and ideas of Homer, on one side, and of the Ionians on the other, as between Arctinus, on one hand, and Benoit de Troyes and Boccaccio, on the other.

That the Ionian ideas, tastes, rites, and legends, as of Theseus and Palamedes, never were intruded into the _Iliad_ and _Odyssey_, considering that for so long Homer was "taught, recited, imitated in Ionia,"[38] is an undeniable and amazing fact. How were Ionian hands restrained from touching the substance of the Achaean epics? This is, in the strict sense, a paradox, but the facts are undeniable: the epics were never Ionised. Homer was falsely claimed by Athens as an Ionian poet. Is there some basis of truth in the idea that the Aeolian Homeridae of Chios guarded their own?[39]

I have now given my view of the Cyclic poems as late, post-Homeric, and Ionian in (i) geographical knowledge; (2) in hero-worship; (3) in rites of human sacrifice and purification; (4) in the mania for inventing genealogies, as of Thersites, basest born of the host; (5) in partisan attacks on great Achaeans; (6) in silly _Märchen_; (7) in efforts to introduce representatives of Athens, the grandsons of Theseus, into the war; (8) the Attic goddess, Nemesis.

Of these eight proofs of lateness and Ionicism, Mr. Murray takes no notice: on the whole, he thinks our Homer later than some state of the lost Epics. He supposes parts of the _Iliad_ to be borrowed from these Epics. "We happen to know that there was an old chronicle poem which both contained a catalogue of the ships and also narrated at length the assembling of the fleet at Aulis--the so-called _Cypria_ or Cyprian verses."[40] This piece of information may be correct, I know not; but no authority is cited for the statement that the _Cypria_ contained a catalogue of the ships, and no such authority is known to me.[41] Von Wilamowitz--Moellendorff _conjectures_ that the _Cypria_ contained a catalogue of the Achaeans, but that is not evidence.

In support of his theory that our _Iliad_ is "in a further state of development" than some poetic chronicles, Mr. Murray writes that passages in the _Iliad_ "seem to be derived from the _Cypria_, the _Little Iliad_, and the _Sack of Ilion_, the so-called _Acthiopis_.... These, then, are all pieces of supposed history taken over from one traditional poem into another."[42]

This appears to mean that the poems named were complete before the _Iliad_ was complete, though all of them "were growing side by side for centuries." Indeed, Mr. Murray might seem to change his ground in a later statement of his opinions. In _The Rise of the Greek Epic_ we hear of borrowings by the _Iliad_ from several Cyclic poems made in Asia, and from the "Eumelian" verses in Europe. (For "Eumelus," see "Homer and the Saga.") Of borrowings by the Cyclics and "Eumelus" from the _Iliad_ we do not hear. On the other hand, in _Anthropology and the Classics_ (lectures by various students), Mr. Murray writes, "the extant remains of the non-Homeric poems frequently show in their form, and sometimes even in their content, definite signs of presupposing the _Iliad_, just as the _Iliad_ here and there shows signs of presupposing them...."[43] But, _R. G. E_. p. 160, meets the charge of changed views.

If the _Cypria_ be earlier than the _Iliad_, yet presupposes the _Iliad_ (about Palamedes it does not), I presume it may also borrow from the _Iliad_; whereas, previously, the _Iliad_ was mainly credited with the borrowings from the Cyclics. Perhaps we are intended to understand that "had we seen these poems before they were made," we would find that they all borrowed from each other. My mind is not metaphysical enough to conceive what the poems were "before they were made." To me it seems that they must, before they were made, have been mere masses of materials, traditions, legends, lays of unknown extent, and _Märchen_ that had no original connection with definite places and persons. There was no _Cypria_, no _Iliad_, no _Little Iliad_, no _Aethiopis_ before these poems were made. We should not, I think, speak of any unmade poem in the making as borrowing matter from another poem which, by our theory, is also still unmade.

We can only speak of the poets as selecting, each for himself, from the same mass of materials. If we conceive one poem to have been made before another, then the author or authors of that other may borrow from the earlier work. Thus, when the _Cypria_ or other Cyclic poems coincide in topic with the _Iliad_ and _Odyssey_, that may be (1) because the authors work out hints given in these finished poems; or (2) the authors may have had recourse to the same "masses of tradition" as were open to the author of the _Iliad_. But the Cyclic poets do not often appear to know Achaean traditions, of the Trojan affair outside of our Homer. We have shown that Palamedes was not originally an Achaean of the Achaeans, but a culture hero. The legend of Telephus, with its sympathetic magic, is wholly un-Achaean; so is Iphigeneia; so are the sons of Theseus; so is the Attic Nemesis.

As we shall show in an Appendix, Mr. Murray accounts for the non-Achaean elements so conspicuous in the Cyclic poems, by the theory that they once also appeared in the lays whence our _Iliad_ arose, but were expurgated by the clear Hellenic spirit of Greece in the sixth century, because these lays alone were recited at Panionian and Panathenaean festivals. Our own conclusion is that the Muses befriended Homer when they permitted the fragments of the Cyclic poems to escape the tooth of time. For these fragments suffice to prove that the Ionian poets could take up an Achaean theme, but in a score of ways, in their epics, betrayed themselves as non-Achaean.

Their poems are not sections cut out of an Achaean mass of lays, and our Homer is not a similar section, is not Cyclic. It has now been proved, I think, that in no point or trait of life, religion, legends, armour, tactics, rites, taste, poetic method, or anything else, is Homer affected by Ionian influences. The _Iliad_, and mainly the _Odyssey_, are entirely distinct in all their contents from Ionian work. They are much older, and are the fruit of the brief-lived flower of Achaean culture.[44]

[1] In English the best critical treatises are _Homer and the Cyclic Poems_, by the late Mr. Binning Monro in his _Odyssey_, Books xiii.-xxiv. pp. 340-384, with his "On the Fragment of Proclus's Abstract of the Epic Cycle," _Journal of Hellenic Society_, vol. iv. pp. 305-334. The discussion of the whole topic by Mr. T. W. Allen in _The Classical Quarterly_ (1908) leaves no hint of ancient evidence unexplored, however remote and obscure its lurking place. Mr. Allen specially criticises the ingenious inferences of von Wilamowitz Moellendorff in his _Homerische Untersuchungen_, inferences which appear to be accepted by Mr. Murray in his _Rise of the Greek Epic_, and his lecture, "Anthropology in the Greek Epic Tradition outside of Homer," in _Anthropology and the Classics_, 1908.

[2] Kinkel, _Epicorum Graecorum Fragmenta_, 1898.

[3] _J. H. S._, vol. iv p. 305.

[4] _Odyssey_, vol. ii pp. 352-354.

[5] Farnell, _Cults of the Greek States_, vol. ii pp. 488-493. Mr. Monro seems to have been unaware of these facts. _Odyssey_, vol. ii p. 354.

[6] Odyssey, vol. ii. p. 350.

[7] _Companion to the Iliad_, p. 46.

[8] _Homerische Untersuchungen_, pp. 374, 375. On Wilamowitz-Moellendorff's opinion that the Cyclics were lost before the time of Pausanias, see Mr. Allen, _Classical Quarterly_, January, April, 1908. The _Iliad, as it stands_, appears to be regarded as later and more artistic than the rest.

[9] Aristotle, _Poetics_, ch. xxiv.

[10] _R. G. E._ p. 165.

[11] _Ibid._ p. 165.

[12] _Ibid._ p. 163.

[13] The seven Greek verses to this effect are preserved by the Venice Scholiast on _Iliad_, i. 5, 6. The words Διὸς δ'ἐτελείετο βουλή are also in _Iliad_, i. 5, whether the author of the _Cypria_ borrowed them, or whether they were an old epic formula.

[14] Schol. Ven., _Iliad_, i, 5, 6.

[15] _R. G. E._ pp. 80-88.

[16] Pausanias, i. 33.

[17] _Bekk. Anecdot_. p. 282. 32. Pausanias, i. 33. 2.

[18] Pausanias, vii. 5. 3. See Farnell, _Cults of Greek States_, vol. ii. pp. 487-495. 594. 595.

[19] Kinkel, _Ep. Graec. Frag_. p. 25 9.

[20] _Iliad_, ii. 326-329.

[21] xix. 326, 327.

[22] The common tale that Achilles was sent to Scyros to avoid the war, in girl's dress; that he there begat Neoptolemus, and was then unmasked by Odysseus, was in contradiction with _Iliad_, xi. 766-785, where Nestor tells how he summoned Achilles at the house of Peleus, his father.

[23] Monro, _Odyssey_, vol. ii. p. 352.

[24] Pausanias, ii. 22.

[25] Kinkel, p. 29.

[26] See "The Story of Palamedes."

[27] Welcker, _Das Ep. Kyk._, vol. i. pp. 211, 212.

[28] _Iliad_, xx ii. 358-360.

[29] _Iliad_, xi. 690.

[30] Pausanias, iii. 19.

[31] Monro, _Odyssey_, vol. ii. p. 361.

[32] Monro, _Odyssey_, vol. ii. p. 370.

[33] Pausanias, v. 19.

[34] Pausanias, x. 25.

[35] _Odyssey_, viii. 492-520.

[36] Pausanias, 1. 23. 10.

[37] Monro, _Odyssey_, vol. ii. pp. 372, 373.

[38] Monro, _Odyssey_, vol. ii. p. 476.

[39] Cf. Monro, _Odyssey_, vol. ii. pp. 398-402. He is sceptical, as is Mr. Leaf, _Iliad_, vol. i. pp. xviii, xix. But see Mr. Allen in _Classical Quarterly_, i. 135 ff.

[40] _R. G. E_. p. 164.

[41] Mr. Leaf writes _(Iliad_, vol. i. p. 86): "The conclusion is that the Catalogue" (of _Iliad_, ii.) "originally formed an introduction to the whole Cycle, and was composed for that part of it which, as worked up into a separate poem, was called the _Kypria_, and related the beginning of the Tale of Troy, and the mustering of the ships at Aulis." I do not quite know what Mr. Leaf means; but the evidence is that the _Cypria_ contained "a _Catalogue of the allies of the Trojans_" (Kinkel, p. 20). Nothing is said of its containing a Catalogue of the Achaeans. Mr. Monro _(Odyssey_, vol. ii. p. 351) justly remarks that the _Trojan_ Catalogue in the _Cypria_ was intended to supplement the short Catalogue of the allies of Troy given in the _Iliad_: "Such an enlarged roll would be the natural fruit of increased acquaintance" (on the part of Greek settlers in Asia) "with the non-Hellenic races of Asia Minor."

[42] _R. G. E_. p. 165.

[43] _ Anthropology and the Classics_, 1908, p. 67.

[44] See Appendix, "Homeric Epics, Lost Epics, and 'Traditional Books.'"

##