Part 4

Displacement 2600 tons. Material of hull Steel. Length 200 ft. Beam 40 ft. Draught 19 ft. Armament (originally) One 10.2-in. Krupp, 25 cals. Two 6-in. Krupp. Eight 3-pdr. Q.F. One 1-pdr. Q.F. (in the top). Four torpedo tubes.

The old 6-in. Krupp are now replaced by a couple of 45-calibre Elswick 6-in. Q.F. for drill purposes. The old 10-in. gun remains, and, being always cocked up in the air at an extreme elevation, is the most noticeable and characteristic feature of this ship, which every Japanese regards as a standing joke. An enormous dragon adorns each broadside. Japanese officers who come to Portsmouth always, by the way, christen our Hero “the British Ping Yen.”

The Ping Yuen was begun as a 16-knot, 2850-ton ship, a copy in fine of the Stettin-built King Yuen. In an early stage of construction, however, her length was much reduced, _for economical reasons_. She appears to have had much the same machinery as the King Yuen originally. This, however, was tinkered in fitting, and some of her boilers were stolen, or otherwise dispensed with! On trial she made 10.5 knots for a short period, but, after being taken care of by the Chinese, soon sank below that modest speed. It is doubtful whether she made as much as 6 knots at Yalu.

There is a 2-in. steel protective deck in places; amidships and under water there is a small patch of 8-in. compound armour. The barbette is a 5-in. strip of armour; the conning-tower has the same thickness. A thin shield—removed during the war—covers the big gun.

On June 3, 1890, the third-class cruiser Chiyoda, built to replace the lost Unebi, took the water at Clydebank. Particulars of her are as follows:—

Displacement 2450 tons. Material of hull Steel. Length 308 ft. Beam 43 ft. Draught (maximum) 17 feet. Armament Ten 4.7-in. Q.F. 40 cals. Fourteen 3-pdr. Q.F. Three Gatlings. Three torpedo tubes (of which one is fixed in the bow). Horse-power 5600. Trial speed 19 knots. Engines Two sets, triple expansion. Boilers Belleville. Complement 350. Coal supply 420 tons.

[Illustration: HEI YEN.]

[Illustration: CHIYODA. THE CHIYODA AT SEA WITH THE FLEET. 1903.]

She was the first ship in any navy to be fitted with water-tube boilers, which were barely coming into existence in those days. Hers are of the Belleville type.

[Illustration]

For protection she depends on a 4¼-in. chrome steel armour belt, 200 ft. long, amidships. Forward and aft of this is a protective deck 1½ ins. thick on the slopes. Throughout the entire water-line is a cellulose belt, and she is divided into 84 watertight compartments. The guns have no protection beyond the ordinary shields. They are, however, very well disposed.

In 1898 she was practically re-boilered, the old tubes being replaced by some specially large ones, in order to enable her to burn Japanese coal, which sooted the ordinary tubes.

In 1890 the Akitsushima was laid down at Yokosuka. It was at first supposed that she was a sister to the Matsushima. The Yoshino was contracted for at Elswick towards the end of this year. Both were launched in 1892, and commissioned just before the war with China.

The Akitsushima was the last ship to be built in Japan with imported material. She is practically a small copy of the U.S.S. Baltimore. Details of the two, for comparison, are as follows:—

AKITSUSHIMA. BALTIMORE. Displacement 3150 tons. 4600 tons. Material of hull Steel. Steel. Length 302 ft. 328 ft. Beam 43 ft. 48½ ft. Draught 18½ ft. 23 ft. Armament Four 6-in. Q.F. (D). Four 8-in. 25 cals. (C). Six 4.7-in. Q.F. (E). Six 6-in. (D.) Ten 3-pdr. Q.F. Eight small Q.F. Four torpedo tubes. Five torpedo tubes. Horse-power (forced draught) 8400. 10,060. Speed on trial 19 knots. 20.1 knots. Engines Vertical triple Horizontal triple expansion. expansion. Boilers Cylindrical. Four double-ended Scotch. Screws Two. Two. Coal (normal) 500. 400. ” (bunker capacity) 800. 900. Armour deck on slopes 3-in. (_e_). 4-in. (_d_). Other protection Cellulose belt and cofferdam. Complement 330. 395.

[Illustration: [_Photo by favour of Commander Kurri, I.J.N._

AKITSUSHIMA.]

[Illustration]

The Akitsushima mounts 6-in. guns in the foremost and aftermost sponsons; four 4.7-in. are carried amidships, the fifth on the forecastle, and the sixth astern. She has thus a broadside fire of two 6-in. and four 4.7-in., against two 8-in. and three 6-in. in the Baltimore. Assuming that ship’s guns to be now replaced by Q.F., the Akitsushima would bring the equivalent of a 6-in. gun less.

The Yoshino, when new, was the swiftest cruiser in the world, and very few ships are equal to her yet. Particulars of her are:—

Displacement 4150 tons. Material of hull Steel. Length 350 ft. Beam 46 ft. Draught (maximum) 19 ft. Armament Four 6-in. Q.F. Eight 4.7-in. Q.F. Twenty-two 3-pdr. Q.F. Five torpedo tubes (one of them fixed in the bow). Horse-power (forced draught) 15,000. Trial speed 23.031 knots. Engines (Humphrys, Tennant & Co.) Vertical triple expansion. Boilers Cylindrical. Screws Two. Coal (maximum bunker capacity) 1000 tons. Complement 360.

The normal coal supply, at 4150 tons displacement, is about 400 tons. Bunkers are disposed amidships in the usual fashion above the armour deck. Amidships this deck is 4½ ins. thick on the slopes (= _c_) and 2 ins. on the flat. Allowing for the additional resistance of the coal, nothing under a 10-in., or modern 9.2 or 9.4-in., could penetrate to the engine-room, and then only with solid shot. The watertight compartments are exceptionally numerous. With natural draught the ship has made 21.6 knots.

[Illustration]

The 6-in. guns are thus distributed: one on the forecastle, one on the poop, the other two in the foremost sponsons. The other broadside guns are 4.7-in. and 3-pounders. The bow and stern chasers have an arc of fire of 270 degrees, the 6-in. guns in sponsons fire 3 degrees across the bow and 60 degrees abaft it.

[Illustration: _Photo by Sir W. G. Armstrong, Mitchell & Co., Ltd., Elswick._

YOSHINO.]

The aftermost 4.7-in. fire 3 degrees across the stern and 60 degrees before it. The broadside guns have an arc of about 120 degrees. Each of the fighting-tops carries a couple of 3-pounder Q.F., four on each bridge, two under the forecastle forward, two under the poop well aft, the remaining six between the guns amidships.

Towards the end of 1893 a violent agitation against the Navy filled the Japanese newspapers. The existing types of ships—particularly the Chiyoda and Itsukushima class—were unfavourably criticised. The _personnel_ was not free from these attacks; it was in some quarters demonstrated useless and inefficient. In the midst of these attacks the war with China loomed and broke out. After that war nothing further was heard on the subject of the _personnel’s_ “defects.”

The primary result of the agitation was a new shipbuilding programme. The only ships actually under construction at that time were the Suma, building at Yokosuka, and laid down in March, 1893, and the Tatsuta, ordered to replace the lost Tschishima, building at Elswick. The new programme embodied “two first-class battleships of the most powerful type,” a cruiser at Yokosuka of the Suma type, and a sloop Miyako, laid down at Kuré in 1894. This programme was also a subject of attack in a portion of the Japanese press.

Before, however, anything could be done, the battle of Asan and the affair of the Kow-shing precipitated the war with China. Consequently, on the outbreak of war, the Tatsuta, launched at Elswick on April 6, 1894, and hastily completed in August of the same year, was stopped as contraband on her way out at Aden.

The Tatsuta is a torpedo gunboat. Particulars as follows:—

Displacement 875 tons. Material of hull Steel. Length 240 ft. Beam 27½ ft. Draught (mean) 9½ ft. Armament Two 4.7-in. Q.F. Four 3-pdr. Q.F. Five torpedo tubes (one fixed in bow, the others in pairs— a pair on each quarter). Horse-power (forced draught) 5500. Trial speed 21 knots. Engines (Hawthorn, Leslie & Co.) Vertical triple expansion. Screws Two. Coal supply (normal) 188 tons. ” ” (maximum capacity) 200 tons. Complement 100 men.

[Illustration]

CHAPTER V THE WAR WITH CHINA

Japan was not long in finding uses for her navy.

The massacre of some shipwrecked Japanese in Formosa led to the despatch of a punitive expedition, the expense of which was paid by China, the suzerain, without any too much goodwill.

In 1875 Koreans gave trouble, by attacking a Japanese steamer that had visited one of their ports for coal and provisions, and in the midst of wild excitement a fleet was despatched, which, however, accomplished its object without bloodshed. A commercial treaty was concluded, and Japanese influences once more begun to gain ground in the Hermit Kingdom.

Mention has already been made of the Satsuma clan, whose anti-foreign sentiments had brought them into conflict with the British ten years before. A large portion of this clan were still violently conservative, and Saigo, the then head, having retired from Tokio, set up military schools, which something like 20,000 young Samaurai entered. Owing to his known reactionary ideas, Saigo was naturally viewed with some suspicion, but it is questionable whether he was at first imbued with anything but a strong imperialism. Amongst other things, he advocated the seizure of Korea, which, at that time, could have been done without much opposition, if any, from Russia, then busy over her war with Turkey. The Russian danger crusade was not, however, taken seriously by the people at large, and Saigo, in preaching war with Russia, was regarded as a visionary, crying “wolf” where no wolf was to be found.

On the other hand, war with China was a foregone conclusion for a long time before it occurred. Both China and Japan wanted Korea, and while China claimed a suzerainty over Korea, Japan insisted that it was an independent State. On account of this, strained relations were continual.

In the spring of 1894 an insurrection broke out in Korea, and China, to indicate her suzerainty, despatched troops to quell it. At the same time she sent a Note to the Japanese Government, notifying her intentions, using the term “tributary State” for Korea.

Japan replied by a Note, refusing to accept the “tributary State” expression, and a little later announced her intention of sending 4000 troops to Korea—claiming this as her right under the Chemulpo Convention—which specified that if China sent troops to Korea, Japan might do the like.

China protested, and, after the exchange of many Notes, despatched ten transports full of troops from Taku between July 21 and July 23. She also sent to Asan in Korea the small cruiser Tche Yuen and the gunboat Kuang-ki.

THE BATTLE OF ASAN (PHUNG-DO).

On July 25th the Chinese warships Tche Yuen (Tsi Yuen)[17] and Kwang-Yi (Kuang King), coming from Asan in Korea, with awnings up, and generally unprepared for action, encountered off the island of Phung-do a portion of the Japanese flying squadron, consisting of the Naniwa (Captain Togo),[18] Yoshino (Captain Kawara), and Akitsushima (Captain Kamimura), the Yoshino flying the flag of Rear-Admiral Tsuboi.

[17] Now the Sai Yen.

[18] Admiral in command of the main fleet in February, 1904.

Many accounts of this action have been written. The one I give here differs in many details from the narrative currently accepted; however, it is based on the personal narratives to me of officers of the Japanese ships engaged, and appears to me to afford by far the most reasonable explanation as to how the fight came about.

The Tche Yuen was never a good steering ship, and her steering-gear, which had been for some time in a state of neglect, broke down just about the time the Japanese ships were sighted.

This caused her to alter her course, and she bore down upon the Japanese, coming nearer and nearer. The idea went round that she purposed torpedoing.

Every gun in the Japanese fleet was thereupon laid upon the Tche Yuen’s conning-tower, red flags hoisted, and the Chinese ships ordered to keep off. This the leading vessel, Tche Yuen (Captain Fong), was unable to do, and she pressed so closely on the Naniwa that Captain Togo turned and headed towards her.

The Tche Yuen hoisted a white flag, but still continued to approach. Thereupon the Naniwa opened fire, the other ships following suit. The Japanese version, that the Tche Yuen fired a torpedo first of all, while under the white flag, generally credited, is, on the evidence of Japanese officers, quite incorrect. No torpedo was fired; they expected one—that is all.

The conning-tower of the Tche Yuen was hit five times at the first discharge, the first lieutenant and a sub-lieutenant, who were inside, being killed, though the captain, who stood beside them, was unhurt. He vacated the tower, and gave orders to clear for action. In the circumstances he made a very passable fight for it, despite the subsequent Chinese allegations of cowardice. Caught unprepared, his fighting did not amount to much; but that was a natural sequel to his unpreparedness.

Long before the Chinese could reply, the Japanese, at 3000 yards, had practically put the ship _hors de combat_. A large shell hit the armour-deck, and glancing up, struck the fore-turret, disabling one of the 8-in. guns. All men on deck were killed, wounded, or driven away, and in a little while the fore-turret was again hit and the gun’s crews killed. A shell burst in the funnel base, killing or wounding men in the stokehold, and all the upper works were riddled.

At about this stage the Tche Yuen did what she should have done long before, got the hand-steering wheel going, and, this done, she made off for Wei-hai-wei, keeping up a mild fire on the Japanese ships from her after 6-in. gun. This retreat was the only thing she could do; to remain would have been madness.

The Japanese attempted no pursuit, despite Chinese stories to the contrary. They believed that the Chinese battle-fleet was near by, and were chary accordingly. The only hit obtained by the Tche Yuen was on the Yoshino’s bridge, and this did little harm. On the other hand, the Tche Yuen, though she lost three officers and thirteen men killed, and twenty-five wounded, was not seriously damaged structurally, for within a week she was repaired. She, however, looked a fearful wreck; and an idea obtains that the Japanese thought that the sight of her would have a strong moral effect on the Chinese, which to some extent it did. If so, it was no unwise move; the ship, sound or damaged, could never be a serious enemy to them.

While this was going on the Kuang-Yi, disregarding orders to retire, attempted to charge and torpedo the enemy.[19] In this, of course, she failed, and, being on fire, most of her crew killed or wounded, she ran ashore. What was left of her crew—eighteen men all told—reached the land. The Naniwa, which had engaged the gunboat, continued to pound her, till a torpedo in the stern-tube blew up, and practically destroyed her completely.

[19] See Appendix for Chinese version of this affair.

[Illustration: [_Official photo._

JAPANESE FLEET IN LINE ABREAST OFF CHEMULPO DURING THE WAR.]

This battle, save that it began the war, was a quite unimportant event, and has never been regarded in the Japanese Navy for more than it is worth. It is chiefly interesting on account of the pluck exhibited by the Chinese captain of the Kuang-Yi, and for the fact that in it Togo of the Naniwa first came to the front.

SINKING OF THE KOW-SHING

The Battle of Asan began at 7.5 a.m. on July 25, 1894. It was well over when, at 8.30 a.m., the British-owned transport Kow-shing was sighted in the distance, and at 9.15 a.m. the Naniwa fired two blank charges at her and signalled to her to stop.

The Kow-shing was perfectly well known to the Japanese, Lieutenant Kuroi, of the Intelligence Department, having informed his Government on July 14th that she was chartered as a transport for Chinese troops. She was commanded by Captain Galsworthy of the British mercantile marine, and had on board, besides her officers and crew of 64 men, 1100 Chinese soldiers and the German Von Hannacken, who was in the Chinese service.

The Naniwa ordered the Kow-shing to follow her, and to this capture the captain assented, but the Chinese on board insisted on returning to Taku instead. Four hours were spent in negotiations, at the end of which time Captain Togo advised the Europeans in the Kow-shing to leave. Before this was complied with the Chinese were in a state of mutiny, and Togo, dreading the arrival of the Chinese battle-fleet, gave the order to open fire on the transport. At 1.10 p.m. he fired a torpedo, which missed, and a broadside that hit the Kow-shing in the engine-room. Five minutes later she began to sink, and at 1.46 went under.

Most of the European officers jumped overboard, and the majority were rescued by the Naniwa’s boats. The Chinese on board the sinking ship opened a heavy rifle-fire on everything and everybody. The story that the Japanese fired on the men in the water does not appear to have any foundation in fact. The statement that they did so rests on the authority of the German Von Hannacken, who was hardly in a position to observe the exact facts as he swam to safety. It is probable, and, indeed, to be presumed, that the men on the Naniwa’s tops fired at the Kow-shing, in order to keep down the fire which the Chinese soldiers directed at the Japanese boats sent to pick up the European survivors.

About half the Chinese were picked up by a French gunboat or escaped to the islands; no attempt to save any was made by the Japanese. For this they have received stronger condemnation than they merit. To risk being killed by one lot of the enemy in order to save another lot is not a necessary act in war ethics. This was Captain Togo’s view, situated as he was in a position of considerable danger, owing to the supposed propinquity of the Chinese fleet. From panic, or the idea that the Japanese would give no quarter, the Chinese had to all intents and purposes gone mad _en masse_; and whatever theories armchair critics may evolve, the amount of blame actually due to Captain Togo is of a trifling nature. He had to choose between two evils, and chose the least.

The legality of the attack on the Kow-shing was hotly contested; but in the end it was established that Japan was inside her legal rights. As to the ethics of the matter—well, the moralist who objects is apt to fail to realise that the Kow-shing carried 1100 of the best soldiers China could put in the field, and they had been destined to fight the Naniwa’s countrymen. To allow them to proceed would have been a splendid exhibition of legal-mindedness, but it would also have been a criminally stupid act from the patriotic standpoint.

SUBSEQUENT OPERATIONS

After this there was a lull. The Chinese battle-fleet, led by Admiral Ting in the Ting Yuen, put to sea searching for the Japanese. Ting was anxious to fight, and his _personnel_ was in a good state of efficiency; his _materiel_ was otherwise. Still, at this early stage, had he encountered the Japanese fleet, he was far more likely to have destroyed it than he was later on.

He had, however, to reckon with Li Hung Chang and Loh Feng Lo. These presently ordered him not to cruise east of Wei-hai-wei and the Yalu river; and this order practically put the Chinese fleet out of the operations. It has been stated many times that Li Hung Chang was bribed by the Japanese to give this order, and it is possible that he was. It is more probable, however, that for the Chinese to be defeated was a part of his own peculiar policy.

For some time, therefore, nothing happened. The Japanese feinted at Wei-hai-wei and Port Arthur, but for a good six weeks they spent most of their time in sea work—drilling and preparing for battle. The Chinese ships, on the other hand, lay inactive, steadily deteriorating morally, as inactive ships must.

It was stated in Japan that British cruisers at this time acted as Chinese scouts, giving information as to Japanese movements. It is a difficult matter to authenticate or even to refer to. I have seen Chinese official reports (translated ones) in which two cruisers are specifically mentioned, but a Chinese official report is not necessarily confirmation. There is no question whatever but that the Chinese spread the rumour of British sympathy and benevolent neutrality; it is fairly clear, too, that now and again they obtained information as to Japanese whereabouts from British men-of-war. But it is not proved that this was anything more than in the course of ordinary conversation, and there is no reason whatever to believe that the British Government had a hand in the matter.

VI THE BATTLE OF YALU (HAI YANG)

Japan, having been as good as presented with the command of the sea, swiftly moved an army into Korea. This went on till, in September, China began to realise that if she wished to hold that country she must use the sea as transport. At Ping Yang her land forces had suffered a severe defeat; reinforcements were urgently required. Ting was, therefore, ordered to convey these to the Yalu River.

On Sunday, September 1st, at 1 a.m., Ting sailed from Talien Bay, having with him the Ting Yuen (flag), Chen Yuen, Lai Yuen, King Yuen, Ping Yuen, battleships;[20] and the cruisers Chin Yuen, Chih Yuen, Tche Yuen, Tchao Yong, and Yank Wei; two gunboats, Kuang Kai and Kuang Ping; four “flat-iron” Rendel gunboats; four torpedo boats; and five transports, carrying a thousand men each.

[20] Except in the case of the first two, only by courtesy so called.

Reaching the mouth of the Yalu on the same evening, he sent the transports, under convoy of the Ping Yuen, Kuang Ping, and torpedo boats, up the Yalu River, anchoring twelve miles out with his main fleet.

Early next morning the smoke of the Japanese, burning Takashima coal, was observed on the horizon.

It has never been clearly demonstrated whether the meeting was accidental or designed. The balance of evidence, to my mind, is in favour of the theory that Admiral Ito calculated that the Chinese would, after Ping Yang, send ships to the mouth of the Yalu, conveying troops. That certainly was Admiral Ito’s theory.

The Chinese lay with banked fires. On seeing the Japanese smoke, they got up anchor, and adopted the prearranged battle-formation—line abreast _en échelon_, the centre strong, the wings weak. Line abreast was the best formation for the Chinese fleet, which was best in bow fire, but the weak ends of the wings were a serious error. In addition, the Yang Wei and Tcho Yong were slow at getting up anchor.

The Japanese came along in line ahead, the flying squadron leading the main astern of it.

The rival squadrons were as follows:—

Japan: 8 cruisers, 1 old battleship, 1 old “belted cruiser,” 1 gunboat, and 1 armed liner.

China: 4 battleships, 3 cruisers, 3 gunboats, with (coming from the Yalu) 1 battleship, 1 gunboat, and 2 torpedo boats.

The Japanese fleet fought by signals throughout; the Chinese fought without signals, on a prearranged plan. In _materiel_, so far as ships went, the fleets were about on a par in fighting value. Actually, the Japanese were superior—in part from the possession of Q.F. guns, in part because the Chinese were very badly supplied with shell. Had they had a good supply of shell, there is little question but that, with their preponderance of large calibre guns, they would have destroyed the Japanese fleet, especially as Admiral Ito made a considerable error at the outset.