Chapter 19 of 21 · 3967 words · ~20 min read

Part 19

[290] Original among the _Royal Mss._, 18 A. L. XIV. Cf. _Calendars_, etc., VI., No. 564; _Ib._ 565, referring to Latin verses on this coronation by Richard Coxe, Udall's predecessor at Eton (from _Harl. Ms._ 6148, f. 117). Udall's verses are reprinted by Arber, _English Garner_, 2, 52; parts of them published by Collier and Fairholt. Cf. Cooper (XIII.), who dates the pageant 1532 (as does Ward, _Hist. Dram. Poetry_, I. 141). This pageant shows Udall's earliest connection with the revels, and may have given him a name at the side of Heywood.

[291] U. speaks later of the Eton mastership as "that roume which I was neuer desirous to obtain."

[292] Cf. Arber, p. 3.

[293] Cf. Warton, _Hist. of English Poetry_, 3, 308; _Interdum etiam exbibet_ [sc. _ludi magister_] _Anglico sermone contextas fabulas, si quæ babeant acumen et leporem_. Eton was the only place where _we know_ of _English_ plays; but Radulphus Radclif at Hitchin _may_ have performed some of his school comedies in English, as the "plebs" mentioned by Bale would not much have appreciated Latin performances, _Catalogus_, 8, 98, fol. 700; Herford, _Literary Relations_, p. 110, citing the occasional admission of English school plays at Eton, says that to "this concession we owe the _Ralph Roister Doister_." More likely we owe the concession to _Roister Doister_. Cf. Herford on Udall's _De Papatu_.

[294] It seems improbable that the _R. D._ was ever performed at Court; Udall's "interludes and devices" were pageants, as the _Loseley Mss._ prove; see below.

[295] Tusser's _500 Pointes_, ed. Payne & Heritage, p. 205.

[296] Cooper attributes to Udall's severity the running away from school of "divers" Eton boys alluded to by Roger Ascham (_Schoolmaster_). But this passage refers to 10 Dec. 1563, twenty-two years after Udall had ceased to swing the rod over the Eton boys!

[297] Cf. quotation from Nicolas's _Proceedings and Ordinances of the Privy Council_, 7, 152-53, in Cooper; the date is 14 March 32 Henry VIII. (1541-42) and _not_ 1543, as Arber gives it. Arber dates Udall's letter also wrongly 1543; it is referred to 1541-42 in Ellis's _Original Letters of Eminent Literary Men_, Camden Soc., 1843, P. 1.

[298] "Accepte this myn honest chaunge from vice to virtue, from prodigalitee to frugall livyng, from negligence of teachyng to assiduitee, from playe to studie, from lightness to gravitee." He speaks about his "offenses," does not wish to excuse himself, but says "humana quidem esse, et emendari posse." He begs for a chance to show his "emendyng and reformac̄on," and quotes instances from ancient history of great men who had indulged in a "veray riottous and dissolute sorte of livyng" in their youth, had been "drowned in voluptuousness" and had lived in "slaundre and infamie," but had reformed. Not a word is said about thefts, "robberies," and such "felonious trespasses." Cf. the whole letter from a new collation in Flügel's _Lesebuch_, I, 351.

[299] U. does not beg in this letter for his "restitution," as Arber seems to accept.

[300] Cf. Cooper, XXIII.

[301] Mars had "the rule" there October, 1542-July, 1543 (Froude, 3, 525-570), then again August, 1547 (Somerset in Berwick, Froude, 4, 288); the naval expedition of Hertford in May, 1544, being here out of the question (_Ib._ 4, 32).

[302] This translation (published in September) might also indicate some connection between Udall and Aldrich during the summer of 1542. Aldrich was a great "Erasmian"; he had been the _juvenis blandæ eloquentiæ_ whom Erasmus used as interpreter on that immortal pilgrimage to Walsingham, and he kept up a correspondence with Erasmus.

[303] Udall took as his share _St. Luk_ and the "disposition" of the rest with exception of _St. John_ and _St. Mark_; perhaps he assisted also in the translation of _Matthew_ and _Acts_. The Prefaces are dated 1545, 1548. The whole must have been quite a lucrative business-undertaking, because every parish in England had, by law, to buy a copy of this work and "every parson had to have and diligently study the same conferring the one [_the New Testament both in Latin and English_] with the other [_the paraphrase_]." Cf. Cranmer's _Remains_, 155, 156 (1548); the Injunctions of Edward, 1547 (_Ib._ 499, 501), etc.; cf. also Grindal's _Works_, 134, 157; Hooper's _Works_, 2, 139, 143 (_Parker Soc._).

[304] Cranmer too wrote "_Answers to the Fifteen Articles of the Rebels_, Devon, Anno 1549," reprinted in his _Remains_, 163; and a number of references to the Rebellion may be found in the writings of the Reformers, f. i. _Letter of Hooper to Bullinger_, 25 June, 1549, _of John ab Ulmis to Bullinger_, May 28, 1550, of _Burcher to Bullinger_, 25 August, 1549. But none of these correspondents ever mention Udall.

[305] Cf. Cooper, XXX.

[306] An interesting letter of Udall's, dated August, 1552, referring to his place at Windsor, was printed in _Archæologia_, 1869, Vol. XLII. 91, but has not hitherto been utilized for Udall's Biography. The preface to a translation of T. Geminie's _Anatomy_ by Udall is dated 20 July, 1552; cf. Cooper, XXXI.; Udall's _Epistolæ et Carmina ad Gul. Hormannum et ad Jo. Lelandum_, are quoted by Bale, etc., and given under this year by Cooper (who reads: Hermannum). Hormann died 1535, as vice-provost of Eton.

[307] This warrant was communicated to the Archæological Society, December 9, 1824, by Mr. Bray (_Archæologia_, 21, 551), but not printed until 1836 in the _Loseley Mss._, now first edited by A. J. Kempe; No. 31, p. 63.

[308] See below, under Date of the Early Edition of _R. D._ Another early allusion to Udall as a playwright is that from Nichols's _Progresses of Queen Elizabeth_, 3, 177, according to which "an English play called _Ezekias_, made by Mr. Udall and handled by King's College men only," was performed before Elizabeth August 8, 1564, at Cambridge; see Cooper's Preface, xxxiii. Bale, who does not mention Udall as a playwright in the edition 1548 of his _Catalogus_ (he mentions only [Ochino's?] _Tragoedia de papatu_), says in the edition September, 1557, that Udall wrote "comœdias plures." There is nothing on Udall in his _Supplement_ of 1559.

[309] It is remarkable that these documents should never have been utilized for Udall's biography. Cf. the "Miscellaneous Extracts from Various Accounts relating to the Office of the Revels," printed among the _Loseley Mss._, p. 90. The Muniment Room of James More Molyneux at Loseley House, Surrey, would furnish these and perhaps other documents most valuable for Udall's History and that of the Early Drama.

The "scheme for an interlude, in which the persons of the drama were to be _a King_, _a Knight_, _a Judge_, _a Preacher_, _a Scholar_, _a Serving-man_," which Hazlitt (_Handbook_, 622) carelessly attributes to Udall, is not connected with his name; cf. _Loseley Mss._, p. 64.

[310] These _may_ refer to another pageant, _l.c._

[311] No exact date given by Cooper, XXXIV. Hales gives good reasons for the probability that Udall's mastership commenced in 1553; cf. _Englische Studien_, 18, 421; cf. _ib._, a very interesting note on the Terentian Plays, annually performed at the Westminster School. It seems almost as if here, as well as at Eton, Udall's headmastership had some significance for the history of the English school comedy.

[312] _Funerall Monuments_, ed. 1631, fol. 497.

[313] See above, p. 90, and notes.

[314] The Date of the First English Comedy, in _Englische Studien_, 18, 408-421.

[315] Professor Hales, in his essay on the date of _Roister_ (_Englische Studien_, 18, 419) quotes for these usury laws the incomplete account of them in Craik's _History of British Commerce_, 1, 22, 231.

The law of 1545 (_so_ dated by Ruffhead; and not 1546) is far more important on account of its clause about the "yearly interest" than of that about the ten per cent.

[316] To Collier has been given the credit of first ("soon after 1820") connecting Udall's name with _Roister Doister_, the unique copy of which had been published by the finder, the Revᵈ. Thoˢ. Briggs, in 1818. But, in the first place, Collier could not have identified the "ambiguous" letter in "Wilson's _Art of Logic_, printed by Richard Grafton, 1551," as he says he did, since "The rule of Reason, contei || nyng the Arte of || Logique, set forth || in Englishe, || by Thomas || Vuilson. || _An._ M. D. LI. _does not contain the quotation from Roister Doister_ (copy in the Bodleian kindly examined for me by Professor Gayley), _neither does the edition of 1552_ (cf. Arber). On folio 66 of the _third_ edition (1553) appears for the first time: "An example of soche doubtful writing whiche by reason of poincting maie haue double sense, and contrarie meaning, taken out of an entrelude made by Nicolas Vdal." And, in the second place, Collier had been anticipated, in part, for as early as 1748 reference had been made to the passage from Wilson by Tanner, who writes (_Bibliotheca_, 8. n.): In Thos. Wilson's _Logica_, p. 69 [it is _leaf_ 67 of edition 1567 in my possession] _sunt quidem versus ambigui sensus ex Comœdia quadam huius Nic. Udalli desumpti_.

[317] With this opinion, and that of p. 90, _n._ 4, contrast Fleay's argument, _Hist. Stage_, pp. 59, 60. _Gen. Ed._

[318] Ward in _Dict. Nat. Biog._ 26, 332. Ward says that in Heywood's Plays the "bridge had been built" to English Comedy. I think rather that this bridge was a temporary structure, waiting to be replaced by the more solidly planned work of a higher architect.

[319] These traits as well as the practical jokes would, of course, be especially enjoyed by the Eton players and their youthful audience.

[320] Ward, _Hist. Dram. Lit._, 1, 157 (Lond.: 1899).

[321] Cf. the splendid essay on the Roman _Colax_ and Parasite in O. Ribbeck's _Hist. of Roman Lit._ (_Stuttgart_, 1887), 1, 83 _sqq._

[322] "These lies are like their father--gross as a mountain, open, palpable."--Shak., _1 Hen. IV._ 2, 4.

[323] Ward, _l.c._, calls Roister "a vain-glorious, cowardly blockhead, of whom the Pyrgopolinices of Plautus is the precise prototype." That his character has some fine points, modelled after the Terentian Thraso, is shown in the notes (cf. especially the last scene). Roister's character, indeed, is the least original of the play, but he is not Udall's favourite figure. Udall did not spend as much labour on him as on Merygreeke.

[324] This possible complication, which would have yielded a fine scene, seems not to have occurred to Udall.

[325] In this respect even _Jack Juggler_ deserves credit. I find no trace of Plautus and Terence in Heywood's plays.

ROISTER DOISTER

BY

NICHOLAS UDALL

[The Persons of the Play

RALPH ROYSTER DOYSTER, "_Miles_."[326] MATHEWE MERYGREEKE, _his friend_. GAWIN GOODLUCKE, _London Merchant, affianced to Custance_. TRISTRAM TRUSTY, _his friend_. DOBINET DOUGHTIE, _servant to Royster_. TOM TRUPENIE, _servant to Custance_. SYM SURESBY, _servant to Goodluck_. HARPAX _and other Musicians in Royster's service_. SCRIVENER. DAME CHRISTIAN CUSTANCE, _a wealthy widow_. MAGE MUMBLE CRUST, _her old nurse_. TIBET TALK APACE } ANNOT ALYFACE } _maids of Custance_.

_THE SCENE_

LONDON[327]]

FOOTNOTES:

[326] Cf. stage-direction, III, iii, 83, and Appendix _B_.

[327] St. Paul's is mentioned, II, iv, 40; Sym Suresby seems to come directly from the landing place; the house of Custance might, therefore, safely be located in the _City_ proper.

Roister Doister

The Prologue.

What Creature is in health, eyther yong or olde, A ii But som mirth with modestie wil be glad to use As we in thys Enterlude shall now unfolde, Wherin all scurilitie we utterly refuse, Avoiding such mirth wherin is abuse: Knowing nothing more comendable for a mans recreation Than Mirth which is used in an honest fashion: 7

For Myrth prolongeth lyfe, and causeth health. Mirth recreates our spirites and voydeth pensivenesse, Mirth increaseth amitie, not hindring our wealth, Mirth is to be used both of more and lesse, Being mixed with vertue in decent comlynesse. As we trust no good nature can gainsay the same: Which mirth we intende to use, avoidyng all blame. 14

The wyse Poets long time heretofore, Under merrie Comedies secretes did declare, Wherein was contained very vertuous lore, With mysteries and forewarnings very rare. Suche to write neither _Plautus_[328] nor _Terence_ dyd spare, Whiche among the learned[329] at this day beares[330] the bell:[331] These with such other therein dyd excell. 21

Our Comedie or Enterlude which we intende to play. Is named Royster Doyster in deede. Which against the vayne glorious doth invey, Whose humour the roysting sort continually doth feede. Thus by your pacience we intende to proceede In this our Enterlude by Gods leave and grace, And here I take my leave for a certaine space. 28

FINIS.

Actus. i. Scæna. i.

MATHEWE MERYGREEKE. _He entreth singing._ A ii _b_

As long lyveth the mery man (they say)[332] As doth the sory man, and longer by a day. Yet the Grassehopper for all his Sommer pipyng, Sterveth in Winter wyth hungrie gripyng, Therefore an other sayd sawe doth men advise, 5 That they be together both mery and wise. Thys Lesson must I practise, or else ere long, Wyth mee Mathew Merygreeke[333] it will be wrong. In deede men so call me, for by him that us bought, What ever chaunce betide, I can take no thought, 10 Yet wisedome woulde that I did my selfe bethinke Where to be provided this day of meate and drinke: For knowe[334] ye that for all this merie note of mine, He might appose[335] me now that should aske where I dine. My lyving lieth heere and there, of Gods grace, 15 Sometime wyth this good man, sometyme in that place, Sometime Lewis Loytrer[336] biddeth me come neere, Somewhyles Watkin Waster maketh us good cheere, Sometime Davy Diceplayer[337] when he hath well cast Keepeth revell route as long as it will last. 20 Sometime Tom Titivile[338] maketh us a feast, Sometime with sir Hugh Pye I am a bidden gueast, Sometime at Nichol Neverthrives I get a soppe, Sometime I am feasted with Bryan Blinkinsoppe,[339] Sometime I hang on Hankyn[340] Hoddydodies sleeve, 25 But thys day on Ralph Royster Doysters by hys leeve. For truely of all men he is my chiefe banker Both for meate and money, and my chiefe shootanker.[341] For, sooth Roister Doister in that he doth say,[342] And require what ye will ye shall have no nay. 30 But now of Roister Doister somewhat to expresse, A iii That ye may esteeme him after hys worthinesse, In these twentie townes and seke them throughout, Is not the like stocke, whereon to graffe a loute. All the day long is he facing[343] and craking[344] 35 Of his great actes in fighting and fraymaking: But when Roister Doister is put to his proofe, To keepe the Queenes[345] peace is more for his behoofe. If any woman smyle or cast on hym an eye, Up is he to the harde eares in love by and by, 40 And in all the hotte haste must she be hys wife, Else farewell hys good days, and farewell his life, Maister Raufe Royster Doyster is but dead and gon Excepte she on hym take some compassion, Then chiefe of counsell, must be Mathew Merygreeke, 45 What if I for mariage to suche an one seeke? Then must I sooth it, what ever it is: For what he sayth or doth can not be amisse, Holde up his yea and nay, be his nowne[346] white[347] sonne, Prayse and rouse him well, and ye have his heart wonne, 50 For so well liketh he his owne fonde fashions That he taketh pride of false commendations. But such sporte have I with him as I would not leese, Though I should be bounde to lyve with bread and cheese. For exalt hym, and have hym as ye lust in deede: 55 Yea to hold his finger in a hole for a neede. I can with a worde make him fayne or loth, I can with as much make him pleased or wroth, I can when I will make him mery and glad, I can when me lust make him sory and sad, 60 I can set him in hope and eke in dispaire, I can make him speake rough, and make him speake faire. But I marvell I see hym not all thys same day, I wyll seeke him out: But loe he commeth thys way, I have yond espied hym sadly comming, A iii _b_ 65 And in love for twentie pounde, by hys glommyng.

Actus. i. Scæna. ii.

RAFE ROISTER DOISTER. MATHEW MERYGREEKE.

_R. Royster._ Come death when thou wilt, I am weary of my life.

_M. Mery._ I tolde you I, we should wowe another wife.

_R. Royster._ Why did God make me suche a goodly person?

_M. Mery._ He is in[348] by the weke, we shall have sport anon.

_R. Royster._ And where is my trustie friende Mathew Merygreeke? 5

_M. Mery._ I wyll make as I sawe him not, he doth me seeke.

_R. Roister._ I have hym espyed me thinketh, yond is hee, Hough Mathew Merygreeke my friend, a worde with thee.[349]

_M. Mery._ I wyll not heare him, but make as I had haste, Farewell all my good friendes, the tyme away dothe waste, 10 And the tide they say, tarieth for no man.

_R. Roister._ Thou must with thy good counsell helpe me if thou can.

_M. Mery._ God keepe thee worshypfull Maister Roister Doister, And fare well the lustie Maister Roister Doister.

_R. Royster._ I muste needes speake with thee a worde or twaine. 15

_M. Mery._ Within a month or two I will be here againe, Negligence in greate affaires ye knowe may marre all.

_R. Roister._ Attende upon me now, and well rewarde thee I shall.

_M. Mery._ I have take my leave, and the tide is well spent.

_R. Roister._ I die except thou helpe, I pray thee be content, 20 Doe thy parte wel nowe, and aske what thou wilt, For without thy aide my matter is all spilt.

_M. Mery._ Then to serve your turne I will some paines take, And let all myne owne affaires alone for your sake.

_R. Royster._ My whole hope and trust resteth onely in thee. 25

_M. Mery._ Then can ye not doe amisse what ever it bee.

_R. Royster._ Gramercies Merygreeke, most bounde to thee I am. A iv

_M. Mery._ But up with that heart, and speake out like a ramme, Ye speake like a Capon that had the cough now: Bee of good cheere, anon ye shall doe well ynow. 30

_R. Royster._ Upon thy comforte, I will all things well handle.

_M. Mery._ So loe, that is a breast to blowe out a candle. But what is this great matter I woulde faine knowe, We shall fynde remedie therefore I trowe. Doe ye lacke money? ye knowe myne olde offers, 35 Ye have always a key to my purse and coffers.

_R. Royster._ I thanke thee: had ever man suche a frende?

_M. Mery._ Ye gyve unto me: I must needes to you lende

_R. Royster._ Nay I have money plentie all things to discharge.[350]

_M. Mery_ [_aside_]. That knewe I ryght well when I made offer so large. 40

_R. Royster._ But it is no suche matter.[351]

_M. Mery._ What is it than? Are ye in daunger of debte to any man? If ye be, take no thought nor be not afraide, Let them hardly[352] take thought how they shall be paide.

_R. Royster._ Tut I owe nought. 45

_M. Mery._ What then? fear ye imprisonment?

_R. Royster._ No.

_M. Mery._ No I wist ye offende not so,[353] to be shent. But if [y]e[354] had, the Toure coulde not you so holde, But to breake out at all times ye would be bolde. What is it? hath any man threatned you to beate?

_R. Royster._ What is he that durst have put me in that heate? 50 He that beateth me, by his armes,[355] shall well fynde, That I will not be farre from him nor runne behinde.

_M. Mery._ That thing knowe all men ever since ye overthrewe, The fellow of the Lion which _Hercules_ slewe.[356] But what is it than? 55

_R. Royster._ Of love I make my mone.

_M. Mery._ Ah this foolishe a[357] love, wilt neare let us alone? But bicause ye were refused the last day, Ye said ye woulde nere more be intangled that way: "I would medle no more, since I fynde all so unkinde,"[358]

_R. Royster._ Yea, but I can not so put love out of my minde. 60

_Math. Mer._ But is your love tell me first, in any wise, A iv _b_ In the way of Mariage, or of Merchandise? If it may otherwise than lawfull be founde, Ye get none of my helpe for an hundred pounde.

_R. Royster._ No by my trouth I would have hir to my Wife. 65

_M. Mery._ Then are ye a good man, and God save your life, And what or who is she, with whome ye are in love?

_R. Royster._ A woman whome I knowe not by what meanes to move.

_M. Mery._ Who is it?

_R. Royster._ A woman yond.

_M. Mery._ What is hir name?

_R. Royster._ Hir yonder. 70

_M. Mery._ Who[359][?]

_R. Royster._ Mistresse ah--

_M. Mery._ Fy fy for shame[!] Love ye, and know not whome? but hir yonde, a Woman, We shall then get you a Wyfe, I can not tell whan.

_R. Royster._ The faire Woman, that supped wyth us yesternyght-- And I hearde hir name twice or thrice, and had it ryght.

_M. Mery._ Yea, ye may see ye nere[360] take me to good cheere with you, 75 If ye had, I coulde have tolde you hir name now.

_R. Royster._ I was to blame in deede, but the nexte tyme perchaunce: And she dwelleth in this house.

_M. Mery._ What Christian Custance.

_R. Royster._ Except I have hir to my Wife, I shall runne madde.

_M. Mery._ Nay unwise perhaps, but I warrant you for madde. 80

_R. Royster._ I am utterly dead unlesse I have my desire.

_M. Mery._ Where be the bellowes that blewe this sodeine fire?

_R. Royster._ I heare she is worthe a thousande pounde and more.

_M. Mery._ Yea, but learne this one lesson of me afore, An hundred pounde of Marriage money doubtlesse, 85 Is ever thirtie pounde sterlyng, or somewhat lesse, So that hir Thousande pounde yf she be thriftie, Is muche neere[361] about two hundred and fiftie, Howebeit wowers and Widowes are never poore.

_R. Royster._ Is she a Widowe?[362] I love hir better therefore. 90

_M. Mery._ But I heare she hath made promise to another.

_R. Royster._ He shall goe without hir, and[363] he were my brother.

_M. Mery._ I have hearde say, I am right well advised, That she hath to Gawyn Goodlucke promised.

_R. Royster._ What is that Gawyn Goodlucke? B i 95

_M. Mery._ a Merchant man.

_R. Royster._ Shall he speede afore me? nay sir by sweete Sainct Anne. Ah sir, Backare quod Mortimer to his sowe,[364] I wyll have hir myne owne selfe I make God a vow. For I tell thee, she is worthe a thousande pounde.

_M. Mery._ Yet a fitter wife for your maship[365] might be founde: 100 Suche a goodly man as you, might get one wyth lande,[366] Besides poundes of golde a thousande and a thousande, And a thousande, and a thousande, and a thousande, And so to the summe of twentie hundred thousande, Your most goodly personage is worthie of no lesse.[367] 105

_R. Royster._ I am sorie God made me so comely doubtlesse,[368] For that maketh me eche where so highly favoured, And all women on me so enamoured.[369]