Part 8

Turkey never forgave the European powers the treatment accorded to her in the London peace conference, and proved her dissatisfaction by entering Thrace and occupying Adrianople immediately she saw Bulgaria engaged in the second war. But Turkey desired also the Aegean islands occupied by Greece, and these, all but two at the entrance to the Dardanelles, the powers allotted to Greece, not securing thereby an increase of Turkish sympathies.

Greece was disappointed in two instances by the European powers; first, because they did not make their decision regarding the islands binding upon Turkey, thus creating a series of unending controversies between the Porte and the Government of Athens, one result of which was the wholesale expulsions and persecutions of the Greek element in Turkey, and especially in the Vilayets of Adrianople and Smyrna. The question of settling in a friendly way the Greco-Turkish differences was to be discussed between the Grand Vizier, Prince Said Halim, and the Premier of Greece, E.K. Venizelos, in a meeting of the two statesmen in Brussels, when the great European war broke.

Bulgaria, who for a moment saw her most cherished dream of Balkan hegemony realized and had all her fondest hopes shattered by the second war and the Treaty of Bucharest, cannot help regarding her neighbors as the robbers of what she considers her national patrimony, and at the same time she does not forget that in all their proceedings against her, Greek, Servian, Rumanian, and Montenegrin acted with the tacit approval of the great powers.

Servia for years had struggled to get an outlet on the Adriatic, and when, after a glorious war, she attained her goal, she found Austria opposing her, and behind Austria the whole of the European concert.

Montenegro in the same way cannot forget the disappointment of being cast out of Scutari after one of the most strenuous and glorious campaigns of her history, and lastly Albania, poor and helpless, without any support from her creators, feels all that a weak and wretched foundling has to feel toward those responsible for its misfortunes and miseries. In contrast with these feelings, Rumania was the only Balkan State perfectly satisfied with the new arrangement. In fact, Rumania, having played in the war the part of a great power, came out of it not only with increased prestige but also with the richest of all the Bulgarian provinces, Dobrudja, as a sort of deserved payment for serving the ends of European diplomacy.

From this general dissatisfaction of the Balkan States with European diplomacy and European intrigue sprang Gavrilo Prinzip and the murder at Serajevo that plunged Europe and the world into the greatest and most disastrous war of all time.

In fairness, however, to the Balkan States it must be said at this juncture that war, in whatever form and character, was far from the Balkan mind on June 28, 1914, when the Austrian Archduke and heir to the throne, Franz Ferdinand, and his consort were assassinated by the Servian youth Prinzip in the capital of Bosnia.

The years 1912 and 1913 had been too costly for the whole of the Balkan Peninsula, and the necessity of a continued peace for a good number of years was universally recognized, with the exception of Constantinople, in Athens, Bucharest, Sofia, Belgrade, Cettinge, and even Durazzo. To prove this we have the opinions of all the Balkan leaders and the views expressed in the Balkan press up to Aug. 1, 1914.

A single point yet calls for a few remarks, and this covers the mutual relations of the Balkan States just before the European war.

We have seen in what a degree the question of the ownership of the Aegean Islands had divided the Governments of Athens and Constantinople. In fact, if any war in the Near East were to be feared, this was one between the two secular enemies, Greek and Turk, and when in May, 1913, the anti-Greek agitation in the Ottoman Empire reached its climax it was only through the tremendous influence of the Greek Premier on Hellenic public opinion and his extreme moderation that a new diplomatic rupture between the two countries was averted.

In anticipation of this eventuality Turkey secured two battleships of the dreadnought type, the Brazilian Rio de Janeiro (then Sultan Osman I. and afterward H.M.S. Erin, England having taken over the ship on Aug. 5, 1914) and the Reshadieh, (likewise taken over by England and renamed H.M.S. Agincourt,) and was preparing for war in such haste that Greece did not hesitate to buy at the original cost price the two old American battleships Idaho and Mississippi, (now Limnos and Kilkis.)

This was in July, 1914, just a few weeks before the European war. Since that time Greco-Turkish relations have been neither better nor worse. It must be said here that these relations had their origin, not in the obsolete London Treaty of May, 1913, but in the Treaty of Athens, signed in December, 1913, between the two countries, and covering in a general way the more essential points of the outstanding questions between the two parties, excluding, however, the Aegean Islands controversy.

After signing the Treaty of Bucharest Bulgaria turned her attention exclusively to Turkey, and, letting bygones be bygones, concluded the Peace Treaty of Constantinople in October, 1913, and inaugurated the most friendly relations with her erstwhile opponent. Since that time the report has spread that an alliance, both offensive and defensive, had been signed by the two countries, but this has been repeatedly denied both from Constantinople and Sofia.

The diplomatic relations between Servia and Turkey and Montenegro and Turkey were re-established a short time before the European war, but these countries, being now in no direct contact with Turkish territory, their relations with the Porte are of little importance.

Between Bulgaria on one hand and Rumania, Greece, Servia, and Montenegro on the other, the diplomatic relations have been re-established, but gone is the old friendship, for reasons already explained. Greece, Servia, and Montenegro are the best of friends, and, according to unofficial and confidential reports, a defensive and offensive alliance for the maintenance of the Balkan status quo, exists between the three countries. Between Rumania and Greece friendly relations exist, and for some time it was said that a marriage was to be arranged between the Greek Crown Prince, George, and the Princess Elizabeth, daughter of the Rumanian King, Ferdinand I., who succeeded to the throne after the death of his uncle, King Charles. This match, however, seems to have been abandoned, perhaps for political reasons, and more so because Greco-Rumanian relations have not as yet reached that firmness which only might justify such a rapprochement of the two royal families.

Between Servia and Rumania there is some courtesy but scarcely any friendship, and this is not surprising, especially now, when each side is aiming to an aggrandizement (at the expense of Austria) in a way injurious to the other. Montenegro naturally follows Servia's course, and as for Albania, what we said previously of her applies now, with this particular observation, that the only neighborly interest shown her is from Italy, trying to play the game of Tripoli at the expense of the Skipetars, while all the other European powers are busily engaged in the great war.

In conclusion we may note that of all the Balkan States only Rumania and, to a certain degree, Greece have any money to run their affairs. This, however, has nothing to do with the matter of their entrance in the war, as in that case there will be one or the other European combination to pay the freight.

Such was the aspect of the Balkan Peninsula at the beginning of the great European war.

[Illustration: (_From The Bystander, London._)

How the Famous Bernhardi Wrote the Eulogy of Germany's Culture.]

THE EUROPEAN WAR AS SEEN BY CARTOONISTS

_A SELECTION OF NOTABLE CARTOONS FROM LEADING ENGLISH, FRENCH, ITALIAN, AND GERMAN PUBLICATIONS, SHOWING HOW THE KNIGHTS OF THE PEN AND BRUSH ARE WAGING THE WAR OF CARICATURE AGAINST THE FOES OF THEIR RESPECTIVE ALLIANCES_

ENGLISH CARTOONS, PAGE 1073

FRENCH CARTOONS, PAGE 1084

ITALIAN CARTOONS, PAGE 1088

GERMAN CARTOONS, PAGE 1091

Still Not Letting Go--and Still Breathing!

[Illustration: (_From The Sketch, London._)

THE PRUSSIAN EAGLE: "This is no good to me. That pup's growing every minute. I've half a mind to fly away."]

Going! Going! ----?

[Illustration: (_From The Tatler, London._)

The Barbarian Finds His "Place in the Sun" Too Hot for Him.]

The God in the Cart

(AN UNREHEARSED EFFECT.)

[Illustration: (_From Punch, London._)

TURKEY: "I'm getting a bit fed up with this. I shall kick soon."

AUSTRIA: "Well, I was thinking of lying down."]

The Great Illusion

[Illustration: (_From Punch, London._)

KAISER: "My poor bird, what _has_ happened to your tail feathers?"

GERMAN EAGLE: "Can you bear the truth, Sire?"

KAISER: "If it's not for publication."

GERMAN EAGLE: "It's like this, then. You told me the British lion was contemptible. Well--he wasn't!"]

What Punch Thinks Is Awaiting the Kaiser

[Illustration: (_From Punch, London._)]

The Man Behind the Kaiser

[Illustration: (_From the Bystander, London._)]

Nothing Doing

[Illustration: (_From Punch, London._)

IMPERIAL DACHSHUND: "Here I've been sitting up and doing tricks for the best part of seven weeks, and you take no more notice of me than if--"

UNCLE SAM: "Cut it out!"]

As Between Friends

[Illustration: (_From Punch, London._)

BRITISH LION: "Please don't look at me like that, Sam. _You_'re not the eagle I'm up against."]

Kultur

[Illustration: (_From The Sketch, London._)

Making the German Officers' Mess a Success.]

Homers

[Illustration: (_From The Sketch, London._)

THE POLICEMAN: "What have you got there? Pigeons?"

THE ENGLISHMAN (_naturalized_): "No; they vos singing-birds."

THE POLICEMAN: "What song do they sing?"

THE ENGLISHMAN (_naturalized_): "Home, sveet home."]

The New Year's Present That We Are Wishing For

[Illustration: (_From La Vie Parisienne, Paris._)

A Million English Soldiers to Help Us Drive the Germans from France and Belgium.]

"His" Christmas Sabots

[Illustration: (_From La Vie Parisienne, Paris._)

(The conspicuous place taken by children's stockings at Christmas time in English-speaking countries is usurped by the youngsters' shoes in France.)]

"Sire, Your Soup's Getting Cold"

[Illustration: (_From La Vie Parisienne, Paris._)

How about that famous dinner that the Kaiser ordered in one of the big Paris hotels! Isn't the bill of fare a trifle out of season by this time?]

Chaffing the French Censor

(_From La Vie Parisienne, Paris._)

[Illustration: "At the same instant, happily, a furious gallop resounded along the road from ----, and, full of joy, our Colonel cried: 'They are the ----.' They were, as a matter of fact, the ----."]

[Illustration: "Despite this reinforcement, it was hot work. Capt. ---- of the ---- Company of the ---- Regiment especially distinguished himself, leading his men in an irresistible charge. We lost ---- men, but the enemy left ---- dead in the ruins of the village of ----."]

[Illustration: "At the end of the ---- ---- victory ---- ---- ---- important strategic point ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- ----. 'I am very pleased with you,' said our General to us."]

The Under-Study

[Illustration: (_From Numero, Turin._)

The Triple Alliance Revised and Corrected.]

A Substitute for Belgian Blocks

[Illustration: (_From Numero, Turin._)

A New Form of Paving for French and Belgian Cities.]

What Italy Thinks of "Guglielmo"

(A SERIES OF ITALIAN POSTCARDS.)

[Illustration: HIMSELF TO GOD: "If I were not afraid of Thee I would declare war upon Thee also!"]

[Illustration: GUGLIELMO'S DREAM. The map bears the inscription, "The Great German Empire."]

[Illustration: "Isn't there somebody else to declare war upon?"

"There's the Republic of San Marino, your Majesty."]

[Illustration: GUGLIELMO (bearing the European war): "Heavens! It's beginning to get heavy."]

You Can't Bluff the Turk

(_From Simplicissimus, Munich._)

[Illustration: "Will you restore the capitulations immediately?"]

[Illustration: "No."]

[Illustration: "Will you give up the Goeben and the Breslau immediately?"]

[Illustration: "No."]

[Illustration: "In respect to the Dardanelles, will you immediately ----?"

"No. And now suppose you just put up that revolver."]

[Illustration: "With pleasure! The thing wasn't loaded at all!"]

The Mistress of the Sea

(_From Lustige Blaetter, Berlin._)

[Illustration: Behold, O World, How I Stand Here!

Look Out, Britannia!]

The "Prize-Taker"

[Illustration: (_From Lustige Blaetter, Berlin._)

"How long will you allow this brute to tread on your corns?"

[The allusion is to England's attitude toward neutral shipping.]]

The Face at the Window

[Illustration: (_From Lustige Blaetter, Berlin._)]

Novel Coastwise Scenery

[Illustration: (_From Jugend, Munich._)

Since it was given out that the German barbarians were refusing to fire on cathedrals, England has worked out a jolly little plan for coast defense.]

The Dancers

[Illustration: (_From Lustige Blaetter, Berlin._)

How the Germans Conduct the English Ballet.]

The English Spider

[Illustration: (_From Jugend, Munich._)]

The Jap-Infested British Lion

[Illustration: (_From Simplicissimus, Munich._)

"Goddam! What kind of fleas have I got in my mane anyway!"]

The Englishman and His Globe

[Illustration: (_From Simplicissimus, Munich._)

"Curses! Blood is more slippery than water!"

[The original was in black and red and vividly represented a dripping globe.]]

The German Watch in Kiao-Chau

[Illustration: (_From Simplicissimus, Munich._)

[A superb cartoon published before the fall of the German stronghold in China.]]

GERMANY vs. BELGIUM

_Case of the Secret Military Documents Presented by Both Sides_

[The Belgo-British plot alleged by Germany is thoroughly aired in the following communications. The text of the secret documents, which, according to the German contention, prove that the Allies did not intend to respect Belgian neutrality--that Belgium herself conspired with England to break it--was discovered in the archives of the Belgian Government after the German occupation of Brussels, and is embodied on Pages 1105 to 1109 in the subjoined article, published in behalf of Germany by Dr. Bernhard Dernburg.

The article, called by Dr. Dernburg "The Case of Belgium," as reproduced below, and published between gray covers like the Belgian "Gray Book," prompted publications in rejoinder by the Belgian Legation at Washington. The first of these, entitled "The Innocence of Belgium," appears on Page 1110; it states that the secret documents show in their own statements the "clearest proof of the innocence of Belgium." The second Belgian article, headed "Why Belgium Was Devastated," and appearing on Page 1115, embodies the German proclamations establishing military rule in the violated territory.--EDITOR.]

"THE CASE OF BELGIUM"

"In the Light of Official Reports Found in the Secret Archives of the Belgian Government after the Occupation of Brussels"

Remarks Introductory to the Secret Documents

By Dr. Bernhard Dernburg

Herewith are published facsimiles of papers found among the documents of the Belgian General Staff at Brussels, referring to arrangements between the English Military Attaché and the Belgian Minister of War regarding British intervention in Belgium.

It will be remembered from the British "White Book" that in November, 1912, a correspondence passed between Sir Edward Grey and the French Minister in London, in which it was stated that British and French military and naval experts had consulted together from time to time as to plans to be followed in case of war, and it was stated in this correspondence that in accordance with such prearranged plans the French fleet would stay in the Mediterranean to safeguard the joint interests there, whereas the British fleet would safeguard their interests in the north. Of this correspondence the members of the British Cabinet remained ignorant until the Cabinet meeting immediately preceding the written statement by Great Britain on Aug. 2 that in case a German fleet attacked the French coast or passed into the Channel, England would give all the assistance in her power, (British "White Papers," No. 148,) and it was also, of course, concealed from the British public until the speech of Sir Edward Grey on Aug. 3. It will be remembered that in consequence of this revelation the British Minister of Commerce, Mr. John Burns, and two other members, Lord Morley and Mr. Trevelyan, left the British Cabinet under protest; that the leader of the British Labor Party, Mr. Ramsey Macdonald, resigned from the leadership and that Mr. Arthur Ponsonby in his famous letter denounced Sir Edward Grey's practices.

Mr. Ponsonby said that time and again they had been assured that there were no obligations whatsoever on the part of Great Britain to come to France's assistance and yet they found themselves now so hopelessly entangled that as a matter of fact the British Government could not back out.

The fact of these consultations, by which, of course, all the plans of mobilization of both the British and French armies were disclosed to the two allies and which include the landing of English troops in France, is now fully established by the annexed documents. They show that these conversations were also held with Belgium, that plans had been concerted to invade Belgium with an army of 100,000 men by way of three French ports--viz., Dunkirk, Calais, and Boulogne--and that the British plans even considered a landing by way of the Scheldt, thus violating also Dutch neutrality.

The documents, giving all the details as translated and showing that Belgian railway cars were to be sent to the named French ports in order to transport the British troops into Belgium, are dated from 1906.

The Belgian Minister at Berlin, Baron Greindl, a well-known Belgian patriot, protested to his Government. The heading of his protest is also given in facsimile. In it he said that it was not quite safe to trust to the British and French to keep the Belgian neutrality, that it was not wise to take all measures only against a German infraction of Belgian neutrality and that the British spirit was clearly shown by the words of Col. Barnardiston that the Scheldt might be used for transporting troops into Belgium.

Furthermore, it will be remembered that the British and French Governments violently protested when the plans were made public that the Dutch Government intended to fortify the mouth of the Scheldt in 1906. But in 1912, when the Balkan crisis became acute, the British went one step further. When Col. Bridges, in a conversation with Gen. Jungbluth, the Chief of the Belgian General Staff, said that England was ready to strike, that 160,000 men were ready to be landed and that they would land them as soon as any European conflict should break out, Gen. Jungbluth protested that for such a step the permission of Belgium was necessary. The cool reply was that the English knew it, but thought that, as Belgium was not strong enough alone to protect herself, England would land troops anyway. Gen. Jungbluth answered that Belgium felt strong enough to protect herself, which is in keeping with her declaration to France, when she offered to protect Belgium by five army corps, as reported in the British "White Book." The position of England was therefore that, while in 1906 they had already concerted plans for a joint action, in 1912 England intended action in any case, should a European conflagration break out.

Now, it must be recollected that as early as July 28, 1914, Sir Edward Grey said to Prince Lichnowsky, as mentioned in his communication to Sir E. Goschen: "The situation was very grave. While it was restricted to the issues at present actually involved, we had not thought of interfering in it. But if Germany became involved in it and then France, the issue might be so great that it would involve all European interests, and I did not wish him to be misled by the friendly tone of our conversation--which I hoped would continue--into thinking that we should stand aside." (British "White Papers," No. 89.)

This was at a time when the Belgian issue had not been raised at all. It only came about by Sir Edward Grey's notes written on July 31. Thus the British entanglement with France, as evidenced by the British "White Book," prevented England taking the same attitude in 1914 which she had taken in 1870, when she made a treaty with France as against the German invasion of Belgium and with Germany as against the French invasion of Belgium. A similar agreement was suggested by Prince Lichnowsky to Sir Edward Grey on Aug. 1, 1914, as reported in the English "White Book," No. 123, when the former asked Sir Edward Grey whether if Germany gave a promise not to violate Belgian neutrality England would engage to remain neutral, upon which Grey replied that he could not say that.

It is therefore perfectly evident, in the first place, that in case of a German war, that was sure to be brought about by Russia's mobilization against Germany, England would go to war against Germany, and it has been proved that the English assurance to that effect has strengthened the hands of the Russian war party, which thereupon got the upper hand and forced the Russian Czar into the war, (see report of Belgian Chargé d'Affaires at St. Petersburg to the Minister of Foreign Affairs at Brussels, July 30.)

In the second place, it is shown that England meant, with or without Belgium's will, to land her troops, in violation of Belgium's neutrality, in Belgium, irrespective of whether German troops were marching through Belgium or not, because no such declaration had been made in 1912 or any time thereafter until Aug. 4 in the German Reichstag. It is further evident that as soon as Russia mobilized, Germany would have to fight Russia as well as France and England, and that in such a fight she was forced to draw quickly when she saw her enemies reaching for their hip pockets. And only the prompt action at Liége that put this important railway centre commanding the railway connections to France and Germany into German hands prevented the English landing and invading Belgium.

The guilt of the Belgian Government in this matter consists, in the first place, in making and concerting plans with the English and French Governments as to what steps to take in case of war. A plan of the French mobilization was found in the same docket, and it cannot be presumed that the conference between British and French experts was unknown to the British Military Attaché in Brussels. It is furthermore impossible to believe that the French railway for the shipping of British troops from Calais, Dunkirk, and Boulogne into Belgium in Belgian cars could have been used without the knowledge of the French authorities. Secondly, that Belgium did not heed the advice of Baron Greindl and did not try to insure her independence in the same way by approaching Germany and making a similar contract with her. This disposes of the contention that the Belgian conversation had a purely defensive character as against all comers. It shows the one-sidedness of the inclination, which is evidenced also by the placing of all Belgium's fortresses on the eastern frontier.

The Belgian people had been told at the beginning of the war that Germany demanded that the Belgian forces should fight with the Germans against the French and the English, and the truth had become known only three full months later, when the Belgian "Gray Book" was published. Then Belgium was practically occupied territory. While Belgium pretended neutrality and friendship toward Germany, it was secretly planning for her defeat in a war which was considered unavoidable. The poor Belgian people, however, must suffer because of the large ambitions of King Leopold of Congo fame and of a broken-down diplomacy.