Part 17

The strength of the slavery sentiment steadily grew under the aggravations of the pro-slavery men who sought to force slavery into the new Territories of the West, and it was this continued discussion and the outrages perpetrated on the people of Kansas and Nebraska that made the election of a Republican President possible in 1860, and that finally precipitated the Civil War. Buchanan adhered to the South until open rebellion was organized by the capture of forts and arsenals and the organization of a Confederate government, but when he found himself powerless to restrain the South from armed rebellion, he reorganized his Cabinet and exhausted his then wasted powers to bring the South into submission to the Government. He had an aggressively loyal Cabinet during the last few months of his administration, and when he retired, generally denounced by the loyal sentiment of the country as a faithless Executive, he earnestly supported the Government in every measure necessary to suppress the rebellion and prevent the dismemberment of the Republic. He died soon after the close of the war, a thoroughly honest and patriotic public servant, but widely misunderstood. His revolutionary Kansas-Nebraska policy made the Republican revolution of 1860 inevitable, and made Abraham Lincoln President.

THE LINCOLN-BRECKENRIDGE-DOUGLAS-BELL CONTEST

1860

In 1860 the nation proclaimed the third great political epoch of its history by an aggressive departure from Democracy to the Republicanism that has since ruled without material interruption. There have been two Democratic administrations since the Republican epoch of 1860, but though they, for the time, halted and modified the Republican policy, they never had the power to make a decisive reversal of Republican mastery. Thus an epoch of twelve years of Federalism, another of sixty years of Democracy, and another of forty years of Republicanism tell the story of the political revolutions of the Republic during a period of one hundred and twelve years.

When Fremont made his brilliant campaign of 1856 and narrowly escaped election to the Presidency, it was generally accepted by all the varied phases of politics opposed to radical Republicanism that the Republican movement was like a bee—biggest at its birth—and that it never could win a national victory; but all the chief events affecting the political sentiment of the country from 1856 until 1860 tended to strengthen Republican sentiment and to alienate a large portion of the intelligent elements of Democracy. The significant elections of 1858 and 1859, with the Kansas-Nebraska war convulsing the country from centre to circumference, steadily strengthened Republican lines, and when the leaders of the party came to face the great battle of 1860 they well understood that success was within their reach, and never did a party exhibit greater sagacity in leadership than was displayed in the convention that nominated Lincoln.

William H. Seward was the confessed Republican leader of the nation. He was admittedly its ablest champion and was among its earliest supporters. He had been long in the Senate, and was the peer of any in the discussion of all the grave questions which then agitated our national Legislature. He was not only the ablest of his party, but he was one of the most exemplary and courteous of men. Two-thirds of all the delegates elected to that convention were friends of Seward and expected to vote for him, and his nomination would have been inevitable on the 1st ballot had not the convention been restrained by considerations of expediency which were most reluctantly accepted. Lincoln’s own delegation from Illinois embraced one-third of positive Seward men. They were instructed for Lincoln without hope of his nomination at the time, and most of them expected to perform a mere perfunctory duty by voting for him on one or more ballots.

[Illustration: ABRAHAM LINCOLN]

Horace Greeley had sounded the first note of warning against the nomination of Seward, and his paper, the New York _Tribune_, was then the most influential journal ever published in this country. It was the Republican Bible, and its weekly edition was more read in the West than all other Eastern papers combined. He startled the party by a series of dignified and masterly articles in favor of Edward Bates, of Missouri, for President, on the ground that Seward was not available, and that a man of the great ability and conservative attitude of Bates alone could win in that contest. But though the conservative element of the opposition to the Democracy was not enthusiastic for Seward and his “irrepressible conflict,” the true reason of Seward’s defeat was not presented either by Mr. Greeley or by any public discussion before the meeting of the convention.

I have read many romances about how, why and by whom Abraham Lincoln was nominated for President at Chicago, but the explanation is very simple, and when presented must be accepted by all as conclusive. Henry S. Lane had been nominated as the Republican candidate for Governor of Indiana, and Andrew G. Curtin had been nominated by the Republicans for Governor of Pennsylvania. These States voted for Governor and other State officers on the second Tuesday of October, and they were the pivotal States of the national contest. It was an absolute necessity to carry them in October to assure the election of a Republican President, and the first inquiry of the Republican leaders at Chicago, outside of those who were blindly devoted to Seward, was “Who can carry Indiana and Pennsylvania?”

Lane and Curtin were there solely for the purpose of getting the strongest possible national ticket nominated to aid them in their State contests. With Lane was John D. Defrees, as Chairman of the Republican State Committee of Indiana, and I was with Curtin, as he had charged me with the same responsible duty in Pennsylvania. Curtin and Lane decided that they could not be elected if Seward were nominated for President. They were not personally or politically hostile to him; they had but one thing in view, and that was their own election, which was essential to elect a Republican President.

Prior to 1860 the Republican party had never carried either Pennsylvania or Indiana. Opposition to the pro-slavery policy of the Buchanan administration had crystallized antislavery Democrats, Whigs, and Americans into the support of Union State tickets, and had elected them; but in Pennsylvania the Republican name was omitted from necessity, and the organization was entitled the People’s party. In both of these States there was an organized and powerful American party yet in existence, without which the Republicans could not succeed. It was the remnant of the American or Know-Nothing revolution of 1854, and they cherished their own faith with great fidelity and would not support any candidate who was friendly to the Catholics.

When Seward was elected Governor of New York in 1838 it was largely by the influence of Archbishop Hughes, one of the ablest Catholic prelates this country has ever had; and Seward, not only because of his gratitude to his Catholic friends, but because of his broad and liberal views generally, in a message to the Legislature urged a division of the school fund between the Catholics and Protestants. That was the rock on which Seward was wrecked. Had he been nominated, the entire American element of the opposition would have been aggressively against him, and Pennsylvania and Indiana would have been lost not only by the defeat of Curtin and Lane in October, but by the defeat of Seward in November.

The situation was earnestly presented by Curtin and Lane, and Mr. Defrees and I accompanied them in their conferences with various delegations which were devoted to Seward, but were willing to abandon him—not because they loved Seward less, but because they loved Republican success more. I saw several rural delegates from New England States shed tears as they confessed that they must abandon Seward because he could not carry Pennsylvania and Indiana, and certainly more than one-third of all the delegates who voted for Lincoln in that convention did it in sincerest sorrow because compelled to abandon their great leader for the sake of victory.

Under such conditions the Seward lines were steadily weakening, but never was a movement so ably led as was the Seward movement at Chicago. It was literally a battle of giants. Thurlow Weed, the master of masters in politics, led the fight for Seward, and he had around him Governor Morgan, Chairman of the National Committee; Raymond, of the _Times_, and many others of distinguished ability in such struggles. Weed invited Lane to drive with him, and, in the course of their conversation, assured him that if his delegation would support Seward all the money needed to carry his election in Indiana would be generously furnished; but Lane knew that no amount of money could give him victory in October with Seward as the national candidate.

The convention met on Wednesday, May 16, and George Ashman, of Massachusetts, was made permanent president. The first day was devoted to routine duties, and the second to the adoption of a platform and rules to govern the convention. The convention adjourned on Thursday evening profoundly impressed with the great battle that was to be fought on the following day, and both sides exhausted political strategy to gain the advantage. Weed organized a most imposing street parade of the Seward people. They had thousands of Seward spectators outside of the delegates, and it was one of the most impressive public displays I have ever witnessed. They paraded the streets for an hour or more before the meeting of the convention.

The friends of Lincoln had been tireless in their efforts, and they displayed wonderful ability in handling their forces. The leaders in immediate charge of the Lincoln people were Colonel Medill, of the Chicago _Tribune_; David Davis, afterward Judge of the Supreme Court; Norman B. Judd, Chairman of the Republican State Committee, and Leonard Swett, who was almost a copy of Lincoln physically, and who was Lincoln’s closest friend until the day of his death. When they found that the Seward parade was to come off, they counselled how to meet it, and they finally decided that while the Seward men were parading they would fill the immense temporary wigwam—erected for the convention, and capable of holding five thousand spectators—with men who should go there solely for the purpose of hurrahing for Lincoln. They carried this plan into very successful operation, and when the Seward procession attempted to march into the convention hall they found it filled to overflowing, and very few Seward men outside the delegation could obtain admission.

Just before the convention opened I saw the New York delegation file in and fill the only vacant place in the immense building. They were appalled when they saw how they had been outgeneralled. Almost immediately behind the New York men, who were under the lead of Evarts as Chairman of the delegation, sat Horace Greeley at the head of the Oregon delegation. That new State, just admitted into the Union, was so far from civilization, as the iron horse had not yet been heard in either the Rockies or the Sierra Nevadas, that the Republican convention selected a number of prominent men in the East, including Greeley, to represent the State. I never saw a more benignant face than that of Greeley’s when the nomination of Lincoln was declared. It was known by the supporters of Seward that Pennsylvania and Indiana had both decided to support Lincoln, the Pennsylvanians having declared for Lincoln by four majority over Bates, after giving a complimentary ballot to Cameron.

With very little preliminary movement the ballot began, and Seward’s two-thirds vote of the convention dwindled down to 173-1/2 when 234 were necessary to a choice. Lincoln, with Pennsylvania and Ohio giving complimentary ballots to Cameron and Chase, had 102 votes. As the ballots were announced, every vote for Lincoln was cheered to the echo, while there were but few cheers for Seward except from the delegates themselves. When the 2d ballot was called the Seward people felt that they must largely increase their strength or fall in the race. As Lincoln gained most of the vote of Pennsylvania, with important gains from other States, the wildest cheering greeted the announcements, and when the ballot was given with only 10 votes gained by Seward and 75 votes gained by Lincoln, it became evident to all that Seward’s strength was exhausted and that Lincoln was the coming man. The next and last ballot soon showed Lincoln as leading Seward, and from that time on it was difficult to announce the votes of the States because of the frenzied cheers for “Abe Lincoln.”

When the last State was called it was known that Lincoln was either nominated or very close to it. The vote as recorded was 231-1/2 for Lincoln, being 2-1/2 votes short of a majority, and 180 for Seward, with some 50 scattering. Before the result was announced Chairman Carter, of Ohio, got up on his chair to assure the attention of the President, and said:

“I rise to announce the change of four votes from Ohio from Mr. Chase to Abraham Lincoln.”

It was known then that this gave Lincoln the majority, and I have never before nor since witnessed such a scene as was made by the great mass of the Lincoln people who were in the hall. A large charcoal picture of Lincoln was presented in the gallery at the rear of the hall, and the whole vast audience, with few exceptions outside of the New York delegation, rose to indulge in the wildest enthusiasm for some minutes.

When order was finally restored, Maine, Massachusetts, and Missouri changed a number of votes to Lincoln, giving him a total of 354, being 120 odd votes more than he needed. When the vote was announced by the President cheers broke out afresh, but they soon quieted down to await the action of the New York delegation that was expected to move the unanimous nomination. There was certainly fully five minutes of dead silence in the body, as the New York delegates were mortified beyond expression at their discomfiture; but after a long wait that seemed to be vastly longer than it was, the tall form of William M. Evarts arose, and with reluctance that was unconcealed said:

“Mr. President, I move that the nomination of Abraham Lincoln be made unanimous.”

Governor Andrew, of Massachusetts, rose as soon as he saw Evarts rise, and when Evarts’s motion was made Andrew seconded it, and with the unanimous vote of the convention and the heartiest huzzas from the many thousands who witnessed the proceedings, Abraham Lincoln was declared the Republican candidate for President. The convention adjourned to meet again in the evening to nominate a candidate for Vice-President.

As there will be general interest felt in the proceedings of the Republican National Convention that gave the country the first Republican President in Abraham Lincoln, I give the detailed vote of each State represented in the convention on the three ballots for President, as follows:

═════════════╤══════════════════════════════════════════════════════════════════════════════════════════════ │ 1ST BALLOT. STATES. ├───────┬────────┬─────┬────────┬──────┬───────┬─────┬──────┬───────┬───────┬────────┬───────── │Seward.│Lincoln.│Wade.│Cameron.│Bates.│McLean.│Read.│Chase.│Dayton.│Sumner.│Fremont.│Collamer. ─────────────┼───────┼────────┼─────┼────────┼──────┼───────┼─────┼──────┼───────┼───────┼────────┼───────── Maine │ 10 │ 6 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― New Hampshire│ 1 │ 7 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 1 │ ―― │ ―― │ 1 │ ―― Vermont │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 10 Massachusetts│ 21 │ 4 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― Rhode Island │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 1 │ 5 │ 1 │ 1 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― Connecticut │ ―― │ 2 │ 1 │ ―― │ 7 │ ―― │ ―― │ 2 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― New York │ 70 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― New Jersey │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 14 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― Pennsylvania │ 1-1/2│ 4 │ ―― │ 47-1/2│ ―― │ 1 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― Maryland │ 3 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 8 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― Delaware │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 6 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― Virginia │ 8 │ 14 │ ―― │ 1 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― Kentucky │ 5 │ 6 │ 2 │ ―― │ ―― │ 1 │ ―― │ 8 │ ―― │ 1 │ ―― │ ―― Ohio │ ―― │ 8 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 4 │ ―― │ 34 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― Indiana │ ―― │ 26 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― Missouri │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 18 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― Michigan │ 12 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― Illinois │ ―― │ 22 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― Texas │ 4 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 2 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― Wisconsin │ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― Iowa │ 2 │ 2 │ ―― │ 1 │ 1 │ 1 │ ―― │ 1 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― California │ 8 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― Minnesota │ 8 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― Oregon │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 5 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― Kansas │ 6 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― Nebraska │ 2 │ 1 │ ―― │ 1 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 2 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― District of │ 2 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― Columbia │ │ │ │ │ │ │ │ │ │ │ │ ├───────┼────────┼─────┼────────┼──────┼───────┼─────┼──────┼───────┼───────┼────────┼─────────── Totals │173-1/2│ 102 │ 3 │ 50-1/2│ 48 │ 12 │ 1 │ 49 │ 14 │ 1 │ 1 │ 10 ═════════════╧═══════╧════════╧═════╧════════╧══════╧═══════╧═════╧══════╧═══════╧═══════╧════════╧═══════════

═════════════╤════════════════════════════════════════════════════════════════════ │ 2D BALLOT. STATES. ├───────┬─────────┬──────┬────────┬───────┬──────┬───────┬─────────── │Seward.│Lincoln. │Bates.│Cameron.│McLean.│Chase.│Dayton.│C. M. Clay. ─────────────┼───────┼─────────┼──────┼────────┼───────┼──────┼───────┼─────────── Maine │ 10 │ 6 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― New Hampshire│ 1 │ 9 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― Vermont │ ―― │ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― Massachusetts│ 22 │ 4 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― Rhode Island │ ―― │ 3 │ ―― │ ―― │ 2 │ 3 │ ―― │ ―― Connecticut │ ―― │ 4 │ 4 │ ―― │ ―― │ 2 │ ―― │ 2 New York │ 70 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― New Jersey │ 4 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 10 │ ―― Pennsylvania │ 2-1/2│ 48 │ ―― │ 1 │ 2-1/2│ ―― │ ―― │ ―― Maryland │ 3 │ ―― │ 8 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― Delaware │ ―― │ 6 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― Virginia │ 8 │ 14 │ ―― │ 1 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― Kentucky │ 7 │ 9 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 6 │ ―― │ ―― Ohio │ ―― │ 14 │ ―― │ ―― │ 3 │ 29 │ ―― │ ―― Indiana │ ―― │ 26 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― Missouri │ ―― │ ―― │ 18 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― Michigan │ 12 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― Illinois │ ―― │ 22 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― Texas │ 6 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― Wisconsin │ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― Iowa │ 2 │ 5 │ ―― │ ―― │ 1/2 │ 1/2 │ ―― │ ―― California │ 8 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― Minnesota │ 8 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― Oregon │ ―― │ ―― │ 5 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― Kansas │ 6 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― Nebraska │ 3 │ 1 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 2 │ ―― │ ―― Dist. of │ │ │ │ │ │ │ │ Columbia│ 2 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ├───────┼─────────┼──────┼────────┼───────┼──────┼───────┼─────────── Totals │184-1/2│ 181 │ 35 │ 2 │ 8 │42-1/2│ 10 │ 2 ═════════════╧═══════╧═════════╧══════╧════════╧═══════╧══════╧═══════╧═══════════