Chapter 30 of 48 · 3794 words · ~19 min read

Part 30

But for the assurance that the army and navy would sustain the returning boards of those States in whatever they did under color of law, the reversal of the popular vote never could have been accomplished. The State of Florida was manipulated by Robert W. Mackey, who was the most accomplished politician the Republicans have ever produced in Pennsylvania. He was apparently dying of consumption for ten years, and when it became necessary to send some competent man to handle Florida, he was selected. He started on his mission, and his racking cough and general consumptive features gave plausibility to the statement that he was going South to nurse his health. Two Democratic visiting committeemen were on the same train, and he overheard them mature their plans to hold the State for Tilden. He telegraphed to C. D. Brigham, who had been a prominent editor and Republican politician in Pittsburg, but who then resided in Florida, to meet him at the station, and before the Democrats attempted to carry their plans into execution they were completely blocked by Mackey, who could summon all the Federal officials to his aid.

Governor Curtin and Senator Sherman met face to face at New Orleans in the struggle to win the electoral vote of Louisiana, and at one stage of the battle Tilden could have secured the vote by telegraphing a single word to Curtin; but Tilden seemed to have lost his cunning, and hesitation was exhibited by him at every stage of the conflict when the promptest action was indispensable. I visited him at his home in Gramercy Park when the contest was on at white heat, and was amazed to find his table covered with legal briefs, as though his election depended upon the law that would govern before a competent and impartial judicial tribunal. He permitted himself and his friends to become involved in a compromising way in the Oregon dispute for a single elector, and had the same method been adopted in Louisiana, he would have won. Instead of discussing the situation as it was, he presented to me elaborate arguments to show how it should be, and I could not refrain from reminding him that he was not dealing with judicial tribunals nor with honest men, and that he must either meet them on their own ground and with their own weapons or he must fall in the fight. He seemed to be utterly bewildered, and the man who had organized his nomination and election with consummate skill shrivelled up into pitiable indecision and inaction when he had the power to cast the die for or against himself.

The severe strain upon the popular sentiment of the country that had given Tilden 250,000 majority for President was greatly tempered, especially in the South, by a very shrewd movement planned early in the after-election contest to conciliate the leading people of the South. They received positive assurances from men very close to Hayes, and who gave the assurance of Hayes’s approval of the movement, that if Hayes should be inaugurated President without violence the State governments of Louisiana, Florida, and South Carolina would be given to the Democrats. That Hayes approved of the plan is evidenced by the fact that after he became President he stood resolutely by the promise made by his friends to give the Democrats control of the governments of those States.

There was not serious friction in Florida; the Democratic candidate for Governor was allowed to be inaugurated on a returned majority of 195 as given by the Supreme Court. In South Carolina the face of the returns gave Wade Hampton 1134 majority for Governor, with about a like majority for the Democratic Presidential electors, but the Returning Board threw out Democratic counties and returned Chamberlain, Republican, as elected Governor by a majority of 3433, and gave the Republican electors majorities ranging from 600 to 900.

Two Legislatures were organized and two claimants for the Governorship were qualified, but after a long siege, in which the friends of Hampton were with difficulty restrained from taking violent possession of the Capitol, the Republicans gave up the contest, as they discovered that President Hayes would not support them, and Hampton and his associate Democratic candidates and a Democratic Legislature were accepted.

The great battle was made in Louisiana, where the Returning Board gave Hayes the State by a majority of 4807, and declared the Republican electors chosen by about the same majority. The face of the returns gave a majority of 7876 for Tilden and 8101 for Nichols, Democratic candidate for Governor. There, as in South Carolina, two Governors were qualified and two Legislatures organized, and Stephen B. Packard, who had been counted in as the Republican Governor, and had been largely instrumental in giving the electoral vote to Hayes, and thereby electing him, demanded that the President should sustain him, logically insisting that if Hayes was elected Packard was elected, and that if Packard must go out Hayes must go out with him.

The faith of the President and his friends were pledged to the people of property in Louisiana that they should have their own State government, but it was a most difficult obligation to discharge. Finally, the President appointed a committee of eminent Republicans, two of whom were the present Senator Hawley, of Connecticut, and ex-Attorney-General Wayne MacVeagh, of Washington, to go to New Orleans and solve the problem. The first necessity to accomplish that result was to withdraw enough Senators and Representatives from the Packard Legislature to the Nichols Legislature to give Nichols a quorum in both houses of undisputed legislators, as that would leave Packard without a Legislature and clothe Nichols’s government with all the ceremony of law.

Many of the Packard legislators were negroes, and most of them commercial. The change could be effected only by purchase, in which the Hawley and MacVeagh committee had no part. There were enough and to spare of Packard legislators who were willing to sell out, but the Democrats were impoverished and could not raise money to buy them. One of the active men in the movement was Duncan F. Kenner, one of the most prominent men in the State for many years, and among the Senators in the market was one of his former slaves, who demanded a high price. The State had been desolated, business paralyzed, and the people of Louisiana had not recovered from the universal waste of war, and while they were more than willing to buy enough of the Packard men to give Nichols the Legislature, they were absolutely without the means to do it.

In this emergency the Louisiana Lottery Company came forward and proposed to furnish the citizens of New Orleans, who were managing the movement, all the money they needed on condition that when the Democrats came into power and amended the Constitution, they should give the Louisiana Lottery a twenty-five-year charter in the Constitution. It was a hard bargain, but as they could do no better they accepted the proffer, and a very large sum of money was thus furnished and paid to the negroes and carpet-bag legislators, who were very glad to get under cover with cash in their pockets, knowing that the end of carpet-bag rule was near at hand. Packard finally found himself abandoned by a majority of the undisputed Senators and Representatives. His administration thus ended, and the promise of the friends of Hayes, which Hayes manfully sustained, was fully performed, and the property people of the South were given their right to govern their own States as the price of assenting to Hayes as President.

The Nichols government kept faith with the Louisiana Lottery Company, and the people of Louisiana have ever since been unjustly criticised as the only State in the Union that gave the highest possible charter to a lottery company, as they could not explain the inexorable conditions which compelled them to do it. This was the last act of the great political drama of 1876–77 that made Rutherford B. Hayes President.

The action of Tilden defeating Chase in the Democratic convention of 1868 had its sequel with mingled romance and reality in the defeat of Tilden for the Presidency in 1877, when the vote of Louisiana was passed upon by the Senate. Kate Chase Sprague was the most brilliant woman in Washington society during the war period, and in every way one of the most attractive. Her home in Washington was the centre of the most accomplished men in public life, and among them was Roscoe Conkling, the ablest of the Republican Senators. The contest for the Presidency before the Electoral Commission in 1876–77 turned on the vote of Louisiana, and it required the approving vote of the Senate to give the electoral vote of that State to Hayes. Had it been given to Tilden, he would have been the President. Many believed that Hayes had not been elected and should not be declared elected, and among those who shared that conviction was Mr. Conkling, although he did not publicly express it.

The Senate was carefully canvassed, and enough Republican votes were marshalled to throw the vote of the Senate in favor of Tilden on the Louisiana issue if Conkling would lead in support of that policy, and it was understood that he had agreed to do so. When the crucial time came Conkling did not appear at all, and the anti-Hayes Republicans, being without a leader, fell back to their party lines and gave the vote of the State and the Presidential certificate to Hayes. It is an open secret that Conkling resolved his doubts as urged by Mrs. Sprague, who thereby avenged the defeat of her father in the Democratic nomination of 1868, that had been accomplished by Tilden; and thus Tilden lost the Presidency, to which he had been elected by a popular majority of over 250,000.

THE GARFIELD-HANCOCK CONTEST

1880

The greatest battle ever fought in a national convention was witnessed at Chicago where the Republican National Convention met on June 2, 1880. Grant had made his journey around the world, received the homage of the highest rulers of every clime, and returned to be greeted with a degree of popular enthusiasm that had never before been given to any citizen of the Republic. During Grant’s absence his friends had made tireless efforts to organize his forces in all the States, and the friends of Blaine, who fought this battle royal with the friends of Grant, had been equally earnest and ceaseless to give Blaine the victory. It was indeed a battle of giants, and the auditorium in which the convention was held was the most impressive picture I have ever witnessed. There were not less than ten thousand spectators in addition to the full delegations and alternates from the States. Neither of the opposing chieftains ever had a majority in the body, but for a week they stood up face to face with unbroken lines and belligerent leaders in hand-to-hand conflict.

Among the delegates were Conkling, Garfield, Harrison, Logan, and many other conspicuous and able leaders of the opposing factions. Blaine’s people, with the aid of the field, weakened Grant’s lines by preventing the unit rule in any delegation, whereby Grant lost a considerable number of votes in New York, Pennsylvania, and other States. That was a test of the distinctive Grant strength in the body. Conkling opened the nominations by presenting the name of Grant, and he did it in imperial grandeur and with a degree of eloquence that was most impressive. Next to the speech of Ingersoll, who nominated Blaine in 1876, Conkling’s appeal for the nomination of Grant will stand as the ablest of all the many able deliverances in the history of American politics. I sat quite close to him on the platform when he delivered it, and he was a most interesting study. Had he been as discreet as he was eloquent, it would have been a perfect exhibition of impressive oratory; but Conkling was inspired not only by his love of Grant, but more influenced than he confessed to himself by an intense hatred of Blaine, that he cherished until his death.

[Illustration: JAMES A. GARFIELD]

He mortally offended every friend of Blaine, and thereby made it impossible even to win the hesitating men in the Blaine ranks by his keen and pungent fling at the delegates who disregarded their instructions to vote as a unit for Grant, and by his aggressive assault upon Blaine when he referred to Grant as a candidate “without patronage, without emissaries, without committees, without bureaus, without telegraph wires running from his house to this convention or running from his house anywhere.” Unlike the Ingersoll speech nominating Blaine in 1876, the speech of Conkling, able, eloquent, and grand as it was, left Grant weaker, instead of stronger.

Very general interest centred in General Garfield, who was at the head of the Ohio delegation, that was instructed for Senator Sherman for President. Garfield knew the situation; he knew that a third candidate must eventually be accepted, and he illy concealed his efforts to advance himself, while ostensibly struggling for Sherman. His speech nominating Sherman was a plea for peace rather than an aggressive presentation of Sherman’s claims, and it was well understood that his plea for peace was, in fact, a plea for himself. At various stages of the balloting tidal waves of enthusiasm would start for Garfield, and he narrowly escaped a spontaneous nomination. He was personally very popular, of imposing presence, a most accomplished speaker, and he was finally accepted by the friends of Blaine because he was not the partisan of either Blaine or Grant, and also because they could certainly win with him, and thus defeat Grant.

The convention became weary of what was evidently an equal contest between the Grant and Blaine forces, and all who were not intensely enlisted in the factional fight were glad to end the bitter struggle by accepting Garfield. Grant’s memorable 306 stood by him and never lowered their flag until they were defeated and fell with their faces to the foe.

Senator Hoar, of Massachusetts, was the permanent president of the convention, and it was a battle of giants, lasting well in to the second week. Mr. Joy, who presented the name of Blaine to the convention, grievously disappointed the friends of the Plumed Knight. His advocacy of his chief was tame compared with the masterly orations of Conkling and Garfield, but his friends were in admirable fighting trim, and no such heroic struggle as that between Blaine and Grant has ever been recorded in the history of American politics. Conkling was chairman of his delegation, and was offensively imperious in every announcement that he made to the convention. His delegation had been instructed to vote a unit for Grant, but the convention had unshackled the delegates by allowing each one to cast his vote according to his choice, and Conkling in announcing the vote for Blaine in New York always did it with a sneer, and often with offensive expression. A ballot was not reached until Monday of the second week in the convention, and for two days the extraordinary spectacle was presented of Grant and Blaine holding their forces with but little variation, until the Blaine column finally broke for Garfield. The following table presents the ballots in detail:

════════╤═════════╤═════════╤════════╤════════╤══════════╤═════════╤═══════╤══════════╤═════════╤═════════╤══════════╤═════════╤═════════╤═════════╤══════╤════════════ BALLOTS.│ James A.│ Ulysses │James G.│ John │ Elihu B. │George F.│William│Rutherford│George W.│ Roscoe │ John F. │ Edmund │Philip H.│Benjamin │Total.│ Necessary │Garfield.│S. Grant.│Blaine. │Sherman.│Washburne.│Edmunds. │Windom.│B. Hayes. │McCrary. │Conkling.│Hartranft.│J. Davis.│Sheridan.│Harrison.│ │to a choice. ────────┼─────────┼─────────┼────────┼────────┼──────────┼─────────┼───────┼──────────┼─────────┼─────────┼──────────┼─────────┼─────────┼─────────┼──────┼──────────── 1st │ ―― │ 304 │ 284 │ 93 │ 31 │ 34 │ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 755 │ 378 2d │ 1 │ 305 │ 282 │ 94 │ 31 │ 32 │ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 755 │ 378 3d │ 1 │ 305 │ 282 │ 93 │ 31 │ 32 │ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 1 │ 755 │ 378 4th │ 1 │ 305 │ 281 │ 95 │ 31 │ 32 │ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 1 │ 755 │ 378 5th │ 1 │ 305 │ 281 │ 95 │ 31 │ 32 │ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 1 │ 755 │ 378 6th │ 2 │ 305 │ 280 │ 95 │ 31 │ 32 │ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 755 │ 378 7th │ 2 │ 305 │ 281 │ 94 │ 31 │ 32 │ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 755 │ 378 8th │ 1 │ 306 │ 284 │ 91 │ 32 │ 31 │ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 755 │ 378 9th │ 2 │ 308 │ 282 │ 90 │ 32 │ 31 │ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 755 │ 378 10th │ 2 │ 305 │ 282 │ 92 │ 32 │ 31 │ 10 │ 1 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 755 │ 378 11th │ 2 │ 305 │ 281 │ 93 │ 32 │ 31 │ 10 │ 1 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 755 │ 378 12th │ 1 │ 304 │ 283 │ 92 │ 33 │ 31 │ 10 │ 1 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 755 │ 378 13th │ 1 │ 305 │ 285 │ 89 │ 33 │ 31 │ 10 │ ―― │ 1 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 755 │ 378 14th │ ―― │ 305 │ 285 │ 89 │ 35 │ 31 │ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 755 │ 378 15th │ ―― │ 309 │ 281 │ 88 │ 36 │ 31 │ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 755 │ 378 16th │ ―― │ 306 │ 283 │ 88 │ 36 │ 31 │ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 754 │ 378 17th │ ―― │ 303 │ 284 │ 90 │ 36 │ 31 │ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 1 │ ―― │ ―― │ 755 │ 378 18th │ ―― │ 305 │ 283 │ 91 │ 35 │ 31 │ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 755 │ 378 19th │ 1 │ 305 │ 279 │ 96 │ 32 │ 31 │ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 1 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 755 │ 378 20th │ 1 │ 308 │ 276 │ 93 │ 35 │ 31 │ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 1 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 755 │ 378 21st │ 1 │ 305 │ 276 │ 96 │ 35 │ 31 │ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 1 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 755 │ 378 22d │ 1 │ 305 │ 275 │ 97 │ 35 │ 31 │ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 1 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 755 │ 378 23d │ 2 │ 304 │ 275 │ 97 │ 36 │ 31 │ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 755 │ 378 24th │ 2 │ 305 │ 279 │ 93 │ 35 │ 31 │ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 755 │ 378 25th │ 2 │ 302 │ 281 │ 94 │ 35 │ 31 │ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 755 │ 378 26th │ 2 │ 303 │ 280 │ 93 │ 36 │ 31 │ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 755 │ 378 27th │ 2 │ 306 │ 277 │ 93 │ 36 │ 31 │ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 755 │ 378 28th │ 2 │ 307 │ 279 │ 91 │ 35 │ 31 │ 10 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 755 │ 378 29th │ 2 │ 305 │ 278 │ 116 │ 35 │ 12 │ 7 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 755 │ 378 30th │ 2 │ 306 │ 279 │ 120 │ 33 │ 11 │ 4 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 1 │ ―― │ 755 │ 378 31st │ 1 │ 308 │ 276 │ 118 │ 37 │ 11 │ 3 │ ―― │ ―― │ 1 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 755 │ 378 32d │ 1 │ 309 │ 270 │ 117 │ 44 │ 11 │ 3 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 755 │ 378 33d │ 1 │ 309 │ 276 │ 110 │ 44 │ 11 │ 4 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 755 │ 378 34th │ 17 │ 312 │ 275 │ 107 │ 30 │ 11 │ 4 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 756 │ 379 35th │ 50 │ 313 │ 257 │ 99 │ 23 │ 11 │ 3 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 756 │ 379 36th │ 399 │ 306 │ 42 │ 3 │ 5 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 755 │ 378 ════════╧═════════╧═════════╧════════╧════════╧══════════╧═════════╧═══════╧══════════╧═════════╧═════════╧══════════╧═════════╧═════════╧═════════╧══════╧════════════