Part 9

And as it is a common land or unused, and undressed country, so we have it by common consent, composition and agreement, which agreement is double. First, the imperial governor Massasoit, whose circuits in likelihood are larger than England and Scotland, hath acknowledged the King’s Majesty of England to be his master and commander, and that once in my hearing, yea, and in writing, under his hand to Captain Standish, both he and many other kings which are under him, as Paomet, Nauset, Cummaquid, Narraganset, Nemasket, etc., with divers others that dwell about the bays of Patuxet and Massachusetts. Neither hath this been accomplished by threats and blows, or shaking of sword and sound of trumpet, for as our faculty that way is small, and our strength less, so our warring with them is after another manner, namely by friendly usage, love, peace, honest and just carriages, good counsel, etc., that so we and they may not only live in peace in that land, [Sidenote: Pss. 110:3, & 48:3.] and they yield subjection to an earthly prince, but that as voluntaries they may be persuaded at length to embrace the Prince of Peace, Christ Jesus, and rest in peace with him forever.

Secondly, this composition is also more particular and applicatory, as touching ourselves there inhabiting: the emperor, by a joint consent, hath promised and appointed us to live at peace where we will in all his dominions, taking what place we will, and as much land as we will, and bringing as many people as we will, and that for these two causes. First, because we are the servants of James, King of England, whose the land (as he confesseth) is; second, because he hath found us just, honest, kind and peaceable, and so loves our company; yea, and that in these things there is no dissimulation on his part, nor fear of breach (except our security engender in them some unthought of treachery, or our uncivility provoke them to anger) is most plain in other relations,[124] which show that the things they did were more out of love than out of fear.

It being then, first, a vast and empty chaos; secondly, acknowledged the right of our sovereign king; thirdly, by a peaceable composition in part possessed of divers of his loving subjects, I see not who can doubt or call in question the lawfulness of inhabiting or dwelling there, but that it may be as lawful for such as are not tied upon some special occasion here, to live there as well as here. Yea, and as the enterprise is weighty and difficult, so the honor is more worthy, to plant a rude wilderness, to enlarge the honor and fame of our dread sovereign, but chiefly to display the efficacy and power of the Gospel, both in zealous preaching, professing, and wise walking under it, before the faces of these poor blind infidels.

As for such as object the tediousness of the voyage thither, the danger of pirates’ robbery, of the savages’ treachery, etc., these are but lions in the way, [Sidenote: Prov. 22:13.] and it were well for such men if they were in heaven, for who can show them a place in this world where iniquity shall not [Sidenote: Ps. 49:5.] compass them at the heels, and where they shall have a day without grief, or a lease of life for a moment; [Sidenote: Matt. 6:34.] and who can tell, but God, what dangers may lie at our doors, even in our native country, or what plots may be abroad, or when God will cause our sun to go down at noon-days, and in the midst of our peace and security, lay upon us [Sidenote: Amos 8:9.] some lasting scourge for our so long neglect and contempt of his most glorious Gospel?

[Sidenote: Ob.]

But we have here great peace, plenty of the Gospel, and many sweet delights, and variety of comforts.

[Sidenote: Answ.]

True indeed, and far be it from us to deny and diminish the least of these mercies, but have we rendered unto God thankful obedience for this long peace, whilst other peoples have been at wars? [Sidenote: II Chron. 32:25.] Have we not rather murmured, repined, and fallen at wars amongst ourselves, whilst our peace hath lasted with foreign power? Was there ever more suits in law, more envy, contempt and reproach than nowadays? Abraham and Lot departed asunder [Sidenote: Gen. 13:9, 10.] when there fell a breach betwixt them, which was occasioned by the straitness of the land; and surely, I am persuaded that howsoever the frailties of men are principal in all contentions, yet the straitness of the place is such as each man is fain to pluck his means, as it were, out of his neighbor’s throat; there is such pressing and oppressing in town and country, about farms, trades, traffic, etc., so as a man can hardly any where set up a trade but he shall pull down two of his neighbors.

The towns abound with young tradesmen, and the hospitals are full of the ancient; the country is replenished with new farmers, and the almshouses are filled with old laborers; many there are who get their living with bearing burdens, but more are fain to burden the land with their whole bodies. Multitudes get their means of life by prating, and so do numbers more by begging. Neither come these straits upon men always through intemperance, ill husbandry, indiscretion, etc., as some think, but even the most wise, sober, and discreet men go often to the wall, when they have done their best, wherein, as God’s providence swayeth all, so it is easy to see that the straitness of the place, having in it so many strait hearts, cannot but produce such effects more and more, so as every indifferent minded man should be ready to say with father Abraham, “Take thou the right hand, and I will take the left.” Let us not thus oppress, straiten, and afflict one another, but seeing there is a spacious land, the way to which is through the sea, we will end this difference in a day.

That I speak nothing about the bitter contention that hath been about religion, by writing, disputing, and inveighing earnestly one against another, the heat of which zeal, if it were turned against the rude barbarism of the heathens, it might do more good in a day than it hath done here in many years. Neither of the little love to the Gospel, and profit which is made by the preachers in most places, which might easily drive the zealous to the heathens who, no doubt, if they had but a drop of that knowledge which here flieth about the streets, would be filled with exceeding great joy and gladness, as that they would even pluck the kingdom of heaven by violence, and take it as it were, by force.

[Sidenote: The last let.]

The greatest let[125] that is yet behind is the sweet fellowship of friends, and the satiety of bodily delights.

But can there be two nearer friends almost than Abraham and Lot, or than Paul and Barnabas? And yet, upon as little occasions as we have here, they departed asunder, two of them being patriarchs of the church of old; the other the apostles of the church which is new, and their covenants were such as it seemeth might bind as much as any covenant between men at this day, and yet to avoid greater inconveniences they departed asunder.

Neither must men take so much thought for the flesh, as not to be pleased except they can pamper their bodies with variety of dainties. Nature is content with little, and health is much endangered by mixtures upon the stomach. The delights of the palate do often inflame the vital parts as the tongue setteth afire the whole body. [Sidenote: James 3:6.] Secondly, varieties here are not common to all, but many good men are glad to snap at a crust. The rent-taker lives on sweet morsels, but the rent-payer eats a dry crust often with watery eyes, and it is nothing to say what some one of a hundred hath, but what the bulk, body and commonalty hath, which I warrant you is short enough.

And they also which now live so sweetly, hardly will their children attain to that privilege, but some circumventor or other will outstrip them, and make them sit in the dust, to which men are brought in one age, but cannot get out of it again in seven generations.

To conclude, without all partiality, the present consumption which groweth upon us here, whilst the land groaneth under so many close-fisted and unmerciful men, being compared with the easiness, plainness and plentifulness in living in those remote places, may quickly persuade any man to a liking of this course, and to practise a removal, which being done by honest, godly and industrious men, they shall there be right heartily welcome, but for other of dissolute and profane life, their rooms are better than their companies. For if here, where the Gospel hath been so long and plentifully taught, they are yet frequent in such vices as the heathen would shame to speak of, what will they be when there is less restraint in word and deed? My only suit to all men is, that whether they live there or here, they would learn to use this world as they used it not, keeping faith and a good conscience, both with God and men, that when the day of account shall come, they may come forth as good and fruitful servants, and freely be received, and enter into the joy of their Master.

R. C.[126]

FINIS

FOOTNOTES

[1]An immense body of literature, both popular and scholarly, has been written on the story of the Pilgrims, and much of it is excellent. One of the most comprehensive accounts is also one of the most enjoyable; George F. Willison’s _Saints and Strangers_ (New York, 1945) combines exhaustive scholarship with style and wit.

[2]In the Biblical sense of “God’s chosen people,” or simply, “members of a Christian church.”

[3]So-called because they were unknown to members of the Leyden congregation, having been enlisted by the sponsors of the expedition.

[4]The Pilgrims originally embarked in two ships at Southampton, 5 August 1620, but because the _Speedwell_ leaked dangerously they put in at Dartmouth for repairs. When they returned to the open sea, they discovered that she still shipped water. Turning to the nearest port, they reluctantly decided to abandon the _Speedwell_ as unseaworthy, and many of the party transferred to the already crowded _Mayflower_, while a few decided to defer their emigration. The successful voyage from Plymouth began 6 September, with their third departure from the homeland.

[5]Thomas Prince, _A Chronological History of New England_ ... (Boston, 1736), vol. I, pt. 2, p. 71, fn. 38.

[6]Although portions of the book have been reprinted frequently, the only other presentation of the full text was a facsimile in an edition limited to 285 copies, prepared by Henry M. Dexter, and entitled _Mourt’s Relation_ (Boston, 1865). It is a heavily annotated volume, and Dexter’s monumental effort has aided a generation of scholars, but his meticulous attention to “faithful reproduction of the original, letter for letter” makes it formidable to any but a dedicated student. The best known and most widely available edition includes annotation and uniform spelling, but is marred by some minor omissions and transpositions: Alexander Young, _Chronicles of the Pilgrim Fathers_ (Boston, 1841), pp. 110-249.

[7]Presumably, the initials of John Peirce. Peirce was a London businessman one of the “merchant adventurers” who had contributed to the _Mayflower’s_ first voyage. It is possible that he underwrote the printing of the book; it is certain that the patent to lands occupied by the Pilgrims—as virtual squatters for almost a year—was finally issued in his name, in trust for the settlers. They were delighted to receive this confirmation of their legal rights, and may have dedicated the book to him in gratitude. Only later did they learn of the many devious ways in which he tried to cheat them.

[8]Acknowledging their indebtedness to Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his partners in the Council for New England, (formerly, the Second Virginia Company, and the Plymouth Company), who exercised legal authority over the area, which had previously been called “Northern Virginia.”

[9]Presumably a misprint for the initials of Robert Cushman. See Introduction.

[10]The writer studiously avoids mentioning the grim fact that more than half of the group who sailed on the _Mayflower_ had already died.

[11]Although they were pioneer settlers in New England, the Pilgrims had not come to unknown territory. This portion of the coast had been sailed by Giovanni de Verrazzano as early as 1524; probably the first Englishman to visit the area was Bartholomew Gosnold in 1602. In 1605, George Waymouth commanded a voyage of exploration and trade, and kipnapped five Indians in Maine, of whom one, Squanto, later befriended the Pilgrims. By 1608, Samuel de Champlain had even charted the _Port du Cap de St. Louis_, which was to become Plymouth Harbor. Capt. John Smith’s map of New England, prepared on a voyage in 1614, already shows the site named “Plimouth.” Apparently two mates (or pilots?) of the _Mayflower_ had sailed the coast previously.

[12]Reasons for assuming that the writer is George Morton have been discussed in the Introduction.

[13]Presumably, the initials of John Robinson, pastor of the Leyden congregation. See Introduction.

[14]Bradford’s _Of Plymouth Plantation_ identifies this as the Hudson River, where the New Netherlands Company had invited the Pilgrims to settle. Ten leagues appears too short a distance from Cape Cod to the Hudson: _ten_ may here be a misprint, or reference may be to the appropriate latitude rather than to the mouth of the river.

[15]Presumably, Provincetown Harbor.

[16]to vomit and have diarrhea

[17]Members of the Leyden congregation were fearful of mutiny and other abuses by some of the many “Strangers” who had joined the group in England. The party had no patent for New England, so that they would have been a people outside the law as soon as they disembarked, and individual license could have posed a real threat.

[18]The following is the earliest known text of the famous “Mayflower Compact”, the original document has never been found. John Quincy Adams overstated the case when he said that “This is perhaps the only instance in human history of that positive social compact which speculative philosophers have imagined as the only legitimate source of government.” As evidenced in the signatures, the distinction between masters and servants remained, and women had no legal voice but were still chattel. Nevertheless, it is an unusual document in which the concept of self-government emerges so sharply during a time when the divine right of kings was assumed. It is clearly modelled on the “covenants” or “combinations” which characterized most Separatist congregations, and is presaged in Rev. Robinson’s farewell letter.

[19]The names of the signers were first printed in Nathaniel Morton’s _New England’s Memorial_ (Cambridge, 1669). In alphabetical order, they are:

John Alden, Isaac Allerton, John Allerton, John Billington, William Bradford, William Brewster, Richard Britteridge, Peter Brown, John Carver, James Chilton, Richard Clark, Francis Cook, John Crackstone, Edward Doten, Francis Eaton, Thomas English, Moses Fletcher, Edward Fuller, Samuel Fuller, Richard Gardiner, John Goodman, Stephen Hopkins, John Howland, Edward Leister, Edmond Margeson, Christopher Martin, William Mullins, Digory Priest, John Ridgedale, Thomas Rogers, George Soule, Miles Standish, Edward Tilley, John Tilley, Thomas Tinker, John Turner, Richard Warren, William White, Thomas Williams, Edward Winslow, Gilbert Winslow.

[20]spade’s

[21]A large longboat which can be rowed, or fitted with a small mast and sails.

[22]An indication of the overcrowded conditions aboard the _Mayflower_ is the fact that some passengers slept in the shallop, which had been partially disassembled for easier storage.

[23]The frequent mention of sassafras is understandable in view of the immense commercial value of that plant in the early seventeenth century; the root and bark were sold as medicines throughout the Old World.

[24]overturned

[25]Cf. note 2, p. 16.

[26]It is little wonder that the Indians later took the Pilgrims to task for having appropriated dried corn from such caches where it had been stored.

[27]Most of their guns were matchlocks.

[28]sapling

[29]artfully; skillfully

[30]A quaint touch of humor.

[31]hafting

[32]More likely, pneumonia.

[33]I.e., corn.

[34]Knowledge of Indian attacks on white settlers in the Spanish colonies and in what is now Virginia had led the Pilgrims to expect ill of them.

[35]I.e., the slow-burning wicks of their matchlock muskets.

[36][of a yard]

[37]a large strong needle used for sewing packages in stout cloth

[38]stakes

[39]simmer; boil

[40]Agawam; now, Ipswich, Massachusetts.

[41]harpoon

[42]swooned

[43]brooks

[44]I.e., 45 inches.

[45]saplings

[46]A kind of flintlock musket.

[47]This defies translation. It is probably less an accurate transcription of specific Algonquian words than an Englishman’s vague approximation of the incomprehensible sounds which seemed threatening to him in such a context.

[48]The landing at Plymouth is reported here as having been almost fortuitous, although some scholars believe that a few of the leaders may long before have planned to settle at that site. Clearly there is nothing here that can be construed as referring to “Plymouth Rock.”

[49]hindered

[50]Presumably a misprint for _skate_.

[51]spade’s

[52]loose friable earth

[53]fertile; rich

[54]aspen

[55]The Pilgrims were in a situation far different from that of later pioneers who settled elsewhere as independent farmers. According to the terms of their stringent contract with the “merchant adventurers,” their primary concern was to produce salable goods (e.g., fish, lumber, furs) for their sponsors. This commitment was to endure seven years, during which the sponsors were to continue their support of the settlers. The English businessmen seem to have taken full advantage of the dependent situation of the Pilgrims who had no other sources of supply nor outlets for their goods.

[56]Clark’s Island, in Plymouth Harbor.

[57]guard-house; i.e., a shelter affording some security against possible attack

[58]mistress of a household, (a title of respect)

[59]I.e., 8¼ by 49½ feet.

[60]The _Mayflower_ was a vessel of 180 tons.

[61]I.e., approximately 600 feet.

[62]hip-bone

[63]Presumably a misprint for _Carver_. There is no other mention of a Leaver in the party.

[64]open

[65]fence-stave

[66]This may refer to mud used for plastering the inner side of clapboard walls, typical of the frame houses which were among the first permanent buildings at Plymouth. During these early months, however, it may conceivably refer to a more fundamental structural feature in temporary huts of wattle-and-daub construction, where mud is the principal material, daubed over a framework of small saplings.

[67]A cannon with 3¼ inch bore, firing a 4 pound shot.

[68]Presumably a misprint for _saker_, a cannon with 4 inch bore, firing a 6 pound shot.

[69]small cannons with 1¼ inch bore, firing ½ pound shot

[70]beef’s

[71]hard; steadily

[72]On first encounter, the Pilgrims were hardly hospitable to Samoset, whose friendly help in many respects was invaluable to them in later years.

[73]Presumably, Monhegan Island, off southeastern Maine.

[74]I.e., 9 inches.

[75]A generic term for liquor.

[76]The fact that bubonic plague had recently decimated a major portion of the indigenous population along the entire coast of New England was interpreted by the Pilgrims as divine intervention, and served as a convenient rationalization for English claims to the land.

[77]I.e., to the Wampanoag village where Massasoit was sachem.

[78]Actually members of a crew led by Capt. Thomas Dermer, on an expedition sponsored by Gorges.

[79]Thomas Hunt, captain of a ship in Capt. John Smith’s company.

[80](in Spain)

[81]leggings

[82]Ireland was little better known than New England in the early seventeenth century, and comparisons between Indians and Irishmen are frequent in the descriptive accounts of English explorers of the period.

[83]clowns

[84]smoked

[85]The adventures of Samoset, Squanto, and other Indians who had been kidnapped and taken to Europe before whites settled in New England are recounted with accuracy and appropriate color by Carolyn T. Foreman, _Indians Abroad_, 1493-1938 (Norman, 1943).

[86]Presumably a misprint for _Williams_. There is no other mention of a Williamson in the early Plymouth sources.

[87]This first American mutual security pact remained inviolate throughout Massasoit’s life. He and his eldest son Wamsutta (named “Alexander” by the English) signed such a treaty in Plymouth in 1639, and it was ratified and confirmed by the colonial government. The peace was broken in 1675, for which most historians blame Wamsutta’s brother and successor, Metacom (“King Philip”).

[88]deep

[89]mulberry

[90]The journey to Pokanoket took place in the summer of 1621. During the preceding three months, which are unreported in this journal, Bradford notes that almost half of the settlers died in the “General Sickness.” None abandoned the enterprise, however, and the _Mayflower_ returned empty to England.

[91]The derivation of this name is not clear. Six different spellings occur even within this book: _Plimoth, and New Plimoth_ (both on the title page!), _Plimouth_, _Plimmouth_, _New Plimmouth_, and _New Plimmouth_. It is true that Plymouth was the town from which the settlers had finally set sail from their native country, “... having been kindly entertained and courteously used by divers friends there dwelling.” Furthermore, the land company which granted their patent had once been called the Plymouth Company. But we need evoke neither sentimentalism nor commercial diplomacy on the part of the Pilgrims to account for the name. In fact, this site was called “Plimouth” on the map which they carried on the _Mayflower_, from Capt. John Smith’s _Description of New England_ (London, 1616); supposedly it was arbitrarily so designated by Prince Charles when Smith showed him a draft of the map.

[92]Now, Middleborough, Massachusetts.

[93]Now, the Mount Hope area of Bristol, Rhode Island.

[94]cultivate; till

[95]admirably

[96]The wife of James I had died more than a year before the Pilgrims sailed from England.

[97]fatigued; bruised

[98]Now, Barnstable, Massachusetts.

[99]Now, Eastham, Massachusetts.

[100]Now, Chatham, Massachusetts.

[101]In early seventeenth-century usage, this could imply anything from disarming to kidnapping, from robbing to killing.

[102]small keg

[103]This passage defies interpretation. “Or Lemes” has no sense in seventeenth-century English or local Indian languages. Most previous editors have assumed this to be a misprint for _our allies_; I am not altogether happy with that interpretation but have nothing better to offer.

[104]Bradford’s _Of Plymouth Plantation_ sets the date of this embarkation as 18 September 1621.

[105]I. e., Boston Harbor.

[106]Presumably, the Abnaki, an Algonquian tribe of eastern Maine.

[107]Presumably, the widow of Nanepashemet.

[108]The following appears to be a covering letter which may have accompanied the manuscript journal when it was sent from Plymouth. Perhaps the “loving and old friend” of the author is George Morton, who presumably edited the relations for publication. See Introduction.

[109]The _Fortune_, first to follow the _Mayflower_.

[110]I. e., the preceding five narratives.

[111]The following is the earliest description of the first Thanksgiving. The dates are not specified, nor is there specific mention of turkeys as comprising part of the feast, although they doubtless did.

[112]The author here probably refers to the following document which was printed in 1669, in Morton’s _New England’s Memorial_:

“September 13, Anno Dom. 1621.

“Know all men by these presents, that we whose names are underwritten do acknowledge ourselves to be the loyal subjects of King James, King of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, &c. In witness whereof, and as a testimonial of the same, we have subscribed our names or marks, as followeth:

Ohquamehud, Cawnacome, Obbatinnua, Nattawahunt, Caunbatant, Chikkatabak, Quadequina, Huttamoiden, Apannow.

[113]No such word occurs in either seventeenth-century English or local Indian languages. It is presumably a misprint for “Ile,” i.e., _isle_, referring to Martha’s Vineyard.

[114]This also defies identification. Perhaps it is a misprint for _others_.

[115]I.e., salad greens.

[116]raspberries

[117]Thirty-five new settlers arrived on the _Fortune_, of whom some had set out with the original party but had to return to Plymouth, England, with the disabled ship _Speedwell_. The newly arrived heads of family were (in alphabetical order):