Part 9

[389] Williams, pp. 188-93; Winslow, pp. 316-62.

[390] Vaughan, p. 54.

[391] There is no information to be gained from early accounts as to what further subdivisions of territory were made or the basis for them. One could speculate that some aspect of land tenure was based on the “winter villages”—that is, a certain territory may have been allotted to the band of co-residence groups who dwelt in adjacent longhouses during the winter.

[392] Occasional unification of the group under a strong leader implies that there were also occasions when it was not so unified, meaning that centralized authority for all Wampanoags as a body was not institutionalized.

[393] Winslow, pp. 360-61.

[394] During the early years of European settlement at Plymouth a sachem called Corbitant was dissatisfied with Massasoit’s friendship with the settlers and plotted to overthrow him.

[395] Winslow, pp. 360-61; Wood, p. 89.

[396] Eliot, p. 139; Gookin, p. 154.

[397] Winslow, pp. 360-61.

[398] Ibid.; Altham, p. 29; Morton, p. 154.

[399] Winslow, pp. 361-62.

[400] Wood, p. 90.

[401] Winslow, p. 362.

[402] Gookin, p. 154; Williams, p. 164; Wood, p. 90.

[403] Winslow, pp. 288, 359-60.

[404] Morton, p. 149; Williams, pp. 152-53.

[405] Ibid.

[406] Possibly the “winter village band” was the group over which this official exercised authority.

[407] Williams, p. 164.

[408] Winslow, pp. 307-8.

[409] Ibid., pp. 364-65; Williams, p. 166.

[410] Winslow, pp. 307-8.

[411] Ibid., p. 168.

[412] Gookin, p. 149.

[413] Williams, p. 102.

[414] Ibid.

[415] Winslow, pp. 364-65; Wood, p. 90.

[416] Williams, p. 57.

[417] Gookin, p. 149.

[418] Winslow, p. 291; Wood, p. 90.

[419] Winslow, pp. 364-65.

[420] Williams, p. 166.

[421] Winslow, pp. 364-65.

[422] Morton, pp. 153-54.

[423] Williams, p. 102; Winslow, pp. 307-8.

[424] Williams, pp. 58, 68; Winslow, pp. 360-61.

[425] Morton, pp. 170-71. What European observers saw as a “royal family” was probably a chiefly clan or lineage.

[426] Wood, p. 74.

[427] Williams, p. 163.

[428] Ibid., p. 178.

[429] Massasoit is said to have had five wives; Altham, p. 29; Wood, p. 91.

[430] Williams, p. 68.

[431] Wood, pp. 77-78.

[432] Ibid.; Williams, pp. 45-46.

[433] Morton, p. 137; Williams, pp. 45-46.

[434] Morton, p. 137; Williams, p. 47.

[435] Wood, pp. 77-78.

[436] Altham, p. 29; Williams, p. 36; Wood, pp. 78-79.

[437] Wood, p. 77.

[438] Winslow, pp. 304-5.

[439] In one case the gift presented was a basket of tobacco and some beads; Ibid., p. 307.

[440] Wood, p. 91.

[441] Williams, p. 169.

[442] Ibid.

[443] Gookin, p. 149; Winslow, p. 364.

[444] Winslow, p. 364.

[445] Ibid.; Williams, p. 168; Wood, p. 91.

[446] Winslow, p. 364.

[447] Gookin, p. 149; Rowlandson, pp. 45-47.

[448] Ibid.; Wood, p. 91.

[449] Thus enhancing wealth and in turn the possibilities for displays of generosity.

[450] Williams, pp. 168-69. This practice is fairly common among pre-literate peoples on a world-wide basis. The reason usually given is the fear that should the mother conceive again before the child is weaned, her milk would dry up.

[451] Ibid., p. 34.

[452] Ibid, pp. 170-71; Morton, pp. 145-46; Winslow, p. 358.

[453] Williams, p. 170.

[454] Winslow, p. 358; Wood, p. 108.

[455] Wood, p. 108.

[456] Ibid.; Morton, p. 147.

[457] Wood, p. 108.

[458] Ibid.

[459] Gookin, p. 149; Williams, p. 59.

[460] Williams, p. 169.

[461] Wood, p. 98.

[462] Ibid., pp. 97-98.

[463] Issack de Rasieres, letter to Samuel Blommaert, in NARRATIVES OF NEW NETHERLANDS, J. Franklin Jameson, ed. (New York, 1909), pp. 113-14.

[464] Winslow, p. 356.

[465] Morton, p. 145; Thomas Shepard, “The Clear Sun-Shine of the Gospel Breaking Forth upon the Indians in New England”, Massachusetts Historical Society, COLLECTIONS, Ser. 3, IV (Boston, 1834), p. 40.

[466] De Rasieres, pp. 113-14.

[467] Winslow, pp. 363-64.

[468] “... they train up the most forward and likeliest boys, from their childhood, in great hardness, and make them abstain from dainty meat, observing divers orders prescribed, to the end that when they are of age, the devil may appear to them; causing to drink the juice of sentry and other bitter herbs, till they cast, which they must disgorge into the platter, and drink again and again, till at length through the extraordinary oppressing of nature, it will seem to be all blood; and this the boys will do with eagerness at the first, and so continue till by reason of faintness, they can scarce stand on their legs, and then must go forth into the cold. Also they beat their shins with sticks, and cause them to run through bushes, stumps and brambles to make them hardy and acceptable to the devil, that in time he may appear unto them.”; Ibid., p. 360.

[469] Ibid., pp. 359-60.

[470] Vaughan, pp. 38-39; Willoughby, p. 287; Wood, pp. 94-95.

[471] Willoughby, p. 285 ff., published a collection of important descriptions of fortifications for the entire New England area.

[472] Williams, p. 99.

[473] Vaughan, p. 39.

[474] Wood, p. 95.

[475] Ibid.

[476] Ibid., p. 89; Vaughan, p. 37; Williams, pp. 201-2.

[477] Rowlandson, pp. 48-49.

[478] Lechford, p. 120; Williams, p. 204; Vaughan, p. 39.

[479] Wood, p. 95.

[480] Williams, p. 204; Vaughan, p. 39.

[481] A skillful conjuror was often called upon to produce such storms; Winslow, p. 366.

[482] Williams, p. 134.

[483] Ibid., pp. 78-80; Wood, p. 95.

[484] Vaughan, pp. 40-41.

[485] Ibid.

[486] Williams, p. 63.

[487] Ibid.

[488] Winslow, pp. 365-66.

[489] Williams, p. 93.

[490] Winslow, pp. 365-66.

[491] Ibid.; Williams, p. 93.

[492] Winslow, pp. 365-66.

[493] There are reports of the use of sweating to alleviate the symptoms of the following: “the French disease”, “plague or smallpox”, “colds, surfeits, sciatica”, “pains fixed in the limbs”; Butler, pp. 12-13; Williams, pp. 211-12.

[494] Gookin, p. 154; Wood, p. 84.

[495] Wood, p. 84.

[496] Frank G. Speck, “Medicine Practices of the Northeastern Algonquians,” PROCEEDINGS OF THE INTERNATIONAL CONGRESS OF AMERICANISTS (Paris, 1917), p. 303.

[497] Williams, p. 78. There is not a great deal of specific information on the herbal remedies used by the Wampanoags and their neighbors. Writing of herbal remedies over the entire Northeastern Algonquian area, Speck notes that there is variation from area to area and probably among curers within a single area as to what herb was used for what symptom.

[498] Gookin, p. 154; Mayhew, letter in “The Light Appearing More and More Towards the Perfect Day, etc.”, Henry Whitfield, compiler, Massachusetts Historical Society, COLLECTIONS, Ser. 3 IV (Boston, 1834) p. 202; Williams, pp. 212-13; Winslow, pp. 357-58; Wood, p. 84.

[499] Williams, p. 210; Winslow, pp. 313, 317-18, 362-63.

[500] Williams, pp. 152, 212-13; Winslow, pp. 357-58.

[501] Wood, pp. 92-93.

[502] Mayhew, p. 202; Williams, p. 152; Winslow, pp. 357-58.

[503] Gookin, p. 154.

[504] Ibid.; Mayhew, p. 202; Williams, pp. 212-13; Winslow, pp. 317-18; Wood, pp. 92-93. Gookin says that there were both male and female powows and that they cured both by magic and by herbal means. Williams states that the powows administered nothing in the course of a cure, but proceeded by verbal means only. In none of the reports that recount the actual actions used by the powow is there any mention of the use of herbal cures as part of the process.

[505] Williams, pp. 212-13.

[506] Winslow, pp. 362-63.

[507] Ibid., p. 359.

[508] B. Bassett, “Fabulous Traditions and Customs of the Indians of Martha’s Vineyard,” Massachusetts Historical Society, COLLECTIONS, Ser. 1, I (Boston, 1792), p. 40.

[509] Williams, p. 210.

[510] Wood, pp. 84-85.

[511] Williams, p. 148.

[512] Ibid., pp. 111, 154; Winslow, p. 356; Wood, pp. 105-6. This interpretation of Wampanoag religious philosophy may reflect the bias of European observers conditioned by their own Christian beliefs and the desire to see parallels to them. In actual fact, Wampanoags seem to have had a concept of multiple souls, and the fate of all these was perhaps not the same, considering the fear they had of spirits of all the dead.

[513] Wood, pp. 104-105.

[514] Ibid.; MOURT’S RELATION, pp. 130-33, 142-43; Williams, pp. 216-18; Willoughby, pp. 233, 237-39, 241-42.

[515] Winslow, p. 363.

[516] Williams, pp. 216-18.

[517] Winslow, p. 363; Morton, pp. 169-170.

[518] Willoughby, p. 233.

[519] Williams, pp. 216-18.

[520] Morton, pp. 170-71.

[521] Ibid.; Wood, p. 104.

[522] Williams, p. 214.

[523] Wood, p. 104.

[524] Morton, p. 133; Winslow, p. 363.

[525] Williams, pp. 216-18. It is likely that considerable of this display was less of what we would call “grief” than an attempt to convince the spirit of the deceased not to linger and trouble those who were close to him in life. Malevolence on the part of spirits of the dead is a typical northern Algonquian pattern, and abandoning the house to trick the spirit of a dead relative is a very common practice in primitive groups throughout the world.

[526] Morton, pp. 170-71; Williams, pp. 71, 214-15; Winslow, p. 362; Wood, p. 104.

[527] Williams, pp. 214-15.

[528] Winslow, p. 363.

[529] Morton, p. 133; Wood, p. 104.

[530] Morton, p. 133; Williams, pp. 35, 216.

[531] Williams, pp. 214-15.

[532] Ibid., p. 34.

[533] John Elliot and Thomas Mayhew, “Tears of Repentance, etc.,” Massachusetts Historical Society, COLLECTIONS, Ser. 3, IV (Boston, 1834) p. 202.

[534] Williams, pp. 82, 150.

[535] Ibid., pp. 114, 128; John Elliot, “The Day Breaking, if not the Sun Rising of the Gospell with the Indians of New England,” Massachusetts Historical Society, COLLECTIONS, Ser. 3, IV (Boston, 1834), p. 19; Elliot and Mayhew, pp. 186, 202; Winslow, pp. 357-58.

[536] Elliot, “The Day Breaking—,” pp. 16, 19; Mayhew and Elliot, p. 186; Williams, pp. 48-49, 154.

[537] Williams, pp. 149-50.

[538] Elliot and Mayhew, p. 202.

[539] Ibid., pp. 186, 202; Williams, p. 152; Winslow, pp. 357-58.

[540] Williams, pp. 114, 128.

[541] Elliot and Mayhew, p. 202.

[542] Morton, pp. 167-68, Williams, pp. 114, 148-49; Winslow, pp. 355-56.

[543] Williams, p. 111.

[544] Winslow, pp. 355-56; Wood, p. 86.

[545] Williams, pp. 157-58; Winslow, pp. 355-56. Morton, pp. 167-68, also recounts a creation story, in which the people so anger Kiehtan that he destroys all that are evil in a flood. Morton’s version sounds like a re-make of the flood story in Genesis. However, a common tale in North American Indian mythology involves the existence of the world in some other state, its destruction and subsequent transformation into its present form. It is impossible to tell from the evidence at hand the extent to which the story’s aboriginal content has been altered through contact with Christian mythology.

[546] Williams, p. 114.

[547] Ibid., p. 148-49; Winslow, pp. 355-56.

[548] Williams, pp. 148-49.

[549] Ibid., p. 151; Winslow, pp. 355-58; Wood, p. 92.

[550] Williams, p. 94.

[551] Ibid, p. 151; Gookin, p. 153; Winslow, pp. 355-56.

[552] Winslow, p. 358-59.

[553] Ibid.

[554] Wood, p. 92.

[555] Williams, pp. 48-49.

[556] Ibid., pp. 34-35.

[557] Ibid.

[558] Ibid., p. 152.

[559] Ibid., pp. 152, 212-13; Winslow, pp. 357-58.

[560] Elliot, “The Day Breaking—,” pp. 19-20.

[561] Morton, pp. 150-52; Winslow, p. 366; Wood, pp. 92-93.

[562] Some of the historical sources and the example of other Algonquian groups suggest that this power varied in its nature from one powow to another, depending upon the kind of spirit which gave it, thus the abilities of powows would vary accordingly as to what sorts of things they were able to do. This in turn was displayed in various individualized types of tricks.

[563] Elliot “The Day Breaking—,” pp. 19-20; Elliot and Mayhew, p. 186. As far as can be ascertained, the role of the powow was not formally hereditary. In practice the office probably remained closely tied to certain families, if only because association and heredity stimulated the appropriate dreams in the offspring of those who were powows.

AN ANNOTATED BIBLIOGRAPHY OF ETHNOGRAPHIC MATERIALS FOR THE PLYMOUTH AREA

1. Allen, Z. NATIVE INDIANS OF AMERICA (Providence, 1881).

Quotes standard primary sources and portrays the Indian as the “first settler” in the New World; nothing new is presented in the way of ethnographic data.

2. Altham, Emmanuel, “Emmanuel Altham to Sir Edward Altham, March 1623/1624; Emmanuel Altham to James Sherley, May, 1624,” letters in James, THREE VISITORS, etc.

Relevant information not extensive; concerns general appearance, polygyny, distribution of Indian settlements in Plymouth region, Massasoit, and Indian guests and their dances on the occasion of Bradford’s wedding.

3. Anonymous, “A Description of Mashpee,” MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS, Series 2, Vol. III, 1846.

A 1767 account of general census and welfare information.

4. Anonymous, “Saconet Indians,” MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS, Series 1, Vol. X, 1809.

18th century population records; no ethnographic information.

5. Archer, Gabriel, Archer’s Narrative of the Gosnold Voyage: (information may be found in H. Howe, PROLOGUE TO NEW ENGLAND).

Contains a brief description of the general appearance of the Nausett Indians in the second year of the 17th. century.

6. Bacon, O. N., A HISTORY OF NATICK (Boston, 1856).

Mentions the historical context of the praying town; no ethnographic information.

7. Badger, Rev. Stephen, “Historical and Characteristic Traits of the American Indians in General and those of the Natick in Particular,” MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS, Series 1, Vol. V, 1835.

A report on the condition of the Indians around Natick in 1797.

8. Bartlett, J. R., ed. “Letters of Roger Williams,” PUBLICATIONS OF THE NARRAGANSETT CLUB, VI, 1874.

The main relevance of these documents is Anglo-Indian relationships.

9. Bassett, B., “Fabulous Traditions and Customs of the Indians of Martha’s Vineyard,” MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS, Series 1, 1792, pp. 139-40.

Contains information on 17th. century curing ritual.

10. Bennett, M. K., “The Food Economy of the New England Indians, 1605-1675,” THE JOURNAL OF POLITICAL ECONOMY, Vol. LXIII, No. 55 (October, 1955) pp. 369-395.

This paper represents an attempt to work out the daily food intake of Indians in southeastern New England in the period 1605-1675. The information for the 17th. century comes from the standard sources—Williams, Morton, Winslow, etc. The attempt at quantification in the absence of much quantitative data of any kind to work from is interesting. Whether or not it is valid may be open to question—probably the guess of an expert is better than anyone else’s.

11. Bradford, William, HISTORY OF PLYMOUTH PLANTATION 1620-1647 (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co. for the Massachusetts Historical Society), 1912.

A basic source; data mainly on appearance, food quest, the introduction of wampum, and diplomacy.

12. Brereton, John, Narrative of the Gosnold Voyage (in Winship, SAILORS’ NARRATIVES, also Howe, Prologue to New England).

Relevant information concerns the Nausett, Wampanoag, and probably Narragansett; data on pipes, tobacco, use of copper, use of snakes, fire-making, cordage, and location of clay. Voyage made in 1602.

13. Bushnell, D. Jr., “The Sloane Collection in the British Museum,” AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST, ns., Vol. 8, 1906, pp. 671-685.

This describes a series of Indian artifacts collected and sent back to England in the 17th. century; provides some basic data on technology that is not present in other sources.

14. Butler, E. L., “Sweathouses in the Southern New England Area,” BULLETIN OF THE MASSACHUSETTS ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY, Vol. VII, (October, 1945) pp. 11-15.

Tabulation of the information, of which there is not a great deal for southern New England, on sweat houses and sweating procedure; also talks about New York and northern New England for comparison.

15. Byers, D. S., “The Environment of the Northeast,” in “Man in Northeastern North America,” Frederick Johnson, ed., PAPERS OF THE ROBERT S. PEABODY FOUNDATION FOR ARCHAEOLOGY, Vol. III (Andover: Philips Academy) 1946.

General outline of the environment; information on distribution of basic materials and animals used by the Indians.

16. de Champlain, Samuel, Narratives (in Winship, SAILORS’ NARRATIVES, & Howe, PROLOGUE TO NEW ENGLAND)

——also see VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN 1604-1618, W. L. Grant, ed. ORIGINAL NARRATIVES OF EARLY AMERICAN HISTORY (New York; Charles Scribner’s Sons) 1970

——and THE WORKS OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN, Vol. I, H. R. Biggar, ed. (Toronto) 1922

——and others.

Narrative of visits to the New England coast in the first decade of the 17th. century. Relevant information concerns Nausetts and Wampanoags—horticulture, food storage, clothing, textiles, housing, settlement pattern, general appearance, weapons, living conditions, and dugout canoes.

17. Chapin, H.M., “Indian Implements found in Rhode Island,” RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS, Vol. XVIII, 1924-25.

A fairly good range of gadgets is shown; illustrations might be useful. Gives location of some soapstone quarries. No evidence given to support the historic and proto-historic attributions given the artifacts.

18. Chapin, H.M., SACHEMS OF THE NARRAGANSETTS (Providence) 1931.

Historical-biographical data; no ethnographic information.

19. Chase H.E., “Notes on the Wampanoag Indians,” ANNUAL REPORT OF THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION for 1883 (Washington, D.C.: The Smithsonian Institution).

Sort of a general 19th. century population survey, together with notes of the location of sites and towns in the 17th. and 18th. centuries. Quotes the standard sources.

20. Cotton, John, “Vocabulary of the Massachusetts (or Natik) Indians,” MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS, Series 3, Vol. II, 1830, pp. 147-257.

Contains lexical data only; no ethnographic information.

21. Davidson, D.S., “Snowshoes,” AMERICAN PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY MEMOIR #6 (Philadelphia: the American Philosophical Society) 1937.

All inclusive on the subject of snowshoes in North America. This is the only reference there seems to be on the style of snowshoes worn by the Wampanoags.

22. Drake, S.G., CHRONICLES OF THE INDIANS (also called OLD INDIAN CHRONICLE in some editions), (Boston: by the author) 1867.

Accounts of King Philip’s War, presumably written by contemporaries; a chronology of events relating to the Indians. The emphasis is historical rather than ethnographic.

23. Drake, S.G., TRAGEDIES OF THE WILDERNESS (also called INDIAN CAPTIVITIES in later editions), (Boston) 1841.

Contains the account of Mrs. Rowlandson, who was captured by the Wampanoags in the time of King Philip’s War. Evidence of residence patterns of polygynous household; also information as to dress at that time. Probably best to disregard some things (such as diet) as not being typical, since the conditions are not normal—this is a group of Indians moving rather rapidly across the landscape much of the time, living off what they can carry and pick up along the way.

24. Elliot, John, “An Account of Indian Churches in New England in a Letter Written A.D. 1673,” MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS, Series 1, Vol. X, pp. 124-29.

Concerns the requirements of Indians for church membership and their practices as members.

25. Elliot, John “The Day Breaking, if not the Sun Rising of the Gospell with the Indians of New England,” MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS, Series 3, Vol IV, 1834, pp. 1-23.

A good account of how shamans are chosen. Recounts the beginnings of Elliot’s missionary work—attitude toward conversion of the Indians, the things Indians were taught about Christianity, the establishment of praying towns, some of the regulations placed upon the way of life of would-be-converts.

26. Elliot, John, A GRAMMAR OF THE MASSACHUSETTS INDIAN LANGUAGE, new edition (Boston) 1822.

Lexical information; no ethnographic data.

27. Elliot, John, THE INDIAN PRIMER (Edinburgh) 1877.

Compiled for use in teaching reading and catechism to Indians by the 17th century missionary. Contains no ethnographic information.

28. Elliot, John, and Thomas Mayhew, “Tears of Repentance: or, A Further Narrative of the Progress of the Gospel Amongst the Indians in New England,” MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS, Series 3, Vol. IV, 1834.

Letters dating ca. 1653; information concerning aboriginal religious beliefs and the way of becoming a powow.

29. Ellis, G.E., “The Indians of Eastern Massachusetts,” MEMORIAL HISTORY OF BOSTON, J. Winsor, ed., Vol I. (Boston) 1880, pp. 241-71.

Deals with the history of Anglo-Indian relationships. Not much ethnographic information.

30. Flannery, R., AN ANALYSIS OF COASTAL ALGONQUIAN CULTURE (Washington, D. C.; The Catholic University of America Press) 1939.

Trait list for southern New England; very complete, but the inclusion of tribes other than those in the immediate Plymouth region—i.e. Connecticut—calls for cross checking before accepting all things as true of local Indians.

31. Freeman, Frederick, CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM, (Cambridge: The Riverside Press) 1878.

Running account of relations between Indians and white men from 1620 to the end of King Philip’s War. Ethnographic information is nonexistent; however, a general picture of Indian-English relationships as they unfolded can be gained.

32. Gookin, Daniel, “Historical Collections of the Indians in New England,” MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS, Series 1, Vol I, 1792.

This is a basic source, covering all aspects of Indian culture. Concerns mainly the Massachusetts.

33. Guernsey, S.J., “Notes on the Exploration of Martha’s Vineyard,” AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST, ns. Vol. XVIII, 1916, pp. 81-97.

Discusses the investigation of some burials and the collection of some typical artifacts (cord and fabric-impressed and incised sherds).

34. Hawley, G., “Mashpee Indians,” MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS, Series 1, Vol. X, 1809, p. 113.

Contains 18th. century population records.

35. Hawley, Rev. Mr., “Account of an Indian Visitation, A.D. 1698,” MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS, Series 1, Vol. X, 1809, p. 129.

Concerns the location and religious conditions of various Indian congregations of 1698.

36. Haynes, H. W., “Agricultural Implements of the New England Indians,” PROCEEDINGS OF THE BOSTON SOCIETY OF NATURAL HISTORY, Vol. XXII, 1883, pp. 437-43.

Discusses shell and stone hoes and spades that might have been used by the Indians in historic times. Information it contains is better gotten in entirety from original sources than piecemeal here.

37. Higginson, F., “New England’s Plantation,” MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS, Series 1, 1806, pp. 117-24.

Brief ethnographic sketch, dealing with appearance, weapons, houses, seasonal mobility, religion, and labor.

38. Howe, Henry F. PROLOGUE TO NEW ENGLAND (New York, Toronto: Farr and Rinehart, Inc.) 1943.

This book covers the voyages of exploration and the accounts of them from the Vikings to the Pilgrims. The author provides continuity and explanatory passages, but there are extensive quotations from original sources, making this an excellent source for such journalists as Verrazano, Champlain, and Smith; most writings by them relevant to the Indians of this area are included.

39. James, Sydney V., Jr., ed., THREE VISITORS TO EARLY PLYMOUTH (Plimoth Plantation) 1963.

Contains the accounts of John Pory, Emmanuel Altham, and Issack de Rasieres.

40. Josselyn, John, “New England’s Rarities Discovered,” TRANSACTIONS AND COLLECTIONS OF THE AMERICAN ANTIQUARIAN SOCIETY, IV., 1860, pp. 130-238.

Main concern is the natural history of the region, but there is a description of the dress (acculturated), ornament, and hairstyle of an “Indian Squa”.

41. Josselyn, John, “Two Voyages to New England,” MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS, Series 3, Vol. III, 1833.

Information on Indian culture not extensive; relevant information covers material for bows and fire-making.

42. Kitteredge, G.L., “Letters of Samuel Lee and Samuell Sewell Relating to New England and the Indians,” PUBLICATIONS OF THE COLONIAL SOCIETY OF MASSACHUSETTS XV, 1912, pp. 142-86.

The letters consist of a series of answers to questions about Indian culture. Unfortunately there is no existing list of the questions. Subjects covered are mainly appearance, matters of health, cures, hygiene, and child care. In many cases the questions asked can be guessed, and the author’s notes as to other primary sources on similar subjects are useful. There is no information not already covered in other standard primary sources, but the information here nicely confirms other writers’ observations. The time of writing is about 1690. The Indian group of main concern is the Narragansett.

43. Knight, M.F., “Wampanoag Indian Tales,” JOURNAL OF AMERICAN FOLKLORE, Vol. XXXVIII, 1925, pp. 134-7.

Information is 19th. and 20th. century; influences of acculturation are obvious.

44. Leach, Douglas Edward, FLINTLOCK AND TOMAHAWK: NEW ENGLAND IN KING PHILIP’S WAR (New York: The Macmillan Company) 1959.

Contains a brief introductory sketch of Indian culture. Population subsistence, houses, physical appearance, division of labor, etc. are treated generally.

45. Lechford, T., PLAIN DEALING OR NEWS FROM NEW ENGLAND, J.H. Trumbull, ed., (Boston: J. K. Wiggin & William Parsons Lunt) 1868.

——also MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY COLLECTIONS, Series 3, Vol. III, 1833.